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COMPLETE WORKS OF 
ABRAHAM LINCOLN 






ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



COMPLETE WORKS 



COMPRISING HIS SPEECHES, LETTERS, STATE 
PAPERS, AND MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS 



EDITED BY 

JOHN G. NICOLAY 



AND JOHN HAY 



VOLUME TWO 




fe a gw^ ji ^^^ * * 



NEW YORK 
THE CENTURY CO. 

1902 



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Copyright, 1894, 

by John G. Nicolat 

and John Hat. 






THE DEVINNB PRESS. 



COMPLETE WORKS OF 
ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



VOLUME TWO 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF 
ABRAHAM LIXCOLX 

March 4, 1861. — First Inaugural Address. 

Felloiv-citkens of the United States: In compliance with a custom 
as oki as the government itself, I appear before yon to address you 
l)rietly, and to take in your presence the oath preseril)ed l)y tlie 
Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President 
''before he enters on the execution of his office." 

I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those 
matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety 
or excitement. 

Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern 
States that by the accession of a Repu))lican administration their 
property and their peace and personal security are to be endan- 
gered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such appre- 
hension. Indeed, the most ample e\T.dence to the contrary has all 
the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found 
in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses 
you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare 
that "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with 
the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I belie^•e 
I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." 
Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge 
that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never 
recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform 
for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear 
and emphatic resolution which I now read: 

Eesolrcd, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and 
especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic 
institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to 
that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our politi- 
cal fabric depend, and we deuoimce the lawless invasion by anned force 
of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as 
among the gravest of crimes. 

I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press 

upon the public attention the most (conclusive evidence of which 

the case is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no 

section are to be in any wise endangered bv the now incoming 

Vol. IL— 1. 



Z LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consif 
tently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will h 
cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, fo 
whatever cause — as cheerfully to one section as to another. 

There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitive.-- 
from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly writte; . 
in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: 

No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereol 
escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulatio. 
therein be discharged from such service or labor, but sliall be deliverei ' 
up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be duel . 

It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by 
those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitivi 
slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members 
of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution — to thi.^ 
provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, tha 
slaves whose cases come "wathin the terms of this clause "shall b( 
delivered up," their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they woulc" 
make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal 
unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good 
that unanimous oath ? 

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should 
be enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that 
difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surren- 
dered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which 
authority it is done. And should any one in any case be content that 
his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as 
to how it shall be kept? 

Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards 
of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be intro- 
duced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a 
slave ? And might it not be well at the same time to i)i'ovide by 
law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which 
guarantees that " the citizen of each State shall be entitled to all 
privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"? 

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and 
with no piirpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hyper- 
critical rules. And while I do not choose now to specify particular 
acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will 
be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to con- 
form to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than 
to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them 
held to be unconstitutional. 

It is seventy- two years since the first inauguration of a President 
under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen differ- 
ent and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, admin- 
istered the executive branch of the government. They have 
conducted it through many perils, and generally Avith great suc- 
cess. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the 
same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under 



I 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 3 

great and peculiar (lifficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, 
heretofore only menaced, is now fonnidal)ly attempted. 

I liold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Consti- 
tution, the Union of these States is i)er})('tual. Perpetuity is im- 
plied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all ujitional 
governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever 
had a. provision in its organic law for its own termination. C-on- 
tiniu^ to execute all the <^xpress provisions of our National Consti- 
tution, and the Union will endure forever — it being impossible to 
destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument 
itself. ... 

Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an 
association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a 
contrac^t, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who 
made it f One party to a contract may violate it — break it, so to 
speak ; l)ut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it f 

Desceiuling from these general principles, we find the proposition 
that, in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by 
the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the 
Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association 
in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of 
Independence in 177(3. It was further matured, and the faith of 
all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it 
should l)e perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. 
And, finallv, in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining and 
estal)lishing the Constituti(Ui was "to form a more perfect Union." 

But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of 
the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than 
before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. 

It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere 
motion can lawf ull.v get out of the Union ; that resolves and or- 
dinances to that effect are legally void ; and that acts of violence, 
within any State or States, against the authority of the United 
States, are insiu-rectionary or revolutionary, according to circum- 
stances. 

I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the 
laws, the Union is unbroken ; and to the extent of my al)ility I shall 
take care, as the Constitution itself expressl.y enjoins u])on me, that 
the laws of the Union be faithfidly executed in all the States. Do- 
ing this I deem to be oidy a simple duty on my part; and I shall 
perform it so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the 
American people, shall withhold the requisite nutans, or in some 
authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be 
regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union 
that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself. 

In doing this there needs to l)e no bloodshed or "sdolence ; and 
there shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. 
The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupv, aiul possess 
the pr<)i)ert.v and places belonging to the government, and to col- 
lect the duties and imjxjsts; but beyond what mav l)e necessary 
for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against 



4 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United 
States, in any interior locality, shall be so great and universal as 
to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal 
offices, there mil be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among 
the people for that object. Wliile the strict legal right may exist 
in the government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the at- 
tempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable 
withal, that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such 
offices. 

The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all 
parts of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall 
have that sense of perfect security which is most favoral)le to calm 
thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed 
unless current events and experience shall show a modification or 
change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best dis- 
cretion will be exercised according to circumstances actually exist- 
ing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the 
national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and 
affections. 

That there are persons in one section or another who seek to 
destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do 
it, I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need 
address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the 
Union may I not speak ? 

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the desti'uction of our 
national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, 
would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it ? Will you 
hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any 
portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, 
while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you 
fly from — Avill you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? 

All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights 
can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written 
in the Constitution, has been denied '? I think not. Happily the 
human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the auda- 
city of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which 
a plainly wi-itten provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. 
If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a mi- 
jiority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might, in a moral 
point of view, justify revolution — certainly would if such a right 
were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights 
,of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by 
:affirmatious and negations, guarantees and prohibitions, in the Con- 
;stitutiou, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no 
organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically appli- 
,cal3le to every question which may occur in practical administra- 
ttion. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable 
length contain, express provisions for all possible questions. Shall 
fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State au- 
thority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress 
prohibit slavery in the Territories 1 The Constitution does not ex- 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 5 

pressly say. Must Congress protect slavery iu the Territories ? The 
Constitution does not expressly say. 

From (piestions of this class spring all our constitutional contro- 
versies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. 
If the niin(n*ity will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the govern- 
ment must cease. There is no other altei-native ; for continuing the 
government is acquiescence on one side or the other. 

If a minority in such cast; will secede rather than acquiesce, they 
make a precedent which in turn will di\'ide and ruin them ; for 
a minority of their own will secede from them wlienover a majority 
refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may 
not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbi- 
trarity secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now 
claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are 
now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. 

Is tliere such perfect identity of interests among the States to 
compose a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent 
renewed secession ? 

Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. 
A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limita- 
tions, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of 
popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a 
free people. Whoever rejects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy 
or to despotism. Unanimity is impossil^le ; the rule of a minority, 
as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible ; so that, re- 
jecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form 
is all that is left. 

I do not forget the position, assumed by some, that constitutional 
questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court ; nor do I deny 
that such decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties 
to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled 
to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all 
other departments of the government. And while it is obviously 
possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, 
still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, 
with the chance that it may be overruled and never l)ecome a pre- 
cedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the e^dls of 
a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must 
confess that if the policy of the government, upon \dtal questions 
affecting the whole people, is to be iirevocably fixed by decisions 
of the Supreme Court, the instiuit they are made, in ordinary liti- 
gation between parties in personal actions, the people will have 
ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically 
resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. 
Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. 
It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases prop- 
erly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek 
to turn their decisions to political purposes. 

One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought 
to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not 
to be extended. This is the only substantial disi>utc. The fugitive- 



6 liETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

slave clause of tlie Constitution, and the law for the suppression 
of the foreign slavQ-trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as 
any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the 
people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the 
people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few 
break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured ; and 
it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections 
than before. The foreign slave-trade, now imperfectly suppressed, 
would be ultimately revived, without restriction, in one section, 
while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not 
be surrendered at all by the other. 

Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove 
our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable 
wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go 
out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other ; but the 
different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but 
remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, 
must continue between them. Is it possil)le, then, to make that 
intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separa- 
tion than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can 
make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between 
aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, 
you cannot fight always ; and wiieu, after much loss on both sides, 
and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions 
as to terms of intercom'se are again upon you. 

This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who in- 
habit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing govern- 
ment, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or 
their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot 
be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are 
desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I 
make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the 
rightfvd authority of the people over the whole sul)ject, to be exer- 
cised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; 
and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than op- 
pose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. 
I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems prefer- 
able, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people 
themselves, instead of only permitting tliem to take or reject prop- 
ositions originated by others not especially chosen for the pur- 
pose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish 
to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to 
the Constitution — which amendment, however, I have not seen — 
has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government 
shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, 
including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruc- 
tion of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak 
of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a 
provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection 
to its being made express and irrevocable. 

The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, 
and they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the sep- 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 7 

aration of the States. The people themselves can do this also if 
tliey ehoose ; but the executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. 
His duty is to administer the present government, as it came to 
his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor. . 

Wliy should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate 
justice of the people "i Is there any better or equal hop(^ in the 
world f In our present differences is either party without faith of 
being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his 
eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours 
of the South, that truth and that justice mil surely i)revail by the 
judgment of this great tribunal of the American people. 

By the frame of the government under which we live, this same 
people have Avisely given their public servants but little power for 
mischief ; and have, with equal wdsdom, provided for the return of 
that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the 
people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by 
any extreme of wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the 
government in the short space of four years. 

My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this 
whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If 
there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which 
you would never take deliberately, that ol)ject will be frustrated 
by taking time ; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such 
of you as are now dissatisfied, still have the old Constitution un- 
impaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing 
under it; while the new administration will have no immediate 
power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you 
who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is 
no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriot- 
ism, Christianity, and a fii'ni reliance on Him who has never yet 
forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best 
way all our present difftculty. 

In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in 
mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will 
not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves 
the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to de- 
stroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to 
" preserve, protect, and defend it." 

I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must 
not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not 
break our bonds of affection. Tlie mystic chords of memory, 
stretchino; from every battle-field and patriot grave to every li\'ing 
heart and hearthstone all over tliis broad land, will yet swell the 
chorus of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by 
the better angels of oiu* natm-e. 



March 4, 1861. — Letter to Wm. H. Seward. 

Executive Mansion, March 4, 18G1. 
My dear Sir : Your note of the 2d instant, asking to withdraw 
your acceptance of my invitation to take charge of the State De- 



8 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

partment, was duly received. It is the subject of tlie most pain- 
ful solicitude with me, and I feel constrained to beg that you will 
countermand the withdrawal. The public interest, I think, de- 
mands that you should; and my personal feelings are deeply 
enlisted in the same direction. Please consider and answer by 

9 A. M. to-morrow. Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 
Hon. William H. Seward. 



March 7, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Seward. 

Executive Chajniber, March 7, 1861. 

3Iy dear Sir : Herewith is the diplomatic address and my reply. 
To whom the reply should be addressed — that is, by what title or 
style — 1 do not quite understand, and therefore I have left it blank. 

Will you please bring with you to-day the message from the War 
Department, with General Scott's note upon it, which we had here 
yesterday ? I msh to examine the general's opinion, which I have 
not yet done. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

Hon. W. H. Seward. 



March 7, 1861. — Reply to the Diplomatic Corps. 

Mr. Figaniere and G-entlemen of the Diplomatic Body.- 

Please accept my sincere thanks for your kind congratulations. 
It affords me pleasure to confii'm the confidence you so generously 
express in the friendly disposition of the United States, through 
me, toward the sovereigns and governments you respectively rep- 
resent. With equal satisfaction I accept the assurance you are 
pleased to give, that the same disposition is reciprocated by jouv 
sovereigns, yom* governments, and yourselves. 

Allow me to express the hope that these friendh' relations may 
remain undisturbed, and also my fervent wishes for the health and 
happiness of yourselves personally. 



March 8, 1861. — Letter to Schuyler Colfax. 

Executive Mansion, March 8, 1861. 
Hon. Schuyler Colfax. 

My dear Sir : Your letter of the 6tli has just been handed me by 
Mr. Baker, of Minnesota. When I said to you the other day that I 
\\dshed to write you a letter, I had reference, of course, to my not 
ha^'ing offered you a calnnet appointment. I meant to say, and 
now do say, you were most honorabty and amply recommended, 
and a tender of the appointment was not withheld, in any part, 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 9 

because of anytliiiiji: liappeinii<>- in 18r)S.i Indeed, I sliould have 
decided as I did easier tliaii I did, liad that matter never existed. 
I had partly made np my mind in favor of Mr. Smith — not con- 
clusively, of course — before your name was mentioned in that 
connection. When you were brought forward I said, " Colfax is a 
young man, is already in position, is running a l)rilliant career, 
and is sure of a bright future in any event ; with Smith, it is now 
or never." I considered either abundantly competent, and decided 
on the ground I have stated. I now have to beg that you will not 
do me the injustice to suppose for a moment that I remember 
anything against you in malice. Yoiu's very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 9, 1861. — Order to General Scott. Drafted by Presi- 
dent Lincoln and signed by the Secretary of War. 

War Department, March 9, 1861. 
Lieutexant-Gteneral Scott. 

2Iy dear Sir : I am directed bj^ the President to say he desires 
you to exercise all jmssible vigilance for the maintenance of all the 
places within the military department of the United States, and to 
promptly call upon all the departments of the government for the 
means necessary to that end. 

[Simon Cajieron.] 



March 9, 1861. — Letter to General Scott. 

Executive Mansion, March 9, 1861. 
Lieutenant-General Scott. 

]][}/ dear Sir : On the 5th instant I received from the Hon. Joseph 
Holt, the then faithful and \dgilant Secretary of War, a letter of 
that date, inclosing a letter and accompanying documents received 
by him on the 4th instant from Major Rol)ert Anderson, command- 
ing Fort Sumter, South Carolina; and copies of all which I now 
transmit. Immediately on receipt of them by me, I transmitted 
the whole to you for your consideration ; and the same day you 
returned the package to me with your opinion indorsed upon it, a 
copy of which opinion I now also transmit to you. Learning from 
you verbally that since then you have given the suliject a more full 
and thorough consideration, you will much oblige me b}' giving 
answers, in writing, to the folloAving interrogatories : 

(1) To what point of time can Major Anderson maintain his 
position at Fort Sumter, without fresh supplies or reinforcement f 

(2) Can you, with all the means now in your control, supply or 
reinforce Fort Sumter within that time ? 

' The allusion here is to tlie fact that in the senatorial campaifrn of 1S58 in Illinois, 
betwei'u Lincoln and Douglas, Mr. Colfax was understood to favor the reelection of 
Doufflas. 



10 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

(3) If uot, what amount of means, and of what description, in 
addition to that ah'eady at your control, would enable you to supply 
and reinforce that fortress within the time "? 

Please answer these, adding such statements, information, and 
counsel as your great skill and experience may suggest. 

Yoiu- obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



March 11, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Seward. 

ExECUTR^ Mansion, March 11, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary of State. 

My dear Sir: What think you of sending ministers at once as 
follows : Dayton to England ; Fremont to France ; Clay to Spain ; 
Corwin to Mexico 1 

We need to have these points guarded as strongly and quickly 
as possible. This is suggestion merely, and not dictation. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



March 13, 1861.— Letter to 



Esq. 



Executive Mansion, March 13, 1861. 



Ml/ dear Sir : You will start for Kansas before I see you again ; 
and when I saw you a moment this morning I forgot to ask you 
about some of the Kansas appointments, which I intended to do. 
If you care much about them, you can write, as I think I shall not 
make the appointments just yet. Yours in haste, 

A. Lincoln. 

March 13, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Seward. 

Executive Mansion, March 13, 1861. 
Hon. W. H. Seward. 

Dear Sir : General Cameron desires that Jacob S. Haldeman 
may be appointed Minister Resident at Sweden and Norway ; and 
I am willing to oblige him, if you see no objection. 

Yom* obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

March 14, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Seward. 

Executive Mansion, March 14, 1861. 
Hon. W. H. Seward. 

Mif dear Sir: Allow me to introduce Mr. F. Hassaurek, one of 
our best German Republican workers in America, residing at Cin- 
cinnati, and of whose character you cannot be ignorant. Please 
give him an interview. Yoirrs truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 11 



March 15, 18G1. — Note asking Cabinet Opinions on 
Fort Sumter. 

Executive Mansion, March 15, 1861. 
The Honorable Secretary of War. 

Ml/ dear Sir : Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort 
Sumter, under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it ? Please 
give me your opinion in writing on this question. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

[Same to other members of the Cabinet.] 

Opinion on Fort Sumter from the Secretary of State. 

Department of State, Washington, 15th March, ISGl. 

The President submits to me the following question — namely : " Assum- 
ing it to be possible to now provision Fort Sumter, under all the circum- 
stances is it wise to attempt it *? " 

If it were possible to peacefully pro\'ision Fort Sumter, of course I 
shoiild answer that it woidd bo both unwise and inhuman not to attempt 
it. But the facts of the case are known to be that the attempt must be 
made with the employment of military and marine force, which would 
provoke combat, and probably initiate a civil war, which the govern- 
ment of the United States would be committed to maintain through aU 
changes to some definite conclusion. 

History must record that a sectional party practically constituting a ma- 
jority of the people of the fifteen slave States, excited to a high state of 
jealous apprehension for the safety of life and property, by impassioned, 
though groundless, appeals went into the late election with a predetermined 
purpose, if unsuccessful at the polls, to raise the standard of secession im- 
mediately afterward, and to separate the slave States, or so many of them 
as could be detached from the Union, and to organize them in a new, 
distinct, and independent Confederacy. That party was unsuccessful at 
the polls. In the frenzy which followed the announcement of their defeat, 
they put the machinery of the State legislatures and conventions into 
motion, and within the period of three months they have succeeded in 
obtaining ordinances of secession by which seven of the slave States have 
seceded and organized a new Confederacy under the name of the Confed- 
erate States of America. These States, finding a large number of the 
mints, custom-houses, forts, and arsenals of the United States situate 
within their limits, unoccupied, undefended, and virtually abandoned by 
the late administration, have seized and appropriated them to their own 
use, and under the same circumstances have seized and approjiriated to 
their own use large amounts of money and other public property of the 
United States, found within their hmits. The people of the other slave 
States, divided and balancing between sympathy with the seceding slave 
States and loyalty to the Union, have been intensely excited, but, at the 
present moment, indicate a disposition to adhere to the Union, if nothing 
extraordinary shall occur to renew excitement and produce ])opular exas- 
peration. This is the stage in this premeditated revolution at which we 
now stand. 

The opening of this painful controvei'sy at once raised the question 
whether it would be for the interest of the country to admit the projected 
dismemberment, with its consequent evils, or whether patriotism and hu- 



12 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

manity require tliat it shall be prevented. As a citizen, my own decision 
on this subject was promptly made — namely, that the Union is inestimable 
and even indispensable to the welfare and liaj)piness of the whole coun- 
try, and to the best interests of mankind. As a statesman in the public 
service, I have not hesitated to assume that the Federal Government is 
committed to maintain, preserve, and defend the Union — peaceably if it 
can, forcibly if it must — to every extremity. Next to disunion itself, I 
regard civil war as the most disastrous and deplorable of national calami- 
ties, and as the most uncertain and fearful of all remedies for political 
disorders. I have, therefore, made it the study and labor of the hour, 
how to save the tJnion from dismemberment by peaceful policy and 
without civil war. 

Influenced by these sentiments, I have felt that it is exceedingly fortu- 
nate that, to a great extent, the Federal Government occupies, thus far, 
not an aggressive attitude, but practically a defensive one, while the 
necessity for action, if civil war is to be initiated, falls on those who seek 
to dismember and subvert this Union. 

It has seemed to me equally fortunate that the disunionists are abso- 
lutely without any justification for their rash and desperate designs. The 
administration of the government had been for a long time virtually in 
their own hands, and controlled and du'ected by themselves, when they 
began the work of revolution. They had, therefore, no other excuse than 
apprehensions of oppression from the new and adverse administration 
which was about to come into power. 

It seems to me, further, to be a matter of good fortune that the new and 
adverse administration must come in with both Houses of Congress con- 
taining majorities opposite to its policy, so that, even if it would, it could 
commit no wrong or injustice against the States which were being madly 
goaded into revolution. Under these circumstances, disunion could have 
no better basis to stand upon than a blind, unreasoning popular excite- 
ment, arising out of a simple and harmless disappointment in a Presiden- 
tial election. That excitement, if it should find no new aliment, must 
soon subside and leave disunion without any real support. On the other 
hand, I have believed firmly that evervAvhere, even in South Carolina, 
devotion to the Union is a profound and permanent national sentiment, 
which, although it may be su^Dpressed and silenced by terror for a time, 
could, if encouraged, be ultimately relied iipon to rally the people of the 
seceding States to reverse, upon due deliberation, aU the popular acts of 
legislatures and conventions by which they were hastily and violently 
committed to disunion. 

The policy of the time, therefore, has seemed to me to consist in con- 
ciliation, which should deny to disunionists any new provocation or ap- 
parent offense, Avliile it would enable the unionists in the slave States to 
maintain, with truth and with effect, that the claims and apprehensions 
put forth by the disunionists are groundless and false. 

I have not been ignoi-ant of the objection that the administration was 
elected through the activity of the Republican party, that it must con- 
tinue to deserve and retain the confidence of that party, while conciliation 
toward the slave States tends to demorahze the Republican party itself, on 
which party the main responsi">jility of maintaining the Union must rest. 

But it has seemed to me a sufficient answer, first, that the administration 
could not demoralize the Republican party without making some sacrifice of 
its essential principles when no such sacrifice is necessary or is anywhere 
authoritatively proposed ; and, secondly, if it be indeed true that pacifica- 
tion is necessary to prevent dismemberment of the Union and civil war, 
or either of them, no patriot and lover of humanity could hesitate to sur- 
render party for the higher interests of country and humanity. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 19 

would of itself be of no practical value, as it is quite clear that Major 
Andt'rson, with his present inadequate force, could not long maintain the 
fort aaf.-iiiist the means of attack now concentrated there. 

As the attempt to supply the fort with provisions without the consent 
of the authorities of South Carolina would doul)tless induce an attack by 
them, the effect of such an attempt, whether successful or not, would be 
the early loss of the fort and the destruction or capture of jMajor Ander- 
son's command. It woukl therefore, in my judgment, be unwise to at- 
tempt to supply the fort with provisions, unless they were sent with such a 
force as would place beyond all doubt or contingency the success of the en- 
terprise, and also with such reinforcements of men as would insure a suc- 
cessful defense of tlie fort against any attack which could be made upon it. 

The occupation of Fort Sumter is not essential to the performance of any 
of the duties imposed upon the government. It cannot be used as a means 
of enforcing the laws, or of compelling the people of South Carolina to per- 
form the duties they owe to the Federal Government. Viewing the ques- 
tion only as a military one, I cannot doubt that it would be expedient to 
abandon a position which can only be held at a great expense of life and 
money, and which, when held, cannot be used as a means of aiding the 
government in the performance of its duties. 

But the most important question connected with this subject is one of 
a political character. The State of South Carolina is in open rebellion 
against the government. Her authorities have seized the public property, 
have wholly disregarded the laws of the United States, and have openly 
defied the government. 

If the evacuation of Fort Sumter could be justly regarded as a measure 
which would even by impHcation sanction the lawless acts of the author- 
ities of that State, or indicate an intention on the part of the govei'nment 
to surrender its constitutional authority over them, or if it could be re- 
garded as an acknowledgment by the government of its inability to enforce 
the laws, I should without hesitation advise that it should be held without 
regard to the sacrifices which its retention might impose. I do not be- 
lieve, however, that the abandomnent of the fort would imply such an 
acknowledgment on the part of the government. There are other means 
by which the power and the honor of the government may he vindicated, 
and which would, in my judgment, be much more effective to compel the 
people of South Carolina to render obedience to the laws, and which would 
at the same time avoid the sacrifice of life which must result iVom a conflict 
under the walls of the fort. 

The comniencement of a civil war would be a calamity greatly to be de- 
plored, and should be avoided if the just authority of the government may 
be maintained without it. If such a conflict should become inevitable, it 
is much better that it should commence by the resistance of the author- 
ities or the people of South Carolina to the legal action of the govern- 
ment in enforcing the laws of the United States. 

The public sentiment of the North would then be imited in the suppoi't 
of the government, and the whole power of the coimtry would be brought 
to its aid. 

If a conflict should be provoked by the attempt to reinforce Fort Sumter, 
a divided sentiment in the North would paralyze the arm of the govern- 
ment, while treason in the Southern States would be openly encouraged 
in the North. It is well known that this question has already l)een nnich 
discussed throughout the country, and that even among the friends of the 
administration, many of tliose Avho demand that the laws shall be enforced 
urge the propriety of the withdrawal of our troops froni Fort Sumter, be- 
lieving tliat the retention of that fort is not essential to the honor of the 
government, or its power to enforce the laws. 



20 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

While the abandonment of the fort would doubtless to some extent create 
surprise and complaint, T believe that public sentiment would fully justify 
the action of the government when the reasons which prompt it shall be 
explained and understood. 

I therefore respectfully answer the inquiry of the President by saying 
that, in my opinion, it would not be wise under all the circumstances to 
attempt to provision Fort Sumter. I am, with respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

Caleb B. Smith. 

Opinion on Fort Sumter from the Postmaster- General. 

Post-Office Department, Washington, March 15, 1861. 

Sir: In reply to your interrogatory, whether in my opinion it is wise to 
provision Fort Sumter under present circumstances, I submit the follow- 
ing considerations in favor of provisioning that fort. 

The ambitious leaders of the late Democratic party have availed them- 
selves of the disappointment attendant upon defeat in the late presi- 
dential election to found a military government in the seceding States. 
To the connivance of the late administration it is due alone that this 
rebeUion has been enabled to attain its present proportions. It has grown 
by this complicity into the form ot an organized government in seven 
States, and up to this moment nothuig has been done to check its progress 
or prevent its being regarded either at home or abroad as a successful 
revolution. Every hour of acquiescence in this condition of things, and 
especially every new conquest made by the rebels, strengthens their hands 
at home and then- claims to recognition as an independent people abroad. 
It has been from the beginning, and still is, treated practically as a lawful 
proceeding, and the honest and Union-loving people in those States must 
by a continuance of this policy become reconciled to the new government, 
and, though founded in wrong, come to regard it as a rightful government. 

I, in common with all my associates in yoiu' council, agree that we must 
look to the people in these States for the overthrow of this rebellion, and 
that it is proper to exercise the powers of the Federal Government only 
so far as to maintain its authority to collect the revenue and maintain pos- 
session of the public property in the States, and that this should be done 
Avith as little bloodshed as possible. How is this to be carried into effect? 
That it is by measui'es that will inspire respect for the power of the gov- 
ernment, and the firmness of those who administer it, does not admit of 
debate. 

It is obvious that rebellion was checked in 1833 by the promptitude of 
the President in taking measures which made it manifest that it could not 
be attempted with impunity, and that it has grown to its present formida- 
ble proportions only because similar measures were not taken. 

The action of the President in 1833 inspired respect, whilst in 1860 the 
rebels were encoiu'aged by the contempt they felt for the incumbent of 
the presidency. 

But it was not alone upon Mr. Buchanan's weakness the rebels relied 
for success. They for the most part believe that tlie Northern men are 
deficient in the courage necessary to maintain the government. It is this 
prevalent error in the South which induces so large a portion of the peo- 
ple there to suspect the good faith of the people of the North, and enables 
the demagogues so successfully to inculcate the notion that the object of 
the Northern people is to abolish slavery, and make the negroes the equals 
of the whites. Doubting the manhood of Northern men, they discredit 
their disclaimers of this purpose to humiliate and injure them. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 21 

Nothing would so surely gain credit for such disclaimers as the mani- 
festation of resolution on the part of the President to maintain the lawful 
authority of the nation. No men or people have so many difficulties as 
those whose firnmess is doubted. 

The evacuation of Fort Sumter, when it is known that it can be pro- 
\dsioned and manned, will convince the rebels that the administration 
lacks firmness, and will, therefore, tend more than any event that has 
happened to embolden them ; and so far from tending to prevent collision, 
will insure it imless all the other forts are evacuated, and all attempts ai*e 
given up to maintain the authority of tlie United States. 

Mr. Buchanan's policy has, I think, rendered coUision almost ine\T.tablc, 
and a continuance of that policy will not only bring it about, but will go 
far to produce a permanent division of the Union. 

This is manifestly the public judgment, which is much more to be relied 
on than that of any individual. I believe Fort Sumter may be pi'ovisioned 
and relieved by Captain Fox with little risk ; and General Scott's opinion, 
that with its war complement there is no force in South Carolina which 
can take it, renders it almost certain that it will not then be attempted. 
This would completely demoralize the rebellion. The impotent rage of 
the rebels, and the outburst of patriotic feehng which woidd foUow this 
achievement, would initiate a reactionary movement thi'oughout the South 
which would speedily overwhelm the traitors. No expense or care should, 
therefore, be spared to achieve this success. 

The appreciation of our stocks will pay for the most la%nsh outlay to 
make it one. 

Nor will the result be materially different to the nation if the attempt 
fails, and its gallant leader and followers are lost. It will in any event 
vindicate the hardy courage of the North, and the determination of the 
people and their President to maintain the authority of the government ; 
and this is all that is wanting, in my judgment, to restore it. 

You should give no thought for the commander and his comrades in 
this enterprise. They willingly take the hazard for the sake of the coun- 
try and the honor which, successful or not, they will receive from you and 
the lovers of free government in all lands. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, 

Youi" obedient servant. 

To THE President. M. Blair. 

Opinion on Fort Sumter from the Attorney -General. 

The President of the United States has i*equested my opinion, in writ- 
ing, upon the following question : 

"Assuming it to be possible to now pro\'ision Fort Sumter, under all 
the cii'cumstances is it wise to attempt it ? " 

This is not a question of lawful right or physical power, but of pru- 
dence and patriotism only. The i-ight is, in my mind, unquestionable, 
and I have no doubt at all that the government has the power and the 
means not only to provision the fort, but also, if the exigency required, 
to man it with its war complement of 050 men, so as to make it im- 
pregnable to any local force that could be brought against it. Assuming 
all this, we come back to the question, " Under all the circumstances, is it 
wise " now to provision the fort ? 

The wisdom of the act must be tested by the value of the object to be 
gained, and l)y the hazards to be encountered in the entei-prise. The ob- 
ject to be gained by the supply of provisiotis is not to strengihen the 
fortress so as to command the harbor and enforce the laws, but only to 



22 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

prolong tlie labors and privations of the brave little garrison that has so 
long held it with patient courage. 

The possession of the fort, as we now hold it, does not enable us to col- 
lect the revenue or enforce the laws of commercial navigation. It may 
indeed involve a point of honor or a point of pride, but I do not see any 
great national interest involved in the bare fact of holding the fort as we 
now hold it — and to hold it at all we must supply it with provisions — and 
it seems to me that we may, in humanity and patriotism, safely waive the 
point of ijride in the consciousness that we have the power, and lack noth- 
ing but the will, to hold Fort Sumter in such condition as to command the 
harbor of Charleston, cut off all its commerce, and even lay the city in 
ashes. 

The hazards to be met are many and obvious. If the attempt be made 
in rapid boats, hght enough to pass the bar in safetj^, still they must pass 
under the fire of Fort Moultrie and the batteries on Morris Island. They 
might possibly escape that danger, but they cannot hope to escape the 
armed guard-boats which ply aU night from the fort to the outer edge of 
the bar. These armed guard-boats would be sure to take or destroy our 
unarmed tugs, unless repelled by force, either from our ships outside the 
bar or from Fort Sumter within — -and that is war. True, war already 
exists by the act of South Carolina ; but this government has thus far 
magnanimously forborne to retort the outrage. And I am willing to for- 
bear yet longer, in the hope of a peaceful solution of oiu" present difficul- 
ties. I am most unwilling to strike — I wiU not say the first blow, for 
South Carolina has already struck that — but I am unwiUiug, ''under all 
the circumstances," at this moment to do any act which may have the sem- 
blance before the world of beginning a civil war, the terrible conse- 
quences of which would, I think, find no parallel in modern times ; for I 
am convinced that flagrant civil war in the Southern States would soon 
become a social war, and that could hardly fail to bring on a servile war, 
the horrors of which need not be dwelt upon. 

To avoid these evils I would make great sacrifices, and Fort Sumter is 
one ; but if war be forced upon us by causeless and pertinacious rebellion, 
I am for resisting it with all the might of the nation. 

I am persuaded, moreover, that in several of the misguided States a 
large proportion of the people are really lovers of the Union, and anxious 
to be safely back under the protection of its flag. A reaction has already 
begun, and if encouraged by wise, moderate, and firm measures on the 
part of this government, I persuade myself that the nation will be restored 
to its integrity without the effusion of blood. 

For these reasons I am wilhng to evacuate Fort Sumter, rather than be 
an active party in the beginning of civil war. The port of Charleston is, 
comparatively, a small thing. If the present difficulties should continue 
and grow, I am convinced that the real struggle will be at the Mississippi ; 
for it is not politically possible for any foreign power to hold the mouth 
of that river against the people of the middle and upper valley. 

If Fort Sumter must be evacuated, then it is my decided opinion that 
the more southern forts, Pickens, Key West, etc., should, without delay, 
be put in condition of easy defense against all assailants j and that the 
whole coast, from South Carolina to Texas, should be as well guarded as 
the power of the navy will enable us. 

Upon the whole, I do not think it wise now to attempt to provision 
Fort Sumter. 

Most respectfully submitted. 

Your obedient servant, 

Ed WD. Bates, 

Attorney- General. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 23 



March IG, 1861. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : Tlie Senate has transmitted to 
nie a copy of the message sent by my predecessor to that body on 
the 21st of February hist, proposing to take its advic-e on the subject 
of a proposition made l)y the British government thi-ough its min- 
ister here to refer the matter in controversy between that govern- 
ment and the government of the United States to the aiOiitrament 
of the King of Sweden and Norway, the King of the Netherlands, 
or the Republic of the Swiss Confederation. 

In that message my predecessor stated that he wished to present 
to the Senate the precise questions following, namely : " Will the 
Senate approve a treaty referring to either of the sovereign ])owers 
above named the dispute now existing between the governments of 
the United States and Great Britain concerning the boundary line 
between Vancouver's Island and the American continent? In case 
the referee shall find himself unable to decide where the line is by 
the description of it in the treaty of June 15, 184G, shall he be 
authorized to establish a line according to the treaty as nearly 
as possible f Which of the three powers named by Great Britain 
as an arbiter shall be chosen by the United States'?" 

I find no reason to disapprove of the course of my predecessor 
in this important matter ; but, on the contrary, I not only shall 
receive the advice of the Senate thereon cheerfully, but I respect- 
fully ask the Senate for theii* advice on the three questions before 
recited. 

Abraham Lmcoijsr. 

Washington, March IG, 1861. 



March 16, 1861. — Reply to the Minister from Nicaragua. 

Mr. Molina: 

I am happy to receive the letters you present, and to recognize 
you, sir, as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of 
Nicaragua near the United States. In conferring a higher rank 
upon you as a token of regard, on the part of the government and 
the people of Nicaragua, toward this countr,y, they have done our 
government and people an honor for which we are truly grateful ; 
wdiile they have also manifested an increased confidence in you, 
which we can attest is deserved; and thereby have done 5H)u a 
distinguished honor upon which we congratulate you. 

On behalf of the United States I fidly reciprocate, toward your 
government and people, the kind wishes and friendly purposes 
you so generously express toward ours. 

Please conmiunicate to His Excellency the President of Nica- 
ragua my high esteem and consideration, and my earnest wish for 
his health, happiness, and long life. 

Be assured, sir, I do not allow myself to doubt that your public 
duties and social intercourse here will be so conducted as to be 



24 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

entirely acceptable to the government and people of the United 
States. 

March 18, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Seward. 

Executive Mansion, March 18, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary of State. 

My dear Sir : I believe it is a necessity with us to make the ap- 
pointments I mentioned last night — that is, Charles F. Adams to 
England, William L. Dayton to France, George P. Marsh to Sar- 
dinia, and Anson Burlingame to Austria. These gentlemen all 
have my highest esteem, but no one of them is originally suggested 
by me except Mr. Da^^on. Mr. Adams I take because you sug- 
gested him, coupled with his eminent fitness for the place. Mr. 
Marsh and Mr. Burlingame I take because of the intense pressure 
of their respective States, and their fitness also. 

The objection to this card is that locally they are so huddled up 
— three being in New England and two from a single State. I have 
considered this, and will not shrink from the responsiliility. This, 
being done, leaves but five full missions undisposed of — Rome, 
China, Brazil, Peru, and Chili. And then what about Carl Schurz ; 
or, in other words, what about our German friends ? 

Shall we put the card through, and arrange the rest afterward? 
What say you ? Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 18, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, March 18, 1861. 

Sir : I shall be oliliged if you will inform me whether any goods, 
wares, and merchandrse subject by law to the payment of duties, 
are now being imported into the United States without such duties 
being paid or secured according to law. And if yea, at what place 
or places, and for what cause, do such duties remain unpaid or 
unsecured ? 

I will also thank you for your opinion whether, as a matter of 
fact, vessels off shore coukf be effectively used to prevent such 
importations, or to enforce the payment or securing of the duties. 
If yea, what number and description of vessels in addition to those 
already in the revenue service would be requisite "? 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln, 

The Honorable Secretary of the Treasury, 



March 18, 1861.— Letter to Secretary Welles, 

Executive Mansion, March 18, 1861. 
Sir: I shall be obliged if you will inform me what amount of 
naval force you could "at once place at the control of the revenue 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 25 

service, and also whether at some distance of time you could so 
place an additional force, and how much i? and at what time? 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 
The Honorable Secretary of the Navy. 



March 18, 1861. — Letter to Attorney-General Bates. 

Executive Mansion, March 18, 1861. 

Sir: I shall be obliged if you will give me your opinion in 
writing whether, under the Constitution and existing laws, the 
executive has power to collect duties on shipboard off shore in 
cases where tlu^r collection in the ordinary way is l)y any cause 
rendered impractical)le. This would include the question of law- 
ful power to prevent the lauding of dutiable goods unless the 
duties "svere paid. Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 

The Honorable Attorney-General. 



March 26, 1861. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States: I have received a copy of the 
resolution of the Senate, passed on the 25th instant, requesting 
me, if in my opinion not incompatible with the pul)lic interest, to 
communicate to the Senate the despatches of Major Robert An- 
derson to the War Department during the time he has been in 
command of Fort Sumter. On examination of the correspondence 
thus called for, I have, with the highest respect for the Senate, 
come to the conclusion that at the present moment the publication 
of it would be inexpedient. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, March 26, 1861. 



March 29, 1861. — Order to the Secretary of War. 

ExECUTR-E Mansion, March 29, 1861. 
Honorable Secretary of War. 

Sir : I desire that an expedition to move by sea be got ready 
to sail as early as the 6th of April next, the whole according to 
memorandum attached, and that you cooperate with the Secretary 
of the Navy for that ol)ject. 

Yom- obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

[Inclostire.] 

Steamers Pocahontas at Norfolk, Pawnee at Washington, Harriet 
Lane at New York, to be under sailing orders for seaj with stores, 
etc., for one month. Three hundred men to be kept ready for 
departure from on board the receiviug-ships at New York. 



26 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

Two hundred men to be ready to leave Grovernor's Island in 
New York. Supplies for twelve months for one hundred men to 
be put in portable shape, ready for instant shipping. A large 
steamer and three tugs conditionally engaged. 



March 29, 1861. — Opinions Written by Members of the Cabinet 
AT the Verbal Request of the President, at a Cabinet Meet- 
ing HELD to Determine the Question of Sending an Expedi- 
tion to Relieve Fort Sumter. 

Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, wrote : 

First The despatch of an expedition to supply or reinforce Sumter 
would provoke an attack, and so involve a war at that point. 

The fact of preparation for such an expedition would inevitably tran- 
spire, and would therefore precipitate the war, and probably defeat the 
object. I do not think it wise to provoke a civil war beginning at Charles- 
ton, and in rescue of an untenable position. 

Therefore I advise against the expedition in every view. 

Second. I woidd call in Captain M. C. Meigs forthwith. Aided by his 
counsel, I would at once, and at every cost, prepare for a war at Pensa- 
cola and Texas: to be taken, however, only as a consequence of maintain- 
ing the possessions and authority of the United States. 

Third. I would instruct Major Anderson to retire from Sumter forth- 
with. 

Mr. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury, wrote : 

If war is to be the consequence of an attempt to provision Fort Sumter, 
war will just as certainly result from the attempt to maintain possession 
of Fort Pickens. 

I am clearly in favor of maintaining Fort Pickens, and just as clearly 
in favor of provisioning Fort Sumter. 

If that attempt be resisted by military force. Fort Sumter should, in my 
judgment, be reinforced. 

If war is to be the result, I perceive no reason why it may not be best 
begun in consequence of military resistance to the eiforts of the adminis- 
tration to sustain troops of the Union, stationed under the authority of 
the government, in a fort of the Union, in the ordinary course of service. 

Mr. "Welles, Secretary of the Navy, wrote : 

I concur in the proposition to send an armed force off Charleston with 
supplies of provisions and reinforcements for the garrison at Fort Sum- 
ter, and of communicating at the proper time the intentions of the gov- 
ernment to provision the fort peaceably if unmolested. There is little 
probability that this will be permitted if the opposing forces can prevent 
it. An attempt to force in provisions without reinforcing the garrison at 
the same time might not be advisable ; but armed resistance to a peace- 
able attempt to send provisions to one of our own forts will justify the 
government in using all the power at its command to reinforce the 
garrison and furnish the necessary supplies. 

Fort Pickens and other places retained should be strengthened by 
additional troops, and, if possible, made impregnable. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 27 

The naval foi-ce in the gulf and on the southern coast should be in- 
creased. Accounts are published that vessels having on board mai'ket- 
able products for the ci-ews of the squadron at Pensacola are seized — the 
inhabitants we know are prohibited from furnishing the shii)s with pi*o- 
visions or water; and the time has arrived when it is the duty of the 
government to assert and maintain its authoi-ity. 

Mr. Smith, Secretary of the Interior, wrote : 

Viewing the question whether Fort Sumter shall be evacuated as a 
political one, I remark that the effect of its evacuation upon th(; public 
mind will depend upon the concurrent and subseqiient action of the 
government. If it shall be understood that by its evacuation we intend 
to acknowledge our inability to enforce the laws, and our intention to 
allow treason and rebellion to run their course, the measure will be ex- 
tremely disastrous and the administration will become very unpopular. 
If, however, the country can be made to understand that the fort is aban- 
doned from necessity, and at the same time Fort Pickens and other forts 
in our possession shall be defended, and the power of the government 
vindicated, the measure will be popular and the country will sustain the 
administration. 

Believing that Fort Sumter cannot be successfully defended, I regard 
its evacuation as a necessity, and I advise that Major Anderson's com- 
mand shall be unconditionally withdi-awn. 

At the same time I would adopt the most vigorous measures for the 
defense of the other forts, and if we have the power I would blockade 
the Southern ports, and enforce the collection of the revenue with all the 
power of the government. 

Mr. Blair, Postmaster-General, wrote : 

First. As regards General Scott, I have no confidence in his judgment 
on tlie questions of the day. His political views control his judgment, 
and his course as remarked on by the President shows that whilst no one 
will question his patriotism, the results are the same as if he was in fact 
traitorous. 

Second. It is acknowledged to be possible to relieve Fort Sumter. It 
ought to be relieved without reference to Pickens or any other possession. 
South Carolina is the head and front of this rebellion, and when that 
State is safely delivered from the authority of the United States it will 
strike a blow against our authority from which it will take us years of 
bloody strife to recover. 

Third. For my own part, I am unwilling to share in the responsibilit; 
of such a policy. 

Mr. Bates, Attorney-General, wi'ote : 

It is my decided opinion that Fort Pickens and Key West ought to be 
reinforced and supplied, so as to look down opposition at all hazards — 
and this whether Fort Sumter bo or be not evacuated. 

It is also my opinion that there ought to be a naval force kept upon the 
southern coast sufficient to command it and, if need be, actually close any 
port that practically ought to be closed, whatever other station is left 
unoccupied. 

It is also my opinion that there ought to be immediately established a 
line of light, fast-running vessels, to pass as rapidly as possible between 



28 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

New York or Norfolk at the North and Key West or other point in the 
gulf at the South. 

As to Fort Sumter, I think the time is come either to evacuate or 
relieve it. 

April 1, 1861. — Order to Lieutenant D. D. Porter. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 1, 1861. 

Lieutenant D. D. Porter will take command of the Steamer Pow- 
hatan, or any other United States steamer ready for sea which he 
may deem most fit for the service to which he has been assigned 
by confidential instructions of this date. 

All officers are commanded to afford him all such facilities as he 
may deem necessary for getting to sea as soon as possible. 

He will select the officers to accompany him. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Recommended, William H. Seward. 

April 1, 1861. — Instructions to Lieutenant D. D. Porter. 

Executive Mansion, April 1, 1861. 
Lieutenant D. D. Porter, United States Navy. 

Sir : You will proceed to New York, and with the least possible 
delay, assuming command of any naval steamer available, proceed 
to Pensacola Harbor, and at any cost or risk prevent any expedition 
from the mainland reaching Fort Pickens or Santa Rosa Island. 

You will exhibit this order to any naval officer at Pensacola, if 
you deem it necessary, after you have established j^ourself within 
the harbor, and will request cooperation by the entrance of at least 
one other steamer. 

This order, its object, and your destination wiU be communicated 
to no person whatever until you reach the harbor of Pensacola. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Recommended, William H. Seward. 

April 1, 1861. — Order to Commandant Andrew H. Foote. 

Navy Department, Washington, April 1, 1861. 
To THE Commandant of the Navy- Yard, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Fit out the Powhatan to go to sea at the earliest possible moment 
under sealed orders. Orders by a confidential messenger go for- 
ward to-morrow. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

April 1, 1861. — Order to Officers of the Army and Navy. 

Washington, Executive Mansion, April 1, 1861. 
All officers of the army and navy to whom this order may be ex- 
hibited will aid by every means in their power the expedition under 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 29 

the command of Colonel Harvey Brown, supplying him with men 
and material, and cooperating with him as he may desire. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



April 1, 1861. — Memorandum from Secretary Seward. 

Some Tlioughts for the President'' s Consideration, April 1, 1861. 

First. We are at the end of a month's admiuistration, and yet without 
a policy either domestic or foreign. 

Second. This, however, is not culpable, and it has even been unavoid- 
able. The presence of the Senate, with the need to meet applications for 
i:)atronag'e, have prevented attention to other and more gi'ave matters. 

Third. But further delay to adopt and prosecute our policies for both 
domestic and foreign affairs would not only bring scandal on the adminis- 
tration, but danger upon the country. 

Fourth. To do this we must dismiss the applicants for office. But 
how '? I suggest that we make the local apj)ointments foi'thwith, lea^^ng 
foreign or general ones for ulterior and occasional action. 

Fifth. The policy at home. I am aware that my views are singular, and 
perhaps not sufficiently explained. My system is built upon this idea as a 
ruling one, namely, that we must 

Change the question before the public from one upon slavery, 
OR about slavery, for a question upon union or disunion : 

In other words, from what would be regarded as a party question, to 
one of patriotism or union. 

The occupation or evacuation of Fort Sumter, although not in fact 
a slavery or a party question, is so regarded. Witness the temper mani- 
fested by the Republicans in the free States, and even by the Union men in 
the South. 

1 would therefore terminate it as a safe means for changing the issue. 
I deem it fortimate that the last administration created the necessity. 

For the rest, I would simultaneously defend and reinforce all tlie ports 
in the gulf, and have the navy recalled from foreign stations to be pre- 
pared for a blockade. Put the island of Key West under martial law. 

This will raise distinctly the question of union or disunion. I would 
maintain every fort and possession in the South. 

FOR FOREIGN NATIONS. 

I would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at 
once. 

I would seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia, and send agents 
into Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous continental 
spirit of independence on this continent against European intervention. 

And, if satisfactory explanations are not received from Spain and France, 

Would convene Congress and declare war against them. 

But whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution 
of it. 

For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it 
incessantly. 

Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in it, or 

Devolve it on some member of his cabinet. Once adopted, debates on 
it must end, and all agree and abide. 

It is not in my especial province ; 

But I neither seek to evade nor assume responsibility. 



30 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

April 1, 1861. — Reply to Secretary Seward's Memorandum. 

Executive Mansion, April 1, 1861. 
Hon. W. H. Seward. 

My dear Sir : Since parting with you I have been considering your 
paper dated this day, and entitled "Some Thoughts for the Presi- 
dent's Consideration." The fii'st proposition in it is, ^^ First, We are 
at the end of a month's administration, and yet without a policy 
either'domestic or foreign." 

At the beginning of that month, in the inaugural, I said : " The 
power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the 
property and phices belonging to the government, and to collect 
the duties and imposts." This had your distinct approval at the 
time; and, taken in connection with the order I immediately gave 
Greneral Scott, directing him to employ every means in his power 
to strengthen and hold the forts, comprises the exact domestic 
policy you now urge, with the single exception that it does not pro- 
pose to abandon Fort Sumter. 

Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement of Fort Sumter 
would be done on a slavery or a party issue, while that of Fort 
Pickens would be on a more national and patriotic one. 

The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly 
brings a new item within the range of our foreign policy ; but up 
to that time we have been preparing circulars and instructions to 
ministers and the like, all in perfect harmony, without even a sug- 
gestion that we had no foreign policy. 

Upon your closing propositions — that ''whatever policy we adopt, 
there must be an energetic prosecution of it. 

" For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and 
direct it incessantly. 

"Either the President must do it himseK, and be all the while 
active in it, or 

" Devolve it on some member of his cabinet. Once adopted, 
debates on it must end, and all agree and abide" — I remark that 
if this must be done, I must do it. When a general line of policy 
is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its being changed 
without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of unnecessary 
debate ; still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and sup- 
pose I am entitled to have, the advice of all the cabinet. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

April 1, 1861. — Letter to General Scott. 

Executive Mansion, April 1, 1861. 
Lieuten ant-General Scott. 

Would it impose too much labor on General Scott to make short 
comprehensive daily reports to me of what occurs in his depart- 
ment, including movements by himseK, and under his orders, and 
the receipt of intelligence I If not, I wUl thank him to do so. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 31 

April 2, 18G1. — Order to Captain Samuel Mercer. _, 
{Confidential.) 

Washington City, April 2, 1861. 
Sir: Circumstances render it uecessai-y to place in eoniinand of 
your ship (and for a special purpose) an oliicer who is fully informed 
and instructed iu relation to the wishes of the j^overnment, and you 
will therefore consider yourself detached. But in taking this step 
the government does not in the least reflect upon your efficiency or 
patriotism; on the contrary, have the fullest confidence in your 
ability to perform any duty required of you. Hoping soon to be 
able to give you a better command than the one you now enjoy, 
and trusting that you will have full confidence in the disj)osition 
of the government toward you, I remain, etc., 

Abrahajm Lincoln. 
Captain S. Mercer, United States Navy. 

April 3, 1861. — Order to Lieutenant-Colonel Keyes. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 3, 1861. 
Lieutenant-Colonel E, D. Keyes, U. S. A., 

Military Secretary. 
You will proceed forthwith to the city of New York, to carry out 
the instructions which you have received here. All requisitions 
made upon officers of the staif by your authority, and all orders 
given by you to any officer of the army in my name, will be 
instantly obeyed. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

April 4, 1861. — Instructions to Major Robert Anderson, 

Drafted by President Lincoln and Signed by the Secretary 

OF War. 
War Department, Washington, April 4, 1861. 

Sir : Your letter of the 1st instant occasions some anxiety to the 
President. 

On the information of Captain Fox, he had supposed you could 
hold out till the 15th instant without any great inconvenience, and 
had prepared an expedition to relieve you before that period. 

Hoping still that you will be able to sustain yourself till the 11th 
or 12th instant, the expedition will go forward, and, finding your 
flag flying, will attempt to provision you, and in case the effort is 
resisted, will endeavor also to reinforce you. 

You will therefore hold out, if possible, till the arrival of the 
expedition. 

It is not, however, the intention of the President to subject your 
command to any danger or hardship beyond what, in your judg- 
ment, would be usual iu military life ; and he has entire confidence 



32 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

that you will act as becomes a patriot and a soldier under all 
circumstances. 

Whenever, if at all, in your judgment, to save yourself and 
command, a capitulation becomes a necessity, you are authorized 
to make it. Respectfully, 

Simon Cameron, Secretary of War. 

To Major Robert Anderson, United States Army. 

[Indorsement in Lincoln's JiancUvriting.] 

This was sent by Captain Talbot on April 6, 1861, to be delivered 
to Major Anderson, if permitted. On reaching Charleston, he was 
refused permission to deliver it to Major Anderson. 

April 6, 1861. — Instructions to R. S. Chev7. 

Drafted by President Lincoln and Signed by the 
Secretary of War. 

Washington, April 6, 1861. 

Sir: You will proceed directly to Charleston, South Carolina; 
and if, on your arrival there, the flag of the United States shall be 
flying over Fort Sumter, and the fort shall not have been attacked, 
you will procure an interview with Governor Pickens, and read to 
him as follows : " I am directed by the President of the United 
States to notify you to expect an attempt •will be made to supply 
Fort Sumter with provisions only ; and that, if such attempt be 
not resisted, no effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition will 
be made without further notice, or in case of an attack upon the 
fort." 

After you shall have read this to Governor Pickens, deliver to 
him the copy of it herein inclosed, and retain this letter yourself. 

But if, on your arrival at Charleston, you shall ascertain that 
Fort Sumter shall have been already evacuated, or surrendered by 
the United States force, or shall have been attacked by an opposing 
force, you will seek no interview with Governor Pickens, but return 
here forthwith. 



April 13, 1861. — Reply to a Committee from the Virginia 

Convention. 

Hon. William Ballard Preston, Alexander H. H. Stuart, 
George W. Randolph, Esq. 

Gentlemen : As a committee of the Virginia Convention now in 
session, you present me a preamble and resolution in these words: 

Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which pre- 
vails in the pubhc mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive in- 
tends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely injurious to the 
industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 33 

excitement wliicli is iiiif;ivorfi1)le to the adjustment of pending difficulties, 
and threatens a (listiirl)ance of the public peace: therefore 

Besolceil, that a committee of three deleti'ates be appointed Ijy this Conven- 
tion to wait upon the President of the United States, pi'esent to him this 
preamble and resolution, and respectfully ask him to communicate to this 
Convention the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue in 
regard to the Confederate States. 

Adopted l)v the Convention of the State of Virginia, Richmond, 
April 8, 18GL 

In answer I have to say that, having at the beginninc: of my 
official term expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, 
it is with deep regret and some mortittcation I now learn that there 
is great and injnrions nncertainty in the public mind as to what 
that policy is, and what course I intend to pursue. Not having as 
yet seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue the 
course marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful 
consideration of the whole document as the best expression I can 
give of my purposes. 

As I then and therein said, I now repeat : " The power confided 
to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and 
places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and 
imposts ; but beyond what is necessarv for these objects, there will 
be no invasion, no using of force against or among the jjeople 
anywhere." By the words " property and places belonging to the 
government," I chiefly allude to the military posts and property 
which were in the i;>ossession of the government w^hen it came 
to my hands. 

But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive 
the United States authority from these places, an unprovoked 
assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at 
liberty to repossess, if I can, like places which had been seized be- 
fore the government was devolved upon me. And in every event 
I shall, to the extent of my ability, repel force by force. In case it 
proves true that Fort Sumter has been assaulted, as is reported, I 
shall perhaps cause the United States mails to be withdrawn from 
all the States which claim to have seceded, belie\ang that the com- 
mencement of actual war against the government justifies and 
possibly demands this. 

I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and prop- 
erty situated within the States which claim to have seceded as yet 
belonging to the government of the United States as much as they 
did before the supposed secession. 

Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to 
collect the duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of 
the country ; not meaning by this, however, that I may not land 
a force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon a border of the 
country. 

From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, 
it must not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole 
of which I reaffirm, except so far as what 1 now say of the mails 
may be regarded as a modification. 
Vol. II.— 3. 



34 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



April 15, 1861.— Proclamation calling 75,000 Militia, and 
Convening Congress in Extra Session, 

By THE President of the United States op America: 
A Proclamation. 

Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time 
past and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in 
the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Missis- 
sippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by comlDinations too powerful to be 
suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by 
the powers vested in the marshals by law : 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and 
the laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, 
the militia of the several States of the Union, to the aggregate 
number of seventy-five thousand, in order to suppress said 
combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed. 

The details for this object will be immediately communicated to 
the State authorities through the War Department. 

I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this 
effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our 
National Union, and the perpetuity of popular government; and 
to redress wrongs already long enough endured. 

I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the 
forces hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, 
places, and property which have been seized from the Union ; and 
in every event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with 
the objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction 
of or interference with property, or any disturbance of peaceful 
citizens in any part of the country. 

And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations 
aforesaid to disperse and retire peacefully to their respective 
abodes within twenty days from date. 

Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an 
extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me 
vested by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. 
Senators and Representatives are therefore summoned to assemble 
at their respective chambers, at twelve o'clock noon, on Thursday, 
the fourth day of July next, then and there to consider and deter- 
mine such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and 
interest may seem to demand. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this 15th day of April, in 
[l. s.] the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- 
one, and of the independence of the United States the 
eighty-fifth. Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



LETTERS AND STATE PArERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 35 

April 19, 18G1. — Proclamation of Blockade. 

By the President of the United States of America : 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas an insurrection against the government of the United 
States has broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, 
Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws 
of the United States for the collection of the revenue cannot be 
effectually executed therein conformably to that provision of the 
Constitution which requii'es duties to be uniform throughout the 
United States: 

And whereas a combination of persons engaged in such insur- 
rection have threatened to grant pretended letters of marque to 
authorize the bearers thereof to commit assaults on the lives, 
vessels, and property of good citizens of the country lawfully en- 
gaged in commerce on the high seas, and in waters of the United 
States: 

And whereas an executive proclamation has been already issued 
requiring the persons engaged in these disorderly proceedings to 
desist therefrom, calling out a militia force for the purpose of re- 
pressing the same, and convening Congress in extraordinary ses- 
sion to deliberate and determine thereon : 

Now, therefore, 1, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States, with a view to the same purposes before mentioned, and to 
the protection of the public peace, and the lives and property of 
quiet and orderly citizens pursuing their lawful occupations, until 
Congress shall have assembled and deliberated on the said unlaw- 
ful proceedings, or until the same shall have ceased, have further 
deemed it advisable to set on foot a blockade of the ports within 
the States aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United States, 
and of the law of nations in such case provided. For this pur- 
pose a competent force will be posted so as to prevent entrance 
and exit of vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, therefore, with a 
view to violate such blockade, a vessel shall approach or shall at- 
tempt to leave either of the said ports, she will be duly warned by 
the commander of one of the blockading vessels, who will indorse 
on her register the fact and date of such warning, and if the same 
vessel shall again attempt to enter or leave the blockaded port, she 
will be captured and sent to the nearest convenient port, for such 
proceedings against her and her cargo, as prize, as may be deemed 
advisable. 

And I hereby proclaim and declare that if any person, under 
the pretended authority of the said States, or under any other pre- 
tense, shall molest a vessel of the United States, or the persons 
or cargo on board of her, such person will be held amenable to 
the laws of the United States for the prevention and }>unishment 
of piracy. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 



36 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

Done at the city of "Washington, this nineteenth day of 
r ' 1 April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
^ ' ■■' and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States 
the eighty-fifth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
By the President : Willmjm H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



April 20, 1861. — Reply to Governor Hicks and Mayor Brown. 

Washington, April 20, 1861. 
OoYEENOR Hicks and Mayor Brown. 

Gentlemen : Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brune is 
received. I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to 
keep the peace in the trying situation in which you are placed. 

For the future troops must be brought here, but I make no point 
of bringing them through Baltimore. Without any military know- 
ledge myself, of course I must leave details to General Scott. He 
hastily said this morning in the presence of these gentlemen, 
" March them around Baltimore, and not through it." I sincerely 
hope the general, on fuller reflection, will consider this practical and 
proper, and that you will not object to it. By this a collision of 
the people of Baltimore with the troops will be avoided, unless 
they go out of their way to seek it. I hope you will exert your 
influence to prevent this. 

Now and ever 1 shall do all in my power for peace consistently 
with the maintenance of the government. 

Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln. 



April 20, 1861. — Telegrajvi to Governor Hicks. 

Washington, April 20, 1861. 
Governor Hicks : 

I desire to consult with you and the mayor of Baltimore relative 
to preserving the peace of Maryland. Please come immediately by 
special train, which you can take at Baltimore ; or, if necessary, 
one can be sent from here. Answer forthwith. 

Lincoln. 

April 22, 1861. — Letter from the Secretary of State to the 
Governor of Maryland. 

Department of State, April 22, 1861. 
His Excellency Thomas H. Hicks, Governor of Maryland. 

Sir: I have the honor to receive your communication of this 
morning, in which you inform me that you had felt it to be your 
duty to advise the President of the LTnited States to order elsewhere 
the troops then off Annapolis, and also that no more may be sent 
(through Maryland ; and that you have further suggested that Lord 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 3/ 

L3'ons be requested to act as mediator between the contending 
parties in onr country, to prevent the effusion of blood. 

The President directs me to aeknowkKl<2:e the receipt of that 
communication, and to assure you that lie has weighed the counsels 
it contains with the respect which he habitually cherishes for the 
chief magistrates of the several States, and especially for yourself. 
He regrets, as deeply as any magistrate or citizen of this country 
can, that demonstrations against the safety of the United States, 
with very extensive preparations for the effusion of blood, have 
nuxde it his duty to call out the forces to which you allude. 

The force now sought to be brought through Maryland is in- 
tended for nothing but the defense of the capital. The President 
has necessai-ily confided the choice of the national highway which 
that force shall take in coming to this city to the lieutenant-general 
commanding the army of the Uuited States, who, like his only pre- 
decessor, isnot less distinguished for his humanity than for his 
loyalty, patriotism, and distinguished public services. 

The' President instructs me to add that the national high- 
way thus selected by the lieutenant-general has been chosen by 
him, upon consultation with prominent magistrates and citizens 
of Maryland, as the one which, while a route is absolutely neces- 
sary, is farthest removed from the populous cities of the State, and 
with the expectation that it would therefore be the least objection- 
able one. 

He cannot but remember that there has been a time in the history 
of our country when a general of the American Union, with forces 
designed for the defense of its capital, was not unwelcome any- 
where in the State of Maryland, and certainly not at Annapolis, 
then, as now, the capital of that patriotic State, and then also one 
of the capitals of the Union. 

If eighty years could have obliterated all the other noble senti- 
ments of that age in Maryland, the President would be hopeful, 
nevertheless, that there is one that would forever remain there and 
everywhere. That sentiment is, that no domestic contention what- 
ever' that may arise among the parties of this republic ought in any 
case to be referred to any foreign arbitrament, least of all to the 
arbitrament of a European monarchy. 

I have the honor to be, with distinguished consideration, your 
Excellency's most obedient servant, 

William H. Seward. 

April 24, 1861.— Letter to Keverdy Johnson. 

{CouJidentiaJ.) 

Executive Mansion, April 24, 1861. 
Hon. Re^^erdy Johnson. 

Ml/ dear Sir: Your note of this morning is just received. I for- 
bore to answer yours of the 22d because of my aversion (which 
I thought you understood) to getting on paper and fm-nishing 
new groun'ds for misunderstanding. I do say the sole purpose 



38 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

of bringing troops here is to defend this capital. I do say I have 
no purpose to invade Virginia with them or any other troops, as I 
understand the word invasion. But, suppose Virginia sends her 
troops, or admits others through her borders, to assail this capital, 
am I not to repel them even to the crossing of the Potomac, if I 
can ? Suppose Virginia erects, or permits to be erected, batteries 
on the opposite shore to bombard the city, are we to stand still and 
see it done ? In a word, if Virginia strikes us, are we not to strike 
back, and as effectively as we can ? Again, are we not to hold 
Fort Monroe (for instance) if we can? I have no objection to de- 
clare a thousand times that I have no purpose to invade Virginia 
or any other State, but I do not mean to let them invade us with- 
out striking back. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

April 25, 1861. — Order to General Scott. 

Washington, April 25, 1861. 
Lieutenant-General Scott. 

My dear Sir : The Maryland legislature assembles to-morrow 
at Annapolis, and not improbably will take action to arm the peo- 
ple of that State against the United States. The question has been 
submitted to and considered by me, whether it would not be justi- 
fiable, upon the ground of necessary defense, for you, as general-in- 
chief of the United States army, to arrest or disperse the members 
of that body. I think it would not be justifiable nor efficient for 
the desired object. 

First, they have a clearly legal right to assemble ; and we cannot 
know in advance that theu' action will not be lawful and peaceful. 
And if we wait until they shall have acted, their arrest or dispersion 
will not lessen the effect of their action. 

Secondly, we cannot permanently prevent theii' action. If we 
arrest them, we cannot long hold them as prisoners ; and, when 
liberated, they will immediately reassemble and take their action ; 
and precisely the same if we simply disperse them — they will im- 
mediately reassemble in some other place. 

I therefore conclude that it is only left to the commanding gen- 
eral to watch and await their action, which, if it shall be to arm 
their people against the United States, he is to adopt the most 
prompt and efftcient means to counteract, even, if necessary, to the 
bombardment of their cities, and, in the extremest necessity, the 
suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. 

Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln. 



April 27, 1861. — Proclamation of Blockade. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, for the reasons assigned in my proclamation of the 

nineteenth instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 39 

Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and 
Texas was ordered to be established : 

And whereas, sin(!e that date, public property of the United 
States has been seized, the collection of the revenue obstructed, and 
duly commissioned officers of the United States, while enj^aovd in 
executing- the orders of their superiors, have been arrested and held 
in custody as prisoners, or have been impeded in the discharji'e of 
their official duties, without due lepxl process, by persons claim- 
ing to act under authorities of the States of Virginia and North 
Carolina : 

An efficient blockade of the ports of those States will also be 
established. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused 
the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-seventh day 
[l S 1 ^^^ -^W^^7 ill tti6 year of oiu- Lord one thousand eight hundred 
'- ' "J and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States 
the eighty-fifth. 

ABRAHA3I Lincoln. 

By the President : Willlui H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



April 27, 18G1. — Order to General Scott. 

To THE Commanding General, Arjmy op the United States. 

You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws 
of the United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any 
military line which is now or which shall be used between the city 
of Philadelphia and the city of Washington you find resistance 
which renders it necessary to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for 
the public safety, you personally, or through the officer in com- 
mand at the point at which resistance occurs, are authorized to 
suspend that writ. 

AbrahajM Lincoln. 

Washington, April 27, 1861. 



May [If] 1861. — Unsigned Draft of Letter to the 
Governor of Tennessee. 

Executive Department, Washington, D. C, May [1 ?] 1861. 
To his Excellency the Governor of the State of Tennessee, 
Nashville, Tenn. 
Sir : Yours of the 29tli ultimo, calling my attention to the sup- 
posed seizure near Cairo, Illinois, of the steamboat C. E. Hill man, 
and claiming that the said lioat and its cargo are the property of 
the State of Tennessee and her citizens, and demanding to kiiow 
whether the seizure was made by the authority of this govennnent, 
or is approved by it, is duly received. In answer I have to say : this 
government has no official information of such seiznre; but, assum- 
ing that such seizure was made, and that the cargo consisted 



40 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

cliiefly of munitions of war owned by the State of Tennessee, and 
passing into the control of its governor, this government avows 
the seizui-e for the following reasons : 

A legal call was recently made upon the said governor of Ten- 
nessee to furnish a quota of militia to suppress an insurrection 
against the United States, which call said governor responded to 
by a refusal couched in disrespectfid. and malicious language. This 
government therefore infers that munitions of war passing into 
the hands of said governor are intended to be used against the 
United States, and the government will not indulge the weakness 
of allowing it so long a"s it is in its power to prevent. This gov- 
ernment will not at present question but that the State of Tennes- 
see, by a large majority of its citizens, is loyal to the Federal Union, 
and the government holds itself responsible, in damages, for all 
injuries it may do to any one who may prove to be such. 



May 1, 1861. — Letter to Major Anderson. 

Washington, D. C, May 1, 1861. 
Ma.jor Robert Anderson. 

My dear Sir: A few days ago I caused an official letter to be 
written to you, through the War Department, expressive of the 
approbation and gratitude I considered due you and your com- 
mand from this government. 

I now wi'ite this as a purely private and social letter to say I 
shall be much gratified to see you here at your earliest convenience, 
when and where I can personally testify my appreciation of your 
services and fidelity, and perhaps explain some things on my part 
which you may not have understood. 

I shall also be very glad to see any of the officers who served 
with you at Fort Sumter, and whom* it might be convenient and 
agreeable for you to invite to accompany you here. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



May 1, 1861.— Letter from the President's Private Secretary 
TO George W. Caldwell. 

{Private.) 

Washington, May 1, 1861. 
George W. Caldwell, Esq. 

Dear Sir : Your letter of the 25th ult., addressed to the President, 
was duly received and considered. Will you please to write to me 
where and how soon (and let the day be an early one) the leading 
and responsible men engaged in your movement can meet together, 
to receive and consult with such gentlemen as the government may 
send to represent its views about the matter. 

Yom-s truly, Jno. G. Nicolay. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 41 

May 1, 1861. — Letter to Gustavus V. Fox. 

Washington, D. C, May 1, 1861. 
Captain G. V. Fox. 

31]/ dear Sir : I sincerely regret that the faihire of the late attempt 
to provision Fort Sumter should be the source of any annoyance 
to you. 

The practieal)ility of your plan was not, in fact, brought to a test. 
By reason of a gale, well known in advance to l)e possil)le and not 
inipr()])al)le, the tugs, an essential part of the i)lan, never reached 
the ground ; while, by an accident for which you were in no wise 
responsible, and possibly I to some extent was, you were deprived 
of a war vessel, with her men, which you deemed of great impor- 
tance to the enterprise. 

I most cheerfully and truly declare that the failure of the under- 
taking has not lowered you a particle, while the qualities you de- 
veloped in the effort have greatly heightened you in my estimation. 

For a daring and dangerous enterprise of a similar character 
you would to-day be the man of all my acquaintances whom I 
would select. You and I both anticipated that the cause of the 
country would be advanced by making the attempt to provision 
Fort Sumter, even if it should fail; and it is no small ccmsohition 
now to feel that om* anticipation is justified by the result. 

Very truly your friend, 

A. Lincoln. 



May 3, 1861. — Proclajmation calling 42,034 Volunteers, etc. 

By the President op the United States op Ajierica: 

A Proclamation. 

^Vllereas existing exigencies demand immediate and adequate 
measui-es for the protection of the National Constitution and the 
preservation of the National Union by the suppression of the insur- 
rectionary combinations now existing in several States for opposing 
the laws of the Union and obstructing the execution thereof, to 
which end a military force, in addition to that called forth by my 
proclamation of the fifteenth day of April in the present year, 
appears to be indispensably necessary: 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, 
and of the Militia of the several States when called into actual 
service, do hereby call into the service of the United States forty- 
two thousand and thirty-four volunteers, to serve for the period of 
three years unless sooner discluirged, and to be mustered into ser- 
vice as infantry and cavalry. The proportions of each arm and the 
detads of enrolment and organization will be made known through 
the Department of War. 

And I also direct that the regular armv of the United States be 



42 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

increased by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one regi- 
ment of cavalr}^, and one regiment of artillery, making altogether 
a maximnm aggregate increase of twenty-two thousand seven hun- 
dred and fourteen officers and enlisted men, the details of which 
increase will also be made known through the Department of War. 

And I fiu-ther direct the enlistment for not less than one nor 
more than three years, of eighteen thousand seamen, in addition to 
the present force, for the naval service of the United States. The 
details of the enlistment and organization will be made known 
through the Department of the Navy. 

The call for volunteers hereby made, and the direction for the in- 
crease of the regular army, and for the enlistment of seamen, hereby 
given, together with the plan of organization adopted for the volun- 
teers and for the regular forces hereby authorized, will be submitted 
to Congress as soon as assembled. 

In the mean time I earnestly invoke the cooperation of all good 
citizens in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual suppres- 
sion of unlawful violence, for the impartial enforcement of consti- 
tutional laws, and for the speediest possible restoration of peace and 
order, and, with these, of happiness and prosperity, throughout the 
country. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused 
the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this thii'd day of May, 
[l. s.] in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States the 
eighty-fifth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



May 6, 1861. — Letter to Vice-President Hamlin. 

Washington, D. C, May 6, 1861. 
Hon. H. Hamlin, New York. 

3Iy dear Sir : Please advise me at the close of each day what 
troops left during the day, where going, and by what route ; 
what remaining at New York, and what expected in the next day. 
Give the numbers, as near as convenient, and what corps they 
are. This information, reaching us daily, will be very useful as 
well as satisfactory. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



May 6, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, May 6, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

My dear Sir: Mr. French S. Evans, the bearer of this, thinks 
there is an appraisership still vacant at Baltimore, and if so, I very 
sincerely wish you would give it to him. I have been greatly — I 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 43 

may say grievously — disappointed and disobliged by Mr. Cork- 
rau's refusal to make Mr. Evans deputy naval officer, as I requested 
him to do. 

A point must be strained to give Mr. Evans a situation. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



May 6, 1861. — Letter from John Hay to Johnson, State 

Senator of Kentucky. 

The President directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your 
letter of the 26th ultimo, protesting against the stationing of 
United States troops at Cairo. He directs me to say that the views 
so ably stated by you shall have due consideration, and to assure 
you tiiat he would never have ordered the movement of troops 
complained of had he known that Cairo was in your senatorial 
district. 

May 6, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Seward. 

Executive Mansion, May 6, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary op State. 

My dear Sir : General Cameron is anxious that E. Joy Morris 
shall be minister to Constantinople ; and if General Webb has 
definitely declined it, why might not Mr. Morris be appointed? 
Pennsylvania is well entitled to the place, and General C. thinks 
there is political reason for the appointment being made at once. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

May 7, 1861. — Order to Colonel Anderson. 

To all tvlio shall see these presents, greeting : 

Know ye that, reposing special trust and confidence in the 
patriotism, valor, fidelity, and ability of Colonel Robert Anderson, 
U. S. Army, I have empowered him, and do hereby empower him, 
to receive into the army of the United States as many regiments 
of volunteer troops from the State of Kentucky and from the west- 
ern part of the State of Virginia as shall be willing to engage in 
the service of the United States for the term of three years, upon 
the terms and according to the plan proposed by the proclama- 
tion of May 3, 1861, and General Orders No. 15 from the War 
Department, of May 4, 1861. 

The troops whom he receives shall be on the same footing in every 
respect as those of the like kind called for in the proclamation above 
cited, except that the officers shall be commissioned by the United 
States. He is therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the 
duty hereby devolved upon him by doing and performing all man- 
ner of things thereunto belonging. 

Given under my hand at the city of Washington, this seventh day 
of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 



44 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

sixty-one, and in the eighty-fiftli year of tlie independence of the 
United States. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : Simon Cajmeron, Secretary of War. 



May 8, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion^ May 8, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

ALy dear Sir : I am told there is an office in your department 
called " The Superintending Architect of the Treasury Department, 
connected with the Bureau of Construction," which is now held by 
a man of the name of Young, and wanted by a gentleman of the 
name of Christopher Adams. 

Ought Mr. Young to be removed, and if yea, ought Mr. Adams 
to be appointed f Mr. Adams is magnificently recommended ; but 
the great point in his favor is that Thurlow Weed and Horace 
Greeley join in recommending him. I suppose the like never 
happened before, and never will again ; so that it is now or never. 
What say you ! Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



May 9, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, May 9, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

My dear Sir : Mr. James N. Muller wishes to be supervising in- 
spector of steamboats for the district of Baltimore. I am some- 
what interested for him, and as the place is in your department, 
if you will look into the question of his qualification for the place, 
and shall be satisfied with him, I will appoint him, — no matter 
how soon. Yours truly, • 

A. Lincoln. 



May 10, 1861.— Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, May 10, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary op the Treasury. 

3Iy dear Sir : I have felt myself obliged to refuse the post-office 
at this place to my old friend Nathan Sargent, which wounds him, 
and consequently me, very deeply. He now says there is an office 
in your department, called the "Commissioner of Customs," which 
the" incumbent, a Mr. Ingham, wishes to vacate. I will l^e much 
obliged if you agree for me to appoint Mr. Sargent to this place. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE TAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 45 



May 10, 18G1. — Unsigned Letter to Governor Sprague. 

Executive Mansion, May 10, 1861. 
His Excellency Governor William Sprague. 

My dear Sir: I think I had a letter from you some time ago 
naming a person whom you would like to have appointed post- 
master at Providence, Rhode Island; and day before yesterday a 
gentleman urged the name of Thomas A. Doyle as being the man 
whom you would like to have appointed. I write this now to assure 
you tliat while your wishes in this respect are entitled to and have 
received the highest consideration, there is a difficulty such as I 
have not surmounted in any other case. It is that a different 
man, Walter C. Simmons, is recommended by both the senators 
and both the old representatives of the State, and also by one of 
the new representatives. 

In these cases the executive is obliged to be gi'eatly dependent 
upon members of Congress, and while, under peculiar circum- 
stances, a single member or two may be occasionally overruled, I 
believe as strong a combination as the present never has been. 

I therefore beg you to be assured that if I follow the rnle in this 
case, as it appears to me I must, it will be with pain, and not with 
pleasure, that you are not obliged. 



May 10, 1861. — Proclamation Suspending the Writ of Habeas 
Corpus in Florida. 

By the President of the United States of Aivierica: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas an insurrection exists in the State of Florida, by which 
the lives, liberty, and property of loyal citizens of the* United 
States are endangered : 

And whereas it is deemed proper that all needful measures should 
be taken for the protection of such citizens and all officers of the 
United States in the discharge of their public duties in the State 
aforesaid : 

Now therefore be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
of the United States, do hereby direct the commander of the forces 
of the United States on the Florida coast to permit no person to 
exercise any office or authority upon the islands of Key West, the 
Tortugas, and Santa Rosa, w^hich may be inconsistent with the 
laws and Constitution of the United States, authorizing him at 
the same time, if he shall find it necessary, to suspend there the 
writ of habeas corpus, and to remove from the vicinity of the 
United States fortresses all dangerous or suspected persons. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 



46 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEHS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 



[L. S.] 



Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of May, 
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States the 



eighty-fifth. Abrahaim Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

May 11, 1861. — Order to Secretary Welles. 

Executive Mansion, May 11, 1861. 
To THE Secretary of the Navy. 

Sir: Lieut. D. D. Porter was placed in command of the steamer 
Powhatan, and Captain Samuel Mercer was detached therefrom, by 
my special order, and neither of them is responsible for any ap- 
parent or real irregularity on their part or in connection with that 
vessel. 

Hereafter Captain Porter is relieved from that special service 
and placed under the direction of the Navy Department, from 
which he will receive instructions and to which he will report. 

Very respectfully, Abraham Lincoln. 

May 13, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Cameron. 

Executive Mansion, May 13, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Dear Sir : You see on the other side of this sheet that four Ger- 
man regiments already raised in New York wish to form a bri- 
gade and have Carl Schurz for their brigadier-general. Why should 
it not be done at once? By the plan of organization, I see I am to 
appoint the generals. 

Schurz says he would, if allowed, go immediately to Fortress 
Monroe ; and if it would be an objection that, by rank, he would 
command the garrison there, he would, of choice, waive that. 

I am for it, unless there be some valid reason against it. 

Answer soon. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

May 16, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, May 16, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

3[t/ dear Sir : I have not at all considered the qualifications of 
applicants for appraiserships at New York. Mr. David Webb seems 
to understand that he has no opposition for one of the places. If 
this is so, or, in any event, if you wish to appoint him, send me the 
commission. 

Also send me a commission for Mr. George Dennison as naval 
ofiicer. This last I shall have to do, and I may as well do it at 
once. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PArERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 47 



May 18, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

ExECUTi\^E Mansion, May 18, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

Mif dear Sir : The suggestions of your note accompanying the 
eonunission for Mr. Denuisou as naval officer at New York have been 
considered in the same spirit of kindness in which I know they were 
offered. They present the very difficulty which has embarrassed 
me from the first in the case : that Mr. Dennison has not the posi- 
tion in the pnl)lic e3'e which would lead to the expectation of his 
receiving so high an office. I believe I have told you fully what it 
was, and is, that pressed me to appoint him: the urgent solicitation 
of an old friend who has served me all my life, and who has never 
before received or asked anything in return. His (Mr. Dennison's) 
good character was vouched for from the start by many at New 
Yoi'k, including Mr. Opdyke. 

At length, when I was, as it were, in the very act of appointing 

him, Mr. made a general charge of dishonesty against him. I 

pressed him for particulars, and it turned out that Mr. Dennison in 
his business as a lawyer had got some printing done for his clients, 
becoming personally responsible for the work, and had not paid for 
it when dunned. While this, if true, is certainly not to be com- 
mended, I believe the like might, in some cases, be proven upon me. 
They are a class of debts which our clients ought to pay, and when 
we are personally dunned for them we sometimes hang fire. Be- 
sides, Mr. Dennison went far toward a satisfactory explanation of 

one case ; and while Mr. intimated that there were other cases, 

he did not specify them. 

I consider that the charge of dishonesty has failed ; and it now 
seems to me more difficult to change my purpose than if the charge 
had never been made. Yours as ever, 

A. Len'COLn. 



May 18, 1861. — Letter to Colonel F. P. Blair, 

Washington, D. C, May 18, 1861. 
Hon. F. p. Blair. 

Ml/ dear Sir : We have a good deal of anxiety here about St. Louis. 
I understand an order has gone from the War De])artment to you, 
to be delivered or withheld in your discretion, relieving General 
Harney from his command. I was not quite satisfied with the order 
when it was made, though on the whole I thought it best to make 
it ; but since then I have become more doubtful of its propriety. I 
do not write now to countermand it, but to say I wish you would 
withhold it, unless in your judgment the necessity to the contrary 
is very urgent. There are several reasons for this. We had better 
have him a friend than an enemy. It mil dissatisfy a good many 
who otherwise would be quiet. More than all, we first relieve him, 



48 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

then restore him, and now if we relieve him again the public will 
ask, " Why all this vacillation "? " Still, if in your judgment it is 
indispensable, let it be so. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



May 21, 1861.— President Lincoln's Corrections of a Diplomatic 
Despatch written by the Secretary of State to Minister 
Adams. 

Note. — It is quite impossible to reproduce in type the exact form of the 
manuscript of the despatch with all its interUueations and corrections ; but 
the following shows those made by Mr. Lincoln. Such additional verbal 
alterations of Mr. Seward's as merely corrected ordinary slips of the pen or 
errors of the copyist are not noted. When the President retui'ned the 
manuscript to his hands, Mr. Seward somewhat changed the form of the 
despatch by prefixing to it two short introductory paragi'aphs in which he 
embodied in his own phi-aseology the President's chrection that the paper 
was to be merely a confidential instruction, not to be read or shown to any 
one, and that he should not in advance say anything inconsistent with its 
spirit. This also rendered unnecessary the President's direction to omit 
the last two paragraphs, and accordingly they remained in the despatch as 
finally sent. 

All words by Mr. Lincoln in notes or in text are in italics. All matter 
between brackets was marked out. » 



No. 10. 

Department of State, Washington, May 21, 1861. 

Sir : Mr. Dallas, in a brief despatch of May 2d (No. 333), tells us 
that Lord John Russell recently requested an interview with him 
on account of the solicitude which his lordship felt concerning the 
effect of certain measures represented as likely to be adopted by the 
President. In that conversation the British secretary told Mr. Dal- 
las that the three representatives of the Southern Confederacy were 
then in London, that Lord John Russell had not yet seen them, but 
that he was not unwilling to see them unofficially. He further in- 
formed Mr. Dallas that an understanding exists between the British 
and French governments which would lead both to take one and 
the same course as to recognition. His lordship then referred to 
the rumor of a meditated blockade by us of Southern ports, and a 
discontinuance of them as ports of entry. Mr. Dallas answered that 
he knew nothing on those topics, and therefore could say nothing. 
He added that you were expected to arrive in two weeks. Upon 
this statement Lord John Russell acquiesced in the expediency of 
waiting for the full knowledge you were expected to bring. 

Mr. Dallas transmitted to us some newspaper reports of ministerial 
explanations made in Parliament. 

You will base no proceedings on parliamentary debates further 
than to seek explanations when necessary and communicate them 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 49 

to this department. [We intend to have a clear and simple record 
of whatever issue may arise l)etween us and Great Britain.] ' 

The President [is surprised and grieved] regrets that Mr. Dallas 
did not protest against the proposed unofficial intercourse between 
the British government and the missionaries of the insurgents [as 
well as against the demand for exphmations made by the British 
government].- It is due, however, to Mr. Dallas to say that our in- 
structions had been given only to you and not to him, and that his 
loyalty and fidelity, too rare in these times [among our late repre- 
sentatives abroad, are confessed andj^, are ap[)reciated. 

Intercourse of any kind with the so-called commissioners is liable 
to be construed as a recognition of the authority whicli a])[)ointed 
them. Such intercourse would be none the less [wrongful] liiirfful 
to us for being called unofficial, and it might be even more injuri- 
ous, because we should have no means of knowing what points 
might be resolved by it. Moreover, unofficial intercourse is useless 
and meaningless if it is not expected to ripen into official intercourse 
and direct recognition. It is left doubtful here whether the pro- 
posed unofficial intercourse has yet actually begun. Your own 
[present] antecedent instructions are deemed explicit enough, and it 
is hoped that you have not misunderstood them. You will in any 
event desist from all intercourse whatever, unofficial as well as offi- 
cial, with the British government, so lorig as it shall continue in- 
tercourse of either kind with the domestic enemies of this country 
[confining yourself to a delivery of a copy of this paper to the Sec- 
retary of State. After doing this]^ When intercourse shall have 
been arrested for this cause, you will communicate with this depart- 
ment and receive further directions. 

Lord John Russell has informed us of an understanding between 
the British and French governments that they will act together in 
regard to our affairs. This communication, however, loses some- 
thing of its value from the circumstance that the communication 
was withheld until after knowledge of the fact had been acquired 
by us from other sources. We know also another fact that has not 
yet been officially communicated to us — namely, that other European 
States are apprised by France and England of their agreement, and 
are expected to concur with or follow them in whatever measures 
they adopt on the subject of recognition. The United States have 
been impartial and just in all their conduct toward the several na- 
tions of Europe. They will not complain, however, of the combina- 
tion now announced by the two leading powers, although they think 
they had a right to expect a more independent, if not a more friendly, 
course from each of them. You will take no notice of that or any 
other alliance. Whenever the European governments shall see fit 
to communicate directly with us, we shall be, as heretofore, frank 
and explicit in our reply. 

As to the blockade, you wiU say that by [the] our own laws [of na- 

1 Leave out. 

2 Leave out, because it does not appear that such explanations were demanded. 

3 Leave out. 

4 Leave out. 

Vol. IL— 4. 



50 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

ture] and the laws of nature and the laws of nations, this government 
has a clear right to suppress insurrection. An exclusion of commerce 
from national ports which have been seized by the insurgents, in 
the equitable form of blockade, is the proper means to that end. 
You will [admit] not insist that our blockade is [not] to be respected 
if it be not maintained by a competent force ; l3ut passing by that 
question as not now a practical, or at least an urgent, one, you will 
add that [it] the blockade is now, and it will continue to be so main- 
tained, and therefore we expect it to be respected by Great Britain. 
You will add that we have already revoked the exequatur of a 
Russian consul who had enlisted in the military service of the 
insurgents, and we shall dismiss or demand the recall of every 
foreign agent, consular or diplomatic, who shall either disobey the 
Federal laws or disown the Federal authority. 

As to the recognition of the so-called Southern Confederacy, it is 
not to be made a subject of technical definition. It is, of course, 
[quasi] direct recognition to publish an acknowledgment of the sov- 
ereignty and independence of a new power. It is [quasi] direct 
recognition to receive its ambassadors, ministers, agents, or com- 
missioners officially. A concession of belligerent rights is liable to 
be construed as a recognition of them. No one of these proceedings 
will [be borne] pass [unnoticed] unquestioned by the United States 
in this case. 

Hitherto recognition has been moved only on the assumption that 
the so-called Confederate States are de facto a self-sustaining power. 
Now, after long forbearance, designed to soothe discontent and 
avert the need of civil war, the land and naval forces of the United 
States have been put in motion to repress the insurrection. The 
true character of the pretended new State is at once revealed. It is 
seen to be a power existing in pronunciamento only. It has never 
won a field. It has obtained no forts that were not virtually be- 
trayed into its hands or seized in breach of trust. It commands 
not a single port on the coast nor any highway out from its pre- 
tended capital by laud. Under these circumstances Great Britain 
is called upon to intervene and give it body and independence by ■ 
resisting our measures of suppression. British recognition would be 
British intervention to create within our own territory a hostile 
state by overthrowing this republic itself. [When this act of in- 
tervention is distinctly performed, we from that hour shall cease to 
be friends, and become once more, as we have twice before been 
forced to be, enemies of Great Britain.] ^ 

As to the treatment of privateers in the insurgent service, you 
will say that this is a question exclusively our own. We treat them 
as pirates. They are our own citizens, or persons employed by our 
citizens, preying on the commerce of our country. If Great Britain 
shall choose to recognize them as lawful belligerents, and give them 
shelter from our pursuit and punishment, the laws of nations afford 
an adequate and proper remedy [and we shall avail ourselves of it. 
And 7vMle you need not say this in advance, he sure that you say 
nothing inconsistent with it.] 

Happily, however, her Britannic Majesty's government can avoid 

1 Leave out. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 51 

all these difificulties. It invited us in 1856 to accede to the declara- 
tion of the CougiHJss of Paris, of which body Great Britain was her- 
self a menilier, abolisliing privateering everywhere in all cases and 
forever. You alremhj have our authority to propose to her our ac- 
cession to that declaration. If she refuse to receive it, it can only 
be because she is willing to become the patron of privateering when 
aimed at our devastation. 

These positions are not elaborately defended now, because to vin- 
dicate them would imply a possibility of oiu* waiving them. 

iWe are not insensible of the grave importance of this occasion. 
We see how, upon tlie result of the debate in which we are engaged, 
a war may ensue between the United States and one, two, or even 
more European nations. War in any case is as exceptionable from 
the habits as it is revolting from the sentiments of the American 
people. But if it come, it will be fully seen that it results from the 
action of Great Britain, not our own ; that Great Britain will have 
decided to fraternize with our domestic enemy, either without wait- 
ing to hear from you our remonstrances and our warnings, or after 
having heard them. War in defense of national life is not immoral, 
and war in defense of independence is an inevitable part of the dis- 
cipUne of nations. 

The dispute will be between the European and the American 
branches of the British race. AU who belong to that race will 
especially deprecate it, as they ought. It may well be believed that 
men of every race and kindred will deplore it. A war not unlike it 
between the same parties occurred at the close of the last century. 
Europe atoned by forty years of suffering for the error that Great 
Britain committed in provoking that contest. If that nation shall 
now repeat the same great error, the social convulsions which will 
follow may not be so long, but they will be more general. When 
they shall have ceased, it will, we think, be seen, whatever may 
have been the fortunes of other nations, that it is not the United 
States that will have come out of them with its precious Constitu- 
tion altered or its honestly obtained dominion in any degree 
abridged. Great Britain has but to wait a few months and aU her 
present inconveniences will cease with all our own troubles. If she 
take a different course, she will calculate for herself the ultimate as 
well as the immediate consequences, and will consider what position 
she will hold when she shall have forever lost the sympathies and 
the affections of the only nation on whose sympathies and affections 
she has a natural claim. In making that calculation she wall do 
well to remember that in the controversy she proposes to open 
we shall l>e actuated by neither pride, nor passion, nor cupidity, 
nor ambition ; but we shall stand simply on the principle of self- 
preservation, and that our cause will involve the independence of 
nations and the rights of human nature. 

I am, sir, respectfully your obedient servant, 

W. H. S. 

Charles Francis Adams, Esq., etc. 

1 Drop all from this U)ie to the end, and in lieu of it write, " Tliin paper is for your own 
guidance only, ami iwt [sic} to he read or shown to any one." 



52 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



May 25, 1861. — Letter to Colonel Ellsworth's Parents. 

Washington, D. C, May 25, 1861. 
To THE Father and Mother of Colonel Elmer E. Ellsworth. 

My dear Sir and Madam : In the untimely loss of your noble son, 
our affliction here is scarcely less than your own. So much of 
promised usefulness to one's country, and of bright hopes for one's 
self and friends, have rarely been so suddenly dashed as in his fall. 
In size, in years, and in youthful appearance a boy only, his power 
to command men was surpassingly great. This power, combined 
with a fine intellect, an indomitable energy, and a taste altogether 
military, constituted in him, as seemed to me, the best natural talent 
in that department I ever knew. 

And yet he was singularly modest and deferential in social inter- 
course. My acquaintance with him began less than two years ago ; 
yet through the latter half of the interveuing period it was as inti- 
mate as the disparity of our ages and my engrossing engagements 
would permit. To me he appeared to have no indulgences or 
pastimes; and I never heard him utter a profane or an intem- 
perate word. What was conclusive of his good heart, he never 
forgot his parents. The honors he labored for so laudably, and 
for which in the sad end he so gallantly gave his life, he meant for 
them no less than for himself. 

In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon the sacredness of 
your sorrow, I have ventured to address you this tribute to the 
memory of my young friend and your brave and early fallen chUd. 

May God give you that consolation which is beyond all earthly 
power. 

Sincerely your friend in a common affliction, A. Lincoln. 



May 27, 1861. — Letter from the Adjutant-General to 
General Harney. 

Washington, D. C, May 27, 1861. 
Brigadier-General W. S. Harney, 

Commanding Department of the West, St. Louis, Mo. 
Sir : The President observes with concern that, notwithstanding 
the pledge of the State authorities to cooperate in preserving peace 
in Missouri, loyal citizens in great numbers continue to be driven 
from their homes. It is immaterial whether these outrages continue 
from inability or indisposition on the part of the State authorities 
to prevent them. It is enough that they continue to devolve on you 
the duty of putting a stop to them summarily by the force under 
your command, to be aided by such troops as you may require from 
Kansas, Iowa, and Illinois. The professions of loyalty to the Union 
by the State authorities of Missouri are not to be relied upon. They 
have already falsified their professions too often, and are too far 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 53 

committed to secession to be entitled to your confidence, and you 
can only be sure of their desisting from their wicked purposes when 
it is out of their power to prosecute them. You will therefore be 
unceasingly watchful of their movements, and not permit the clamors 
of their partizans and opponents of the wise measures already taken 
to prevent you from checking every movement against the govern- 
ment, however disguised under the pretended State authority. The 
authority of the United States is paramount, and whenever it is ap- 
parent that a movement, whether by color of State authority or not, 
is hostile, you will not hesitate to put it down. 

I am, sir, very respectfully your obedient servant, 

L. Thomas, Adjutant-General. 



June 5, 1861. — Letter to General Scott. 

{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, June 5, 1861. 
Lieutenant- General Scott. 

Mjf dear Sir : Doubtless you begin to understand how disagree- 
able it is for me to do a thing arbitrarily when it is unsatisfactory 
to others associated with me. 

I very much wish to appoint Colonel Meigs quartermaster-gen- 
eral, and yet General Cameron does not quite consent. I have come 
to know Colonel Meigs quite well for a short acquaintance, and, so 
far as I am capable of judging, I do not know one who combines the 
qualities of masculine intellect, learning, and experience of the right 
sort, and physical power of labor and endurance, so well as he. 

I know he has great confidence in you, always sustaining, so far 
as I have observed, your opinions against any differing ones. 

You will lay me under one more obligation if you can and will 
use your influence to remove General Cameron's objection. I 
scarcely need tell you I have nothing personal in this, having never 
seen or heard of Colonel Meigs until about the end of last March. 
Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



June 19, 1861. — Letter to General J. K. F. Mansfield. 

Executive Mansion, June 19, 1861. 
General Mansfield. 

Ml/ dear Sir : The inclosed papers of Colonel Joseph Hooker speak 
for themselves. He desires to have the command of a regiment. 
Ought he to have it, and can it l)e done, and how? 

Please consult General Scott, and say if he and you would like 
Colonel Hooker to have a command. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



54 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



June 20, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Cajmeron. 

Executive Mansion, June 20, 1861. 
My dear Sir : Since you spoke to me yesterday about General J. 
H. Lane, of Kansas, I have been reflecting upon the subject, and 
have conchided that we need the service of such a man out there at 
once ; that we had better appoint him a brigadier-general of volun- 
teers to-day, and send him off with such authority to raise a force 
(I think two regiments better than three, but as to this I am not par- 
ticular) as you think will get him into actual work quickest. Tell 
him, when he starts, to put it through — not to be writing or 
telegraphing back here, but put it through. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

Hon. Secretary of War. 

[Indorsement.] 
General Lane has been authorized to raise two additional regi- 
ments of volunteers. ^ ^ o x i. -nr 

Simon Cameron, Secretary of War. 



July 2, 1861. — Order authorizing General Scott to Suspend 
THE Writ of Haheas Corpus. 

To THE Commanding General, Army of the United States. 

You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws 
of the United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any 
military line which is now or which shall be used between the city 
of New York and the city of Washington you find resistance which 
renders it necessary to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the 
public safety, you personally, or through the officer in command at 
the point where resistance occurs, are authorized to suspend that 
writ. 

Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at the city 
of Washington, this second day of July, a. d. 1861, and of the inde- 
pendence of the United States the eighty-fifth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



July 3, 1861.— Letter to Secretary Seward. 

Executive Mansion, July 3, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary of State. 

3fy dear Sir: General Scott had sent me a copy of the despatch 
of which you kindly sent one. Thanks to both him and you. 
Please assemble the cabinet at twelve to-day to look over the message 
and reports. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 55 

And now, suppose you step over at once and let us see General 
Scott [and] Greneral Cameron about assigning a position to General 
Fremont. Yours as ever, 

A. Lincoln. 



July 4, 1861. — Message to Congress in Special Session. 

Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : Having 
been convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the 
Constitution, your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of 
legislation. 

At the beginning of the present presidential term, four months 
ago, tlie functions of the Federal Government were found to be 
generally suspended within the several States of South Carolina, 
Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting 
only those of the Post-office Department. 

Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dockyards, custom- 
houses, and the like, including the movable and stationary property 
in and about them, had been seized, and were held in open hostility 
to this government, excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jeffer- 
son, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in Charleston 
Harbor, South Carolina. The forts thus seized had been put in 
improved condition, new ones had been built, and armed forces had 
been organized and were organizing, all avowedly with the same 
hostile purpose. 

The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal Government 
in and near these States were either besieged or menaced by 
warlike preparations, and especially Fort Sumter was nearly sur- 
rounded by well-protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in 
quality to the best of its own, and outnumbering the latter as per- 
haps ten to one. A disproportionate share of the Federal muskets 
and rifles had somehow found their way into these States, and had 
been seized to be used against the government. Accumulations of 
the public revenue lying within them had been seized for the same 
object. The navy was scattered in distant seas, leaving but a very 
small part of it within the immediate reach of the government. 
Officers of the Federal army and navy had resigned in great numbers ; 
and of those resigning a large proportion had taken up arms against 
the government. Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, 
the purpose to sever the Federal Union was opeidy avowed. In ac- 
cordance with this purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each 
of these States, declaring the States respectively to be separated 
from the National Union. A formula for instituting a combined 
government of these States had been promulgated; and this illegal 
organization, in the character of confederate States, was already 
invoking recognition, aid, and intervention from foreign powers. 

Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an imper- 
ative duty upon the incoming executive to prevent, if possible, the 
consummation of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice 
of means to that end became indispensable. This choice was made 



56 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

and was declared in the inangiiral address. The policy chosen 
looked to the exhaustion of all peaceful measures before a resort to 
any stronger ones. It sought only to hold the public places and 
property not already wrested from the government, and to collect 
the revenue, relying for the rest on time, discussion, and the ballot- 
box. It promised acontinuance of the mails, at government expense, 
to the very people who were resisting the government; and it gave 
repeated pledges against any disturbance to any of the people, or 
any of their rights. Of all that which a President might constitu- 
tionally and justifiably do in such a case, everything was forborne 
without which it was believed possible to keep the government on 
foot. 

On the 5th of March (the present incumbent's first full day in 
office), a letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, 
written on the 28tli of February and received at the War Depart- 
ment on the 4th of March, was by that department placed in his 
hands. This letter expi-essed the professional opinion of the writer 
that reinforcements could not be thrown into that fort within the 
time for his relief, rendered necessary by the limited supply of pro- 
visions, and with a view of holding possession of the same, with a 
force of less than twenty thousand good and well-disciplined men. 
This opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his command, 
and their memoranda on the subject were made inclosures of Major 
Anderson's letter. The whole was immediately laid before Lieuten- 
ant-General Scott, who at once concurred with Major Anderson in 
opinion. On reflection, however, he took full time, consulting with 
other officers, both of the army and the navy, and at the end of 
four days came reluctantly but decidedly to the same conclusion as 
before. * He also stated at the same time that no such sufficient force 
was then at the control of the government, or could be raised and 
brought to the ground within the time when the provisions in the 
fort would be exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this 
reduced the duty of the administration in the case to the mere 
matter of getting the garrison safely out of the fort. 

It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under 
the circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity un- 
der which it was to be done would not be fully understood; that by 
many it would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at 
home it would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its 
adversaries, and go far to insure to the latter a recognition abroad ; 
that, in fact, it would be our national destruction consummated. 
This could not be allowed. Starvation was not yet upon the garri- 
son, and ere it would be reached Fort Pickens might be reinforced. 
This last would be a clear indication of policy, and would better 
enable the country to accept the evacuation of Fort Sumter as a 
military necessity." An order was at once directed to be sent for the 
landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort Pick- 
ens. This order could not go by land, but must take the longer and 
slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was re- 
ceived just one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news it- 
self was that the officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 57 

troops had been transferred from the BrooJih/n, acting upon some 
qa((sl armistice of the late administration (and of the existence of 
which the present administration, up to the time the order was de- 
spatched, had only too vag-ue and uncertain rumors to fix attention), 
had refused to land the troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens 
before a crisis would be reached at Fort Sumter was impossible — 
rendered so by the near exhaustion of provisions in the latter-named 
fort. In precaution against such a conjuncture, the government 
had, a few days before, commenced preparing an expedition as well 
adapted as might be to relieve Fort Sumter, which expedition was 
intended to be ultimately used, or not, according to circumstances. 
The strongest anticipated case for using it was now presented, and 
it was resolved to send it forward. As had been intended in this 
contingency, it was also resolved to notify the governor of South 
Carolina that he might expect an attempt would be made to pro- 
vision the fort ; and that, if the attempt should not be resisted, 
there would be no effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition, with- 
out further notice, or in case of an attack upon the fort. This 
notice was accordingly given ; whereupon the fort was attacked 
and bombarded to its fall, without even awaiting the arrival of the 
provisioning expedition. 

It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sum- 
ter was in no sense a matter of self-defense on the part of the assail- 
ants. They well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no 
possibility commit aggression upon them. They knew — they were 
expressly notified — that the giving of bread to the few brave and 
hungry men of the garrison was all which would on that occasion be 
attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke 
more. They knew that this government desired to keep the garri- 
son in the fort, not to assail them; but merely to maintain visible 
possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and immedi- 
ate dissolution — trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, 
and the ballot-box for final adjustment ; and they assailed and re- 
duced the fort for precisely the reverse object — to drive out the 
visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immedi- 
ate dissolution. That this was their object the executive well un- 
derstood; and having said to them in the inaugural address, '' You 
can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors," he 
took pains not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep 
the case so free from the power of ingenious sophistry that the world 
should not be able to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sum- 
ter, with its surrounding circumstances, that point was reached. 
Then and thereby the assailants of the government began the con- 
flict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return their 
fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years before 
for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in 
whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have 
forced upon the country the distinct issue, ^^ immediate dissolution 
or blood." 

And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. 
It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a consti- 



58 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

tutional republic or democracy — a government of the people by the 
same people — can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against 
its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether discon- 
tented individuals, too few in numbers to control administration 
according to organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretenses 
made in this case, or on any other pretenses, or arbitrarily without 
any pretense, break up their government, and thus practically put 
an end to free government upon the earth. It forces us to ask: 
*' Is there, in all republics, this inherent and fatal weakness ? " " Must 
a government, of necessity, be too strong for the liberties of its own 
people, or too weak to maintain its own existence ? " 

So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war 
power of the government; and so to resist force employed for its 
destruction, by force for its preservation. 

The call was made, and the response of the country was most 
gratifying, surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine 
expectation. Yet none of the States commonly called slave States, 
except Delaware, gave a regiment through regular State organiza- 
tion. A few regiments have been organized within some others of 
those States by individual enterprise, and received into the govern- 
ment service. Of course the seceded States, so called (and to which 
Texas had been joined about the time of the inauguration), gave no 
troops to the cause of the Union. The border States, so called, were 
not uniform in their action, some of them being almost for the 
Union, while in others — as Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, 
and Arkansas — the Union sentiment was nearly repressed and 
silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most remarkable 
— perhaps the most important. A convention elected by the peo- 
ple of that State to consider this very question of disrupting the 
Federal Union was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort 
Sumter fell. To this body the people had chosen a large majority 
of professed Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of 
Sumter, many members of that majority went over to the original 
disunion minority, and with them adopted an ordinance for with- 
drawing the State from the Union. Whether this change was 
wrought by their great approval of the assault upon Sumter, or 
their great resentment at the government's resistance to that as- 
sault, is not definitely known. Although they submitted the ordi- 
nance for ratification to a vote of the people, to be taken on a day 
then somewhat more than a month distant, the convention and the 
legislature (which was also in session at the same time and place), with 
leading men of the State not members of either, immediately com- 
menced acting as if the State were already out of the Union. They 
pushed military pre])arations vigoronsly forward all over the State. 
They seized the United States armory at Harper's Ferr}^, and the 
navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. They received — perhaps 
invited — into their State large bodies of troops, with their war- 
like appointments, from the so-called seceded States. They form- 
ally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance and cooperation 
with the so-called ''Confederate States," and sent members to 
their congress at Montgomery. And, finally, they permitted the 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 59 

insurrectionary government to be transferred to their capital at 
Richmond. 

The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection 
to make its nest within her borders; and this government has no 
choice left l)nt to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less 
regret as the loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed its protection. 
Those loyal citizens this government is bound to recognize and pro- 
tect, as being Virginia. 

In the border States, so called, — in fact, the Middle States, — there 
are those who favor a policy which they call "armed neutrality"; 
that is, an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces pass- 
ing one way, or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would 
be disunion completed. Figuratively speaking, it would be the 
building of an impassable wall along the line of separation — and 
yet not quite an impassable one, for under the guise of neutrality 
it would tie the hands of Union men and freely pass supplies from 
among them to the insurrectionists, which it could not do as an open 
euem5% At a stroke it would take all the trouble oif the hands of 
secession, except only what proceeds from the external blockade. It 
would do for the disunionists that which, of all things, they most de- 
sire — feed them well, and give them disunion without a struggle of 
their own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obliga- 
tion to maintain the Union ; and while very many who have favored 
it are doubtless loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very injurious in 
effect. 

Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated that 
at first a call was made for 75,000 militia ; and, rapidly following 
this, a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insur- 
rectionary districts by proceedings in the nature of blockade. So 
far all was believed to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrec- 
tionists announced their purpose to enter upon the practice of pri- 
vateering. 

Other calls were made for volunteers to serve for three years, 
unless sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the reg-ular 
army and nav}^ These measures, whether strictly legal or not, 
were ventured upon, under what appeared to be a popular demand 
and a public necessity ; trusting then, as now, that Congress would 
readily ratify them. It is believed that nothing has been done be- 
yond the constitutional competency of Congress. 

Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to 
authorize the commanding general in proper cases, according to his 
discretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, or, 
in other words, to arrest and detain, witliout resort to the ordinary 
processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might deem 
dangerous to the public safety. This authority has purposely 
been exercised but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and 
propriety of what has been done under it are questioned, and the 
attention of the country has been called to the proposition that one 
who has sworn to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed" 
should not himself violate them. Of course some consideration was 
given to the questions of power and propriety before this matter 



60 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

was acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required to be 
faithfully executed were being resisted and failing of execution 
in nearly one third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally 
fail of execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the use of 
the means necessary to their execution some single law, made in 
such extreme tenderness of the citizen's liberty that, practically, it 
relieves more of the guilty than of the innocent, should to a very 
limited extent be violated! To state the question more directly, 
are all the laws but one to go unexecuted, and the government itself 
go to pieces lest that one be violated ? Even in such a case, would 
not the official oath be broken if the government should be over- 
thrown, when it was believed that disregarding the single law would 
tend to preserve it f But it was not believed that this question was 
presented. It was not believed that any law was violated. The pro- 
vision of the Constitution that '^ the privilege of the writ of liaheas 
corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or 
invasion, the public safety may require it," is equivalent to a provi- 
sion — is a provision — that such privilege may be suspended when, 
in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety does require it. It 
was decided that we have a case of rebellion, and that the public safety 
does require the qualified suspension of the privilege of the writ 
which was authorized to be made. Now it is insisted that Congress, 
and not the executive, is vested with this power. But the Consti- 
tution itself is silent as to which or who is to exercise the power ; 
and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, 
it cannot be believed the framers of the instrument intended that in 
every case the danger should run its course until Congress coidd be 
called together, the very assembling of which might be prevented, 
as was intended in this case, by the rebellion. 

No more extended argument is now offered, as an opinion at some 
length will probably be presented by the attorney-general. Whether 
there shall be any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is 
submitted entirely to the better judgment of Congress. 

The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary 
and so long continued as to lead some foreign nations to shape their 
action as if they supposed the early destruction of our National 
Union was probable. While this, on discovery, gave the executive 
some concern, he is now happy to say that the sovereignty and rights 
of the United States are now everywhere practically respected by 
foreign powers; and a general sympathy with the country is 
manifested throughout the world. 

The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy 

will give the information in detail deemed necessary and convenient 

for your deliberation and action ; while the executive and all the 

departments will stand ready to supply omissions, or to communi- 

^ cat e new facts considered important for you to know. ^ 

It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making 
this contest a short and decisive one : that you place at the control 
of the government for the work at least four hundred thousand 
men and $400,000,000. That number of men is about one tenth of 
those of proper ages within the regions where, apparently, all are 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ^UJRAHAM LINCOLN 61 

willing to engage ; and the sum is less than a twenty -third part of 
the money value owned by the men who seem ready to devote the 
whole. A debt of $000,000,000 now is a less sum per head than 
was the debt of our Revolutiim when we came out of tliat struggle; 
and the money value in the einiutry now bears even a greater pro- 
portion to what it was then than does the population. Surely each 
man has as strong a motive now to preserve our liberties as each 
had then to establish them. 

A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than 
ten times the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching 
us from the country leaves no doubt that the material for the work 
is abundant, and that it needs only the hand of legislation to 
give it legal sanction, and the hand of the executive to give it prac- 
tical shape and efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities of the 
government is to avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide 
for them. In a word, the people will save their government if the 
government itself will do its part only indifferently well. 

It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether 
the present movement at the South be called "secession" or "rebel- 
lion." The movers, however, well understand the difference. At the 
beginning they knew they could never raise their treason to any 
respectable magnitude by any name which implies violation of law. 
They knew their people possessed as much of moral sense, as much 
of devotion to law and order, and as much pride in and reverence 
for the history and government of their common country as any 
other civilized and patriotic people. They knew they could make no 
advancement directly in the teeth of these- strong and noble senti- 
ments. Accordingly, they commenced by an insidious debauching 
of the public mind. They invented an ingenious sophism which, if 
conceded, was followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the 
incidents, to the complete destruction of the Union. The sophism 
itself is that any State of the Union may consistently with the Na- 
tional Constitution, and therefore lawfully and peacefully, with- 
di'aw from the Union without the consent of the Union or of any 
other State. The little disguise that the supposed right is to be ex- 
ercised only for just cause, themselves to be the sole judges of its 
justice, is too thin to merit any notice. 

With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been drugging the 
public mind of their section for more than thirty years, and until at 
length they have brought many good men to a willingness to take 
up arms against the government the day after some assemblage of 
men have enacted the farcical pretense of taking their State out of 
the Union, who could have been brought to no such thing the day 
before. 

This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency 
from the assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred su- 
premacy pertaining to a State — to each State of our Federal Union. 
Our States have neither more nor less power than that reserved to 
them in the Union by the Constitution — no one of them ever hav- 
ing been a State out of the Union. The original ones passed into 
the Union even before they cast off their British colonial depen- 



62 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

dence ; and the new ones each came into the Union directly from a 
condition of dependence, excepting Texas. And even Texas, in its 
temporary independence, was never designated a State. The new 
ones only took the designation of States on coming into the Union, 
while that name was first adopted for the old ones in and by the 
Declaration of Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were 
declared to be ''free and independent States"; but even then the ob- 
ject plainly was not to declare their independence of one another 
or of the Union, but directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge 
and their mutual action before, at the time, and afterward, abund- 
antly show. The express plighting of faith by each and all of the ori- 
ginal thirteen in the Articles of Confederation, two years later, that 
the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive. Having never been 
States either in substance or in name outside of the Union, whence 
this magical omnipotence of '' State Rights," asserting a claim of 
power to lawfully destroy the Union itself °? Much is said about the 
"sovereignty" of the States; but the word even is not in the National 
Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State constitutions. 
What is "sovereignty" in the political sense of the term? Would 
it be far wrong to define it " a political community without apolitical 
superior " ? Tested by this, no one of our States except Texas ever 
was a sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the character on com- 
ing into the Union; by which act she acknowledged the Constitution 
of the United States, and the laws and treaties of the United States 
made in pursuance of the Constitution, to be for her the supreme 
y law of the land. The States have their status in the Union, and 
they have no other legal status. If they break from this, they can 
only do so against law and by revolution. The Union, and not 
themselves separately, procured their independence and their liberty. 
By conquest or purchase the Union gave each of them whatever of 
independence or liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the 
States, and, in fact, it created them as States. Originally some 
dependent colonies made the Union, and, in turn, the Union threw 
off their old dependence for them, and made them States, such as 
they are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution indepen- 
dent of the Union. Of course, it is not forgotten that all the new 
States framed their constitutions before they entered the Union — 
nevertheless, dependent upon and preparatory to coming into the 
Union. 

Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to 
them in and by the National Constitution ; but among these surely 
are not included all conceivable powers, however mischievous or de- 
structive, but, at most, such only as were known in the world at the 
time as governmental powers ; and certainly a power to destroy the 
government itself had never been known as a governmental, as a 
merely administrative power. This relative matter of national power 
and State rights, as a principle, is no other than the principle of 
generality and locality. Whatever concerns the whole should be 
confided to the whole — to the General Government ; while whatever 
concerns only the State should be left exclusively to the State. This 
is all there is of original principle about it. Whether the National 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 63 

Constitution in defiiiinof bouiularies between the two lias applied 
the i)i'in('iplt> with exact aecui'aey, is not to be questioned. We are 
all bound by that definins^, without ciuestion. 

What is now combated is the position that secession is consistent 
with the Constitution — is lawful and peaceful. It is not conteiuled 
that there is any express law for it ; and nothing should ever be im- 
plied as law which leads to unjust or absurd coMse({uences. The 
nation purchased with money the countries out of which several of 
these States were formed. Is it just that they shall go off without 
leave and without refunding ? The nation paid very large sums (in 
the aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred millions) to relieve Fh)rida 
of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she sliall now be off with- 
out consent or without making anj^ return '? The nation is now in 
debt for money ap})lied to the benefit of these so-called seceding 
States in common with the rest. Is it just either that creditors shall 
go unpaid or the remaining States pay the whole f A part of the 
present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. 
Is it just that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself? 

Again, if one State may secede, so may another; and when all 
shall liave seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just 
to creditors'? Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when 
we borrowed their money? If we now recognize this doctrine by 
allowing the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we 
can do if others choose to go or to extort terms upon which they 
will promise to remain. 

The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. 
They have assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in 
which of necessity they have either discarded or retained the right 
of secession as they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded 
it, they thereby admit that on principle it ought not to be in ours. 
If they have retained it by their own construction of ours, they show 
that to be consistent they must secede from one another whenever 
they shall find it the easiest way of settling their debts, or effecting 
any other selfish or unjust object. The principle itself is one of 
disintegration, and upon which no government can possibly endure. 

If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that 
one out of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder poli- 
ticians would at once deny the power and denounce the act as*the 
greatest outrage upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the 
same act, instead of being called " driving the one out," shoiild be 
called " the seceding of the others from that one," it would be ex- 
actly what the seceders claim to do, unless, indeed, they make the 
point that the one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do what 
the others, because they are a majority, may not rightfully do. 
These politicians are subtle and profound on the rights of minori- 
ties. They are not partial to that power which made the Constitution 
and sj)eaks from th<; preamble calling itself '^We, the People." 

It may well ])e ((uestioned whether there is to-day a majority 
of the legally qualified voters of any State, except perhaps South 
Carolina, in favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe 
that the Union men are the majority in many, if not in every other 



64 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

one, of the so-called seceded States. The contrary has not been 
demonstrated in any one of them. It is ventured to affirm this even 
of Virginia and Tennessee; for the resnlt of an election held in 
military camps, where the bayonets are all on one side of the ques- 
tion voted upon, can scarcely be considered as demonstrating popu- 
lar sentiment. At such an election, all that large class who are at 
once for the Union and against coercion would be coerced to vote 
against the Union. 

It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institu- 
tions we enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condi- 
tion of our whole people beyond any example in the world. Of this 
we now have a striking and an impressive illustration. So large an 
army as the government has now on foot was never before known, 
without a soldier in it but who has taken his place there of his own 
free choice. But more than this, there are many single regiments 
whose members, one and another, possess full practical knowledge of 
all the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else, whether useful or 
elegant, is known in the world ; and there is scarcely one from which 
there could not be selected a President, a cabinet, a congress, and 
perhaps a court, abundantly competent to administer the govern- 
ment itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of 
our late friends, now adversaries in this contest; but if it is, 
so much better the reason why the government which has con- 
ferred such benefits on both them and us should not be broken up. 
Whoever in any section proposes to abandon such a government 
would do well to consider in deference to what principle it is that 
he does it — what better he is likely to get in its stead — whether the 
substitute will give, or be intended to give, so much of good to the 
people ? There are some foreshado wings on this subject. Our ad- 
versaries have adopted some declarations of independence in which, 
unlike the good old one, penned by Jefferson, they omit the words 
" all men are created equal." Why? They have adopted a tempo- 
rary national constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our 
good old one, signed by Washington, they omit "We, the People," 
and substitute, " We, the deputies of the sovereign and indepen- 
dent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view the 
rights of men and the authority of the people ? 

This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it 
is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance 
of government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of 
men — to lift artificial weights from all shoulders ; to clear the paths 
of laudable pursuit for all; to afford aU. an unfettered start, and a 
fair chance in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary 
departures, from necessity, this is the leading object of the govern- 
ment for whose existence we contend. 

I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and 
appreciate this. It is worthy of note that while in this, the govern- 
ment's hour of trial, large numbers of those in the army and navy 
who have been favored with the offices have resigned and proved 
false to the hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier 
or common sailor is known to have deserted his flag. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 65 

Great honor is due to those Oilficers who remained true, despite the 
example of their treacherous dissociates ; ^ut the greatest honor, and 
most important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common 
soldiers and coniinou sailors.^ To the last man, so far as known, 
they have successfully resisted ihe traitorous efforts of those wliose 
commands, but an hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This 
is the patriotic instinct of the plain people.) They understand, with- 
out an argument, that the destroying of the government which was 
made by Washington means no good to them. 

Our popular government has often been called an experiment. 
Two points in it our people have already settled — the successful 
establishing and the successful administering of it. One still re- 
mains — its successful maintenance against a formidal^le internal 
attempt to overthrow it. It is now for them to demonstrate to the 
world that those who can fairly carry an election can also suppress a 
rebellion ; that ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of bul- 
lets; and that when ballots have fairly and constitutionally decided, 
there can be no successful appeal back to bullets ; that there can be 
no successful appeal, except to ballots themselves, at succeeding 
elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace : teaching men that 
what they cannot take by an election, neither can they take it by a 
war ; teaching all the folly of being the beginners of a war. 

Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to 
what is to be the course of the government toward the Southern 
States after the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the executive 
deems it proper to say it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be 
guided by the Constitution and the laws ; and that he probably will 
have no different understanding of the powers and duties of the 
Federal Grovernment relatively to the rights of the States and the 
people, under the Constitution, than that expressed in the inaugural 
address. 

He desires to preserve the government, that it may be administered 
for all as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citi- 
zens everywhere have the right to claim this of their government, 
and the government has no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not 
perceived that in giving it there is any coercion, any conquest, or 
any subjugation, in any just sense of those terms. 

The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the 
provision, that " the United States shall guarantee to every State in 
this Union a republican form of government." But if a State may 
lawfully go out of the Union, having done so, it may also discard 
the republican form of government ; so that to prevent its going out 
is an indispensable means to the end of maintaining the guarantee 
mentioned; and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the indis- 
pensable means to it are also lawful and obligatory. 

It was with the deepest regret that the executive found the duty 
of employing the war power in defense of the government forced 
upon him. He could but perform this duty or surrender the ex- 
istence of the government. No compromise by public servants could, 
in this case, be a cure ; not that compromises are not often proper, 
but that no popular government can long survive a marked prece- 
VoL. II.— 5. 



66 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

dent that those who carry an election can only save the government 
from immediate destruction by giving up the main point upon which 
the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not their 
servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions. 

As a private citizen the executive could not have consented that 
these institutions shall perish; much less could he, in betrayal of so 
vast and so sacred a trust as the free people have confided to him. 
He felt that he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the 
chances of his own life in what might follow. In full view of his 
great responsibility he has, so far, done what he has deemed his 
duty. You will now, according to your own judgment, perform 
yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and your actions may so 
accord with his, as to assure all faithful citizens who have been dis- 
turbed in their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to them, 
under the Constitution and the laws. 

And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure 
purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear 
and with manly hearts. Abraham Lincoln. 

July 4, 1861. 



July 10, 1861. — Memorandum to General S. B. Buckner. 

It is my duty, as I conceive, to suppress an insurrection existing 
within the United States. I wish to do this with the least possible 
disturbance or annoyance to well-disposed people anywhere. So 
far I have not sent an armed force into Kentucky, nor have I any 
present purpose to do so. I sincerely desii"e that no necessity for it 
may be presented ; but I mean to say nothing which shall hereafter 
embarrass me in the performance of what may seem to be my duty. 

(Copy of this delivered to General Buckner, this 10th day of July, 
1861.) 



July 11, 1861. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of BepresentaUves : In answer to the resolution of 
the House of Representatives of the 9th instant, requesting a copy of 
correspondence upon the subject of the incorporation of the Do- 
minican republic with the Spanish monarchy, I transmit a report 
from the Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was referred. 

Washington, July 11, 1861. 



July 15, 1861. — Memorandum about the Defeat at Vienna, Va. 

A day or two before the disaster at Vienna General Tyler had, by 
orders, with a force gone on the same road three miles beyond that 
point, and returned past it, seeing neither battery nor troops — of 
which General Schenck had been notified. The morning of the dis- 
aster General Schenck received the order under which he acted, 
which is in words and figures following: 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 67 

Headquarters Department N. E. Virgestia, 

Arlington, June 17, 1861. 
Brigadier-General Schenck, Commanding Oliio Brij^ade. 

Sir: The general commanding directs that you send one of the 
regiments of your command on a train of cars up the London and 
Hampshire Railroad to the point where it crosses the wagon-road 
running from Fort Corcoran (opposite Georgetown) southerly into 
Virginia. 

The regiment, being established at that point, will by suitable 
patrols feel the way along the road to Falls Church and Vienna, 
moving, however, with caution, and making it a special duty to 
guard effectually the railroad bridges and look to the track. 

The regiment will go supplied for a tour of duty of twenty -four 
hours, and will move on the arrival at your camp of a train of cars 
ordered for that purpose, and will relieve all the troops of Colonel 
Hunter's brigade now guarding the line. 

I am, sir, very respectfully your obedient servant, 

James B. Fry, A. A. G. 

As appears by the order, General Schenck was not ordered to go- 
himself, but merely to send a regiment ; and he went himself be- 
cause the colonels of both his regiments happened to be absent ; 
but he took Colonel McCook's regiment, and Colonel McCook over- 
took and joined him before the disaster occurred ; and to whom (he 
being a regularly educated military man) the order was at once 
shown, and General Schenck did nothing afterward but upon his 
full concurrence. It is not true, as has been stated, that any notice 
was given General Schenck of a battery being at Vienna. It is true 
that a countryman told General Schenck he had heard there were 
troops at Vienna. He was asked if he had seen them, and he said 
not ; he was asked if he had seen any one who had seen them, and he 
said not ; but he had seen a man who had heard there were troops 
there. This was heard by Colonel McCook as well as General 
Schenck ; and on consultation they agreed that it was but a vague 
rumor. 

It is a fact that not an officer or private who was present at the 
disaster has ever cast a word of blame upon either General Schenck 
or Colonel McCook; but, on the contrary, they are all anxious to have 
another trial under the same officers. 



July 16, 1861. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Congress 
a copy of correspondence between the Secretary of State and her 
Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipoten- 
tiary accredited to this government, relative to the exhibition of the 
products of industry of all nations, which is to take place at London 
in the course of the next year. As citizens of the United States may 
justly pride themselves upon their proficiency in industrial arts, it 



68 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

is desii'able that they should have proper facilities toward taking 
part in the exhibition. With this view I recommend such legisla- 
tion by Congress at this session as maybe necessary for that purpose. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
WASHINGTO.N, July 16, 1861. 

July 18, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, July 18, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

My dear Sir : I can scarcely avoid an " unpleasantness," not to say 
a difficulty, or rupture, respectively with Mr. Senator King and Mr. 
Speaker Grow, unless I can find a place for each a man. Mr. Grow, 
knowing I have Mr. King on hand, as well as himseK, was here this 
morning, insisting that the second and fifth authorships are still 
open, and that I might give them to Mr. King's man and to his. Is 
the fact so 1 Are those places open ! If they are, you would both 
oblige and relieve me by letting them go as indicated. Grow's man 
is Joseph E. Streeter, really of Illinois (no acquaintance of mine), 
but, as Grows says, to be charged to Pennsylvania. King's man is 

Smith, of Minnesota. I neither know him nor remember his 

Christian name as given by Mr. King. 

Yours as ever, A. Lincoln. 

July 19, 1861. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives: As the United States 
have, in common with Great Britain and France, a deep interest in 
the preservation and development of the fisheries adjacent to the 
northeastern coast and islands of this continent, it seems proper 
that we should concert with the governments of those countries 
such measui'es as may be conducive to those important objects. 
With this view I transmit to Congress a copy of a correspondence 
between the Secretary of State and the British minister here, in 
which the latter proposes, on behalf of his government, the appoint- 
ment of a joint commission to inquire into the matter, in order 
that such ulterior measures may be adopted as may be advisable 
for the objects proposed. Such legislation is recommended as may 
be necessary to enable the executive to provide for a commissioner 
jon behaK of the United States. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, July 19, 1861. 

.July .23, 1861. — Memoranda of Military Policy Suggested 
BY the Bull Run Defeat. 

(July 23, 1861.) 

1. Let 'the plan for making the blockade effective be pushed for- 
eword with. all possible despatch. 



J 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN G9 

2. Let the volunteer forces at Fort Monroe and vicinity under 
General Butler be constantly drilled, disciplined, and instructed 
without more for the present. 

3. Let Baltimore be held as now, with a gentle but firm and cer- 
tain hand. 

4. Let the force now under Patterson or Banks be strengthened 
and made secure in its position. 

5. Let the forces in Western Virginia act till further orders ac- 
cording to instructions or orders from General McClellan. 

6. [Let] General Fremont push forward his organization and op- 
erations in the West as rapidly as possible, giving rather special at- 
tention to Missouri. 

7. Let the forces late before Manassas, except the three-months 
men, be reorganized as rapidly as possible in their camps here and 
about Arlington. 

8. Let the three-months forces who decline to enter the longer 
service bo discharged as rapidly as circumstances will permit. 

9. Let the new volunteer forces be brought forward as fast as 
possible, and especially into the camps on the two sides of the river 
here. 

(July 27, 1861.) 

When the foregoing shall have been substantially attended to : 

1. Let Manassas Junction (or some point on one or other of the 
railroads near it) and Strasburg be seized and permanently held, 
with an open line from Washington to Manassas, and an open line 
from Harper's Ferry to Strasburg — the military men to find the 
way of doing these. 

2. This done, a joint movement from Cairo on Memphis, and 
from Cincinnati on East Tennessee. 



July 25, 1861. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Bepresentatlves : In answer to the resolution of 
the House of Representatives of the 15th instant requesting a copy 
of the correspondence between this government and foreign powers 
on the subject of the existing insurrection in the United States, 
I transmit a report from the Secretary of State. 

Abrahajm Lincoln. 

Washington, July 25, 1861. 



July 25, 1861. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the Home of Representatives : In answer to the resolution of 
the House of Representatives of the 22d instant requesting a copy 
of the correspondence between this government and foreign powers 
with reference to maritime rights, I transmit a copy from the Secre- 
tary of State. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, July 25, 1861. 



70 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



July 27, 1861. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate : In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 
25th instant relative to the instructions to the ministers of the 
United States abroad, in reference to the rebellion now existing 
in the southern portion of the Union, I transmit a report from the 
Secretary of State. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, July 27, 18G1. 



July 27, 1861.— Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the Rouse of Representatives : In answer to the resolution of 
the House of Representatives of the 24th instant asking the grounds, 
reasou, and evidence iipon which the police commissioners of Balti- 
more were arrested and are now detained as prisoners at Fort 
McHenry, I have to state that it is judged to be incompatible with 
the public interest at this time to furnish the information called for 
by the resolution. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, July 27, 1861. 



July 30, 1861. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States: In answer to the resolution of 
the Senate of the 19th instant requesting information concerning 
the quasi armistice alluded to in my message of the 4th instant, I 
transmit a report from the Secretary of the Navy. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

July 30, 1861. 

July 30, 1861. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : In answer to the resolution of 
the Senate of the 23d instant requesting information concerning 
the imprisonment of Lieutenant John J. Worden [John L. Worden] 
of the United States navy, I transmit a report from the Secretary 
of the Navy. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

July 30, 1861. 

August 1, 1861. — Reply to the Tycoon of Japan. 

A. Lincoln, President of the United States of America: 

To His Majesty the Tycoon of Japan. 

Gi'eat and good Friend : I have received the letter which you have 
addressed to me on the subject of a desired extension of the time 
stipulated by treaty for the opening of certain ports and cities in 






LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 71 

Japan. The question is surrounded with many difficulties. While 
it is my earnest desire to consult the convenience of your Majesty, 
and to accede, so far as I can, to your reasonable wishes, so kindly 
expressed, the interests of the United States must, nevertheless, 
have due consideration. Towusend Harris, minister resident near 
your Majesty, will be fully instructed as to the views of tliis govern- 
ment, and will make them known to you at large. I do not permit 
myself to doubt that these views will meet with your Majesty's ap- 
proval, for they proceed not less from a just regard for the interest 
and prosperity of your empire than from considerations affecting 
our own welfare and honor. 

Wishing abundant prosperity and length of years to the great 
state over which j^ou preside, I pray God to have your Majesty 
always in his safe and holy keeping. 

Written at the city of Washington, this 1st day of August, 1861. 

Your good friend, A. Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

August 1, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Cameron. 

Executive Mansion, August 1, 1861, 
3£)j dear Sir : Herewith I inclose you a resolution of the Senate 
inquiring whether Hon. James H. Lane, of Kansas, has been ap- 
pointed a general in the army of the United States ; and if yea, 
whether he has accepted the appointment. Will you i)lease fur- 
nish me, as soon as possible, copies of all record entries and corre- 
spondence upon the subject which are in your department, together 
with a brief statement of your personal knowledge of whatever may 
contribute to a full and fair statement of the case. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

August 2, 1861. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the Rouse of Representatives : In answer to the resolution of 
the House of Representatives of yesterday, requesting information 
regarding the imprisonment of loyal citizens of the United States 
by the forces now in rebellion against this government, I transmit 
a report from the Secretary of State, and the copy of a telegraphic 
despatch by which it was accompanied. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, August 2, 1861. 

August 3, 1861. — Letter from Secretary Cameron to the 
Governor of Missouri. 

War Department, Washington, August 3, 1861. 
His Excellency H. R. Gamble, Governor of Missouri, Jefferson City; 
In reply to your message directed to the President, I am directed 
to say that if by proclamation you promise security to citizens in 



72 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

arms who voluntarily return to their allegiance and become peace- 
able and loyal, this government will cause the promise to be respected. 
I have tlie honor to be, very respectfully, 

Semon Cameron, Secretary of War. 



August 5, 1861. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : In answer to the resolution of 
your honorable body of date July 31, 1861, requesting the President 
to inform the Senate whether the Hon. James H. Lane, a member 
of that body from Kansas, has been appointed a brigadier-general 
in the army of the United States, and if so, whether he has accepted 
such appointment, I have the honor to transmit herewith certain 
papers, numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, which, taken together, ex- 
plain themselves, and which contain all the information I possess 
upon the questions propounded. 

It was my intention, as shown by my letter of June 20, 1861, to 
appoint Hon. James H. Lane, of Kansas, a brigadier-general of 
United States volunteers in anticipation of the act of Congress, since 
passed, for raising such volunteers ; and I have no further know- 
ledge upon the subject, except as derived from the papers herewith 
inclosed. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Executive Mansion, August 5, 1861. 



Auffust 5, 1861. — Telegram from the President's Private 
Secretary to General Fremont. 

Washington, August 5, 1861. 
To Major-General Fremont : The President desires to know briefly 
the situation of affairs in the region of Cairo. Please answer. 

Jno. G. Nicolay, Private Secretary. 



August 7, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Cameron. 

Executive Mansion, August 7, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir: The within paper, as you see, is by Hon. John S. 
Phelps and Hon. Frank P. Blair, Jr., both members of the present 
Congress from Missouri. The object is to get up an efficient force 
of Missourians in the southwestern part of the State. It ought to 
be done, and Mr. Phelps ought to have general superintendence of 
it. I see by a private report to me from the department that eighteen 
regiments are already accepted from Missouri. Can it not be ar- 
ranged that part of tliem (not yet organized, as I understand) may 
be taken from the locality mentioned and put under the control of 
Mr. Phelps, and let him have discretion to accept them for a shorter 
term than thi*ee vears or the war — imderstanding, however, that he 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 73 

will get thein for the full term if he can ? I hope this can be done, 
because Mr. Phelps is too zealous and efficient and understands his 
ground too well for us to lose his service. Of course provision for 
arming, equipping, etc., must be made. Mr. Phelps is here, and 
wishes to carry home with him authority for this matter. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



August 8, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, August 8, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary op War. 

Ml/ dear Sir: Edward Ellsworth, first cousin to Colonel Ellsworth 
who fell at Alexandria, a non-commissioned officer in the fourth 
regiment of Michigan Volunteers, now stationed at the Relay House, 
wishes to be a second lieutenant in the army. He is present while I 
write this, and he is an intelligent and an exceedingly wary-appear- 
ing \'oung man of twenty years of age. I shall be glad if a place can 
be found for him. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 12, 1861. — Proclamation of a National Fast-day. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas a joint committee of both houses of Congress has waited 
on the President of the United States and requested him to " recom- 
mend a day of public prayer, humiliation, and fasting, to be observed 
by the people of the United States with religious solemnities, and 
the offering of fervent supplications to Almighty God for the safety 
and welfare of these States, his blessings on their arms, and a speedy 
restoration of peace " : 

And whereas it is fit and becoming in all people, at all times, 
to acknowledge and revere the supreme government of God ; to bow 
in humble submission to his chastisements ; to confess and deplore 
their sins and transgressions, in the full conviction that the fear of 
the Lord is the beginning of wisdom ; and to pray with all fervency 
and conti'ition for the pardon of tlynr past offenses, and for a bless- 
ing upon their present and prospective action : 

And whereas when our own beloved country, once, by the blessing 
of God, united, prosperous, and happy, is now afflicted with faction 
and civil war, it is peculiarly fit for us to recognize the hand of God 
in this terrible visitation, and in sorrowful remembrance of our own 
faults and crimes as a nation and as individuals, to humble our- 
selves before him and to pray for his Tuercy — to pray that we may 
be spared further punishment, though most justly deserved; that 
our arms may be blessed and made effectual for the reestablish- 
ment of law, order, and peace throughout the wide extent of our 
country ; and that the inestimable boon of civil and religious liberty, 



74 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

earned under his guidance and blessing by the labors and sufferings 
of our fathers, may be restored in all its original excellence : 

Therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, 
do appoint the last Thursday in September next as a day of humili- 
ation, prayer, and fasting for all the people of the nation. And I 
do earnestly recommend to all the people, and especially to all 
ministers and teachers of religion, of all denominations, and to all 
heads of families, to observe and keep that day, according to their 
several creeds and modes of worship, in all humility and with all 
religious solemnity, to the end that the united prayer of the nation 
may ascend to the Throne of Grrace, and bring down plentiful bless- 
ings upon our country. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
caused the seal of the United States to be affixed, this twelfth 
[l. s.] day of August, a, d. eighteen hundred and sixty-one, and of 
the independence of the United States of America the eighty- 
sixth. Abraham Lincoln. 
By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



' August 15, 18G1.— Telegram to Governor O. P. Morton. 

Washington, D. C, August 15, 1861. 
Governor Morton, Indiana: 

Start your four regiments to St. Louis at the earliest moment 
possible. Get such harness as may be necessary for your rifled guns. 
Do not delay a single regiment, but hasten everything forward as 
soon as any one regiment is ready. Have your three additional 
regiments organized at once. We shall endeavor to send you the 
arms this week. A. Lincoln. 



August 15, 1861.— Telegram to General Fremont. 

Washington, August 15, 1861. 
To Major- General Fremont: Been answering your messages since 
day before yesterday. Do you receive the answers ? The War De- 
partment has notified all the governors you designate to forward 
aU available force. So telegraphed you. Have you received these 
messages ? Answer immediately. A. Lincoln. 



August 15, 1861. — Telegram to John A. Gurley. 

Washington, D. C, August 15, 1861. 
John A. Gurley, Cincinnati, Ohio: 

The Grosbeck regiment is ordered to join Fremont at once. Has 
it gone? Answer immediately. A.Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 75 



August 16, 1861.— Proclamation Forbidding Intercourse with 

Rebel States. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas on the fifteenth dav of April, eighteen hundred and sixty- 
one, the President of the United States, in view of an insurrection 
against the laws, Constitution, and government of the United States 
which had broken out within the States of South Carolina, Georgia, 
Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and m pursu- 
ance of the provisions of the act entitled " An act to provide for 
calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress 
insurrections, and repel invasions, and to repeal the act now in force 
for that purpose," approved February twenty-eighth, seventeen hun- 
dred and uinetv-flve, did call forth the militia to suppress said insur- 
rection, and to cause the laws of the Union to be duly executed, and 
the insurgents have failed to disperse by the time directed by the 
President; and whereas, such insurrection has since broken out 
and yet exists within the States of Virginia, North Carolina, Ten- 
nessee, and Arkansas ; and whereas, the insurgents in all the said 
States claim to act under the authority thereof, and such claim is 
not disclaimed or repudiated by the persons exercising the functions 
of government in such State or States, or in the part or parts thereof 
in which such combinations exist, nor has such insurrection been 
suppressed by said States: tt -x -■ o^ ^ 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, 
in pursuance of an act of Congress approved July thirteen, eighteen 
hundred and sixty-one, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the 
said States of Georgia, South Carohna, Virginia, North Carolina, 
Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and 
Florida (except the inhabitants of that part of the State of Virginia 
lying west of the Alleghauv Mountains, and of such other parts of 
that State, and the other States hereinbefore named, as may main- 
tain a loyal adhesion to the Union and the Constitution, or may be 
from time to time occupied and controlled by forces of the United 
States engaged in the dispersion of said insurgents), are in a state 
of insurrection against the United States, and that all coin- 
mercial intercourse between the same and the inhabitants thereof, 
with the exceptions aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and 
other parts of the United States, is unlawful, and will remain unlaw- 
ful until such insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed ; that 
all goods and chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any 
of said States, with the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the 
United States, without the special license and permission of the 
President, through the Secretary of the Treasury, or proceeding to 
any of said States, with the exceptions aforesaid, by land or water, 
together with the vessel or vehicle conveying the same, or convoy- 
ing persons to or from said States, with said exceptions, will be for- 
feited to the United States ; and that from and after fifteen days 



76 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

from the issuing of this proclamation all ships and vessels belonging 
in whole or in part to any citizen or inhabitant of any of said States, 
with said exceptions, found at sea, or in any port of the United 
States, will be forfeited to the United States ; and I hereby enjoin 
upon all district attorneys, marshals, and ofl&oers of the revenue and 
of the military and naval forces of the United States to be vigilant 
in the execution of said act, and in the enforcement of the penalties 
and forfeitures imposed or declared by it ; leaving any party who 
may think himself aggrieved thereby to his application to the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury for the remission of any penalt^^ or forfeiture, 
which the said secretary is authorized by law to grant if, in his 
judgment, the special circumstances of any case shall require such 
remission. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this sixteenth day of 
r 1 August, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and sixty- 
'■^* -■ one, and of the independence of the United States of America 
the eighty-sixth, Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



August 17, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Cameron. 

Executive Mansion, August 17, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir: Unless there be reason to the contrary, not known to 
me, make out a commission for Simon [B.] Buckner, of Kentucky, 
as a brigadier-general of volunteers. It is to be put into the hands 
of General Anderson, and delivered to General Buckner or not, at 
the discretion of General Anderson. Of course it is to remain a 
secret unless and until the commission is delivered. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

[Indorsement] 
Same day made. 



August 24, 1861.— Letter to Governor Magoffin. 

Washington, D. C, August 24, 1861. 

To His Excellency B. Magoffin, 

Governor of the State of Kentucky. 

Sir : Your letter of the 19th instant, in which you '' urge the re- 
moval from the limits of Kentucky of the military force now organ- 
ized and in camp within said State," is received. 

I may not possess full and precisely accurate knowledge upon 
this subject, but I believe it is true that there is a military force in 
camp within Kentucky acting by authority of the United States, 
which force is not very large, and is not now being augmented. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN i I 

I also believe that some arms have been furnished to this force 
by the United States. 

I also believe that this force consists exclusively of Kentuckians, 
havinjy^ their camp in the immediate vicinity of their own homes, 
and not assailing or menacing any of the good peo{)le of Kentucky. 

In all I have done in the premises, I have acted upon the urgent 
solicitation of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with what I 
believed, and still believe, to be the wish of a majority of all the 
Union-loving people of Kentucky. 

While I have conversed on this subject with many eminent men 
of Kentucky, including a large majority of her members of Congress, 
I do not remember that any one of them, or any other person, ex- 
cept your Excellency and the bearers of your Excellency's letter, has 
urged me to remove the military force from Kentucky or to disband 
it. One other very worthy citizen of Kentucky did solicit me to have 
the augmenting of the force suspended for a time. 

Taking all the means within my reach to form a judgment, I do 
not believe it is the popular wish of Kentucky that this force shall 
be removed beyond her limits, and, with this impression, I must re- 
spectfully decline to so remove it 

I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in the wish to 
preserve the peace of my own native State, Kentucky; but it is with 
regret I search [for], and cannot find, in your not very short letter 
any declaration or intimation that you entertain any desire for the 
preservation of the Federal Union. 

Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln. 



September 2, 1861. — Letter to General Fremont. 

Washington, D. C, September 2, 1861. 
Major-General Fremont. 

My dear Sir: Two points in your proclamation of August 30 give 
me some anxiety : 

First. Should you shoot a man, according to the proclamation, the 
Confederates would very certainly shoot our best men in their hands 
in retaliation ; and so, man for man, indefinitely. It is, therefore, 
my order that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation 
"without first having my approbation or consent. 

Second. I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, 
in relation to the confiscation of property and the liberating slaves 
of traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends and 
turn them against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for 
Kentucky. Allow me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your 
own motion, modify that paragraph so as to conform to the first and 
fourth sections of the act of Congress entitled, *' An act to confiscate 
property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 
1861, and a copy of which act I herewith send you. 

This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure. I 
send it by special messenger, in order that it may certainly and 
speedily reach you. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



78 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



September 9, 1861. — Letter to General Hunter. 

WASHEsrGTON, D. C, September 9, 1861. 
Major- General David Hunter. 

3Iij dear Sir : General Fremont needs assistance which it is diffi- 
cult to give him. He is losing the confidence of men near him, 
whose support any man in his position must have to be successful. 
His cardinal mistake is that he isolates himself and allows nobody 
to see him, and by which he does not know what is going on in the 
very matter he is dealing with. He needs to have by his side a man 
of large experience. Will you not, for me, take that place? Your 
rank is one grade too high to be ordered to it, but will you not serve 
the country and oblige me by taking it voluntarily? 

A. Lincoln. 



September 11, 1861. — Telegram to Governors Washburn of 
Maine, Fairbanks of Vermont, Berry of New Hampshire, 
Andrew op Massachusetts, Buckingham of Connecticut, 
AND Sprague of Rhode Island. 

War Department, September 11, 1861. 
General Butler proposes raising in New England six regiments, to 
be recruited and commanded by himself, and to go on special service. 

I shall be glad if you, as governor of , will answer by telegraph 

if you consent. 

A, Lincoln. 



September 11, 1861.— Order to General Fremont. 

W^ashington, September 11, 1861. 
Major-General John C. Fremont. 

Sir : Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just 
received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge 
of the necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on 
seeing your proclamation of August 30 I perceived no general objec- 
tion to it. The particular clause, however, in relation to the confis- 
cation of property and the liberation of slaves appeared to me to be 
objectionable in its nonconformity to the act of Congress passed the 
6th of last August upon the same subjects ; and hence I wrote you, 
expressing mywish that that clause should be modified accordingly. 
Your answer, just received, expresses the preference on your part 
that I should make an open order for the modification, wliich I very 
cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that the said clause of said pro- 
clamation be so modified, held, and construed as to conform to, and 
not to transcend, the provisions on the same subject contained in 
the act of Congress entitled, "An act to confiscate property used for 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 79 

insurrectionary purposes/' approved August G, 1861, and that said 
act bo published at length with this oi-der. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

September 12, 1861. — Letter to Mrs. Fr]6mont. 

Washington, D. C, September 12, 1861. 
Mrs. General Fremont. 

Ml/ dear Madam : Your two notes of to-day are before me. I 
answered the letter you bore me from General Fremont on yester- 
day, and not hearing from you during the day, I sent the answer to 
him by mail. It is not exactly correct, as you say you were told by 
the elder Mr. Blair, to say that I sent Postmaster-General Blair to 
St. Louis to examine into that department and report. Postmaster- 
General Blair did go, with my approbation, to see and converse with 
General Fremont as a friend. I do not feel authorized to furnish 
you with copies of letters in my possession without the consent of 
the writers. No impression has been made on my mind against the 
honor or integrity of General Fremont, and I now enter my pro- 
test against being understood as acting in any hostility toward him. 
Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



September 12, 1861. — Letter to Joseph Holt. 

Executive Mansion, September 12, 1861. 
Hon. Joseph Holt. 

Dear Sir : Yours of this day, in relation to the late proclamation 
of General Fremont, is received. Yesterday I addressed a letter to 
him by mail on the same subject, and which is intended to be made 
public when he receives it. I herewith send you a copy of that let- 
ter, which, perhaps, shows my position as distinctly as any new one 
I could write. I will thank you to not make it public until General 
Fremont shall have had time to receive the original. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

[September 15 ?] 1861. — Indorsement on Letter of 
John W. Davis. 

The President has read this letter, and he deeply commiserates the 
condition of any one so distressed as the writer seems to be. He 
does not know Mr. Davis — only knows him to be one of the arrested 
police commissioners of Baltimore because he says so in this letter. 
Assuming him to be one of those commissioners, the President 
understands Mr. Davis could at the time of his arrest, could at any 
time since, and can now, be released by taking a full oath of alle- 
giance to the government of the United States, and that Mr. Davis 
has not been kept in ignorance of this condition of release. If Mr. 
Davis is still so hostile to the government, and so determined to aid 
its enemies in destroying it, he makes his own choice. 



80 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



September 16, 1861. — Letter to General Scott. 

Washington, D. C, September 16, 1861. 

3fy dear Sir : Since conversing with you I have concluded to re- 
quest you to frame an order for recruiting North Carolinians at Fort 
Hatteras. I suggest it to be so framed as for vis to accept a smaller 
force — even a company — if we cannot get a regiment or more. 
"What is necessary to now say about officers you will judge. Gov- 
ernor Seward says he has a nephew (Clarence A. Seward, I believe) 
who would be willing to go and play colonel and assist in raising the 
force. Still it is to be considered whether the North Carolinians will 
not prefer officers of their own. I should expect they would. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

Lieutenant-General Scott. 

September 18, 1861. — Order to Secretary Cameron. 

Executive Mansion, September 18, 1861. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir : To guard against misunderstanding, I think fit to 
say that the joint expedition of the army and navy agreed upon 
some time since, and in which General T. W. Sherman was and is 
to bear a conspicuous part, is in no wise to be abandoned, but must 
be ready to move by the 1st of, or very early in, October. Let all 
preparations go forward accordingly. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



September 22, 1861. — Order to General Fremont. 

Washington, September 22, 1861. 
Major-General Fremont: 

Governor Morton telegraphs as follows : " Colonel Lane, just ar- 
rived by special train, represents Owensborough, forty miles above 
Evansville, in possession of secessionists. Green River is navigable. 
Owensborough must be seized. We want a gunboat sent up from 
Paducah for that purpose," Send up the gunboat if, in your discre- 
tion, you think it right. Perhaps you had better order those in 
charge of the Ohio River to guard it vigilantly at all points. 

A. Lincoln. 

September 22, 1861. — Letter to O. H. Browning. 

{Private and Confidential.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 22, 1861. 
Hon. 0. H. Browning. 

My dear Sir : Yours of the 17th is just received ; and coming from 
you, I confess it astonishes me. That you should object to my ad- 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 81 

hering to a law which you had assisted in making and presenting 
to me less than a month before is odd enough. But this is a very- 
small part. General Fremont's proclamation as to confiscation of 
property and the liberation of slaves is purely political and not 
within the range of military law or necessity. If a commanding 
general finds a necessity to seize the farm of a private owner for a 
pasture, an encampment, or a fortification, he has the right to do so, 
and to so hold it as long as the necessity lasts ; and this is within 
military law, because within military necessity. But to say the 
farm shall no longer belong to the owner, or his heirs forever, and 
this as well when the farm is not needed for military purposes as 
when it is, is purely political, without the savor of military law about 
it. And the same is true of slaves. If the general needs them, he 
can seize them and use them ; but when the need is past, it is not for 
him to fix their permanent futiu*e condition. That must be settled 
according to laws made by law-makers, and not by military procla- 
mations. Tlie proclamation in the point in question is simply " dic- 
tatorship." It assumes that the general may do anything he pleases 
— confiscate the lands and free the slaves of loyal people, as well as 
of disloyal ones. And going the whole figure, I have no doubt, 
would be more popular with some thoughtless people than that 
which has been done ! But I cannot assume this reckless position, 
nor allow others to assume it on my responsibility. 

You speak of it as being the only means of saving the govern- 
ment. On the contrary, it is itself the surrender of the government. 
Can it be pretended that it is any longer the Government of the 
United States — any government of constitution and laws — wherein 
a general or a president may make permanent rules of property by 
proclamation? I do not say Congress might not with propriety 
pass a law on the point, just such as General Fremont proclaimed. 
I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote for it. 
"What I object to is, that I, as President, shall expressly or im- 
pliedly seize and exercise the permanent legislative functions of the 
government. 

So much as to principle. Now as to policy. No doubt the thing 
was popular in some quarters, and would have been more so if it 
had been a general declaration of emancipation. The Kentucky 
legislature would not budge till that proclamation was modified; 
and General Anderson telegraphed me that on the news of General 
Fremont having actually issued deeds of manumission, a whole com- 
pany of our volunteers threw down their arms and disbanded. I 
was so assured as to think it probable that the very arms we had 
furnished Kentucky would be turned against us. I think to lose 
Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game. Kentucky 
gone, we cannot hold Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all 
against us, and the job on our hands is too large for us. We would 
as well consent to separation at once, including the surrender of this 
capital. On the contrary, if you \vill give up your restlessness for 
new positions, and back me manfully on the grounds upon which 
you and other kind friends gave me the election and have approved 
in my public documents, we shall go through triumphantly. You 
Vol. II.— 6. 



OJ LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

must not understand I took my course on the proclamation because 
of Kentucky. I took the same ground in a private letter to Greueral 
Fremont before I heard from Kentucky. 

You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid General 
Fremont to shoot men under the proclamation. I understand that 
part to be within military law, but I also think, and so privately 
wrote General Fremont, that it is impolitic in this, that our adver- 
saries have the power, and will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many 
of our men as we shoot of theirs. I did not say this in the public 
letter, because it is a subject I prefer not to discuss in the hearing 
of our enemies. 

There has been no thought of removing General Fremont on any 
ground connected with his proclamation, and if there has been any 
wish for his removal on any ground, our mutual friend Sam. Glover 
can probably tell you what it was. I hope no real necessity for it 
exists on any ground. Your friend, as ever, 

A. Lincoln. 

September 24, 1861. — Memorandum about Guns. 

Washington, September 24, 1861. 
If twenty guns, and a carriage and appointments to each, shall be 
made, equal or superior to the Ellsworth gun and carriage exhibited 
some time since to Captain Kingsbury, and more recently to me, the 
quality to be judged of by Captain Kingsbury, and shall be delivered 
to the Government of the United States at this city within sixty days 
from this date, I will advise that they be paid for at the price of 
three hundred and fifty dollars for each gun with its carriage and 
appointments, and in addition will advise that reasonable charges 
for transportation from Worcester in Massachusetts to this city be 
paid. Will also advise that forty cents per round be paid for all 
good ammunition suitable for said guns, which shall be furnished 
with said guns, provided the amount does not exceed two hundred 
rounds to each gun. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 29, 1861. — Letter to Governor Morton. 

Washington, D. C, September 29, 1861. 
His Excellency, Governor O. P. Morton: 

Your letter by the hand of Mr. Prunk was received yesterday. I 
write this letter because I wish you to believe of us (as we certainly 
believe of you) that we are doing the very best we can. You do not 
receive arms from us as fast as you need them ; but it is because we 
have not near enough to meet all the pressing demands, and we are 
obliged to share around what we have, sending the larger share to 
the points which appear to need them most. We have great hope 
that our own supply will be ample before long, so that you and all 
others can have as many as you need. I see an article in an Indian- 
apolis newspaper denouncing me for not answering your letter sent 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 83 

by special messenger two or three weeks ago. I did make what I 
thought the best ausWer to that letter. As I remember, it asked for 
ten heavy guns to be distributed, with some troops, at Lawrence- 
burg, Madison, New Albany, and Evansville; and I ordered the 
guns and directed you to send the troops, if you had them. As to 
Kentucky, you do not estimate that State as more important than I 
do, but I am compelled to watch all points. While I write this I am, 
if not in range, at least in hearing of cannon-shot from an array of 
enemies more than 100,000 strong. I do not expect them to capture 
this city ; but I know they would if I were to send the men and 
arms from here to defend Louisville, of which there is not a single 
hostile armed soldier within forty miles, nor any force known to be 
moving upon it from any distance. It is true the army in our front 
may make a half-circle around southward and move on Louisville, 
but when they do we will make a half-circle around northward and 
meet them ; and in the mean time we will get up what forces we can 
from other sources to also meet them. 

I hope ZoUicoffer has left Cumberland Gap (though I fear he has 
not)^ because, if he has, I rather infer he did it because of his dread 
of Camp Dick Robinson, reinforced from Cincinnati, moving on 
him, than because of his intention to move on Louisville. But if he 
does go round and reinforce Buckner, let Dick Robinson come round 
and reinforce Sherman, and the thing is substantially as it was 
when ZoUicoffer left Cumberland Gap. I state this as an illustration ; 
for, in fact, I think if the Gap is left open to us Dick Robinson 
should take it and hold it; while Indiana and the vicinity of Louis- 
ville in Kentucky can reinforce Sherman faster than ZoUicoffer can 
Buckner. 

You requested that Lieutenant-Colonel Wood of the army should 
be appointed a brigadier-general. I will only say that very formid- 
able objection has been made to this from Indiana. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



[October 1 ?] 1861, — Memorandum for a Plan of Campaign. 

On or about the 5th of October (the exact date to be determined 
hereafter) I wish a movement made to seize and hold a point on the 
railroad connecting Virginia and Tennessee near the mountain-pass 
called Cumberland Gap. That point is now guai-ded against us by Zol- 
licoffer, with 6000 or 8000 rebels at Barboursville, Ky., — say twenty- 
five miles from the Gap, toward Lexington. We have a force of 5000 
or 6000 under General Thomas, at Camp Dick Robinson, about twenty- 
five miles from Lexington and seventy-five from Zollicoffer's camp, 
on the road between the two. There is not a railroad anywhere be- 
tween Lexington and the point to be seized, and along the whole length 
of which the Union sentiment among the people largely predominates. 
We have military possession of the railroad from Cincinnati to Lex- 
ington, and from Louisville to Lexington, and some home guards, 
under General Crittenden, are on the latter line. We have posses- 



84 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

sion of the railroad from Louisville to Nashville, Tenn., so far as 
Muldraugh's Hill, about forty miles, and the rebels have possession 
of that road all south of there. At the Hill we have a force of 8000, 
under General Sherman, and about an equal force of rebels is a 
very short distance south, under General Buckner. 

We have a large force at Paducah, and a smaller at Fort Holt, 
both on the Kentucky side, with some at Bird's Point, Cairo, Mound 
City, Evansville, and New Albany, all on the other side, and all 
which, with the gun-boats on the river, are perhaps sufficient to 
guard the Ohio from Louisville to its mouth. 

About supplies of troops, my general idea is that all from Wis- 
consin, Minnesota, Iowa, Illinois, Missouri, and Kansas, not now 
elsewhere, be left to Fremont. All from Indiana and Michigan, not 
now elsewhere, be sent to Anderson at Louisville. All from Ohio 
needed in western Virginia be sent there, and any remainder be 
sent to Mitchel at Cincinnati, for Anderson, All east of the moun- 
tains be appropriated to McClellan and to the coast. 

As to movements, my idea is that the one for the coast and that 
on Cumberland Gap be simultaneous, and that in the mean time 
preparation, vigilant watching, and the defensive only be acted upon ; 
this, however, not to apply to Fremont's operations in northern and 
middle Missouri. That before these movements Thomas and Sher- 
man shall respectively watch but not attack Zollicoffer and Buck- 
ner. That when the coast and Gap movements shall be ready 
Sherman is merely to stand fast, while all at Cincinnati and all at 
Louisville, with all on the line, concentrate rapidly at Lexington, 
and thence to Thomas's camp, joining him, and the whole thence 
upon the Gap. It is for the military men to decide whether they 
can find a pass through the mountains at or near the Gap which 
cannot be defended by the enemy with a greatly inferior force, and 
what is to be done in regard to this. 

The coast and Gap movements made. Generals McClellan and Fre- 
mont, in their respective departments, will avail themselves of any 
advantages the diversions may present, • 



October 11, 1861, — Letter to the Viceroy of Egypt, 

Washington, October 11, 1861. 
Great and good Friend : I have received from Mr. Thayer, consul- 
general of the United States at Alexandria, a full account of the 
liberal, enlightened, and energetic proceedings which, on his com- 
plaint, you have adopted in bringing to speedy and condign punish- 
ment the parties, subjects of your highness in Upper Egypt, who 
were concerned in an act of criminal persecution against Faris, an 
agent of certain Christian missionaries in Upper Egypt. I pray 
your highness to be assured that these proceedings, at once so 
prompt and so just, will be regarded as a new and unmistakable proof 
equally of your highness's friendship for the United States and of 
the firmness, integrity, and wisdom with which the government of 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 85 

your highness is conducted. Wishing you great prosperity and 
success, I am your friend, 

Abraham Lincoln. 
His Highness Mohammed Said Pacha, 

Viceroy of Egypt and its Dependencies, etc. 
By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State, 

October 14, 1861.— Order authorizing Suspension of the Writ 
OF Habeas Corpus. 

Washington, October 14, 1861. 
Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott : 

The military Ime of the United States for the suppression of the 
insurrection may be extended so far as Bangor, Maine. You and any 
officer acting under your authority are hereby authorized to suspend 
the writ of habeas corpus in any place between that place and the 
city of Washington. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

October 21, 1861. — Letter to Archbishop Hughes. 

Washington, D. C, October 21, 1861. 
Archbishop Hughes. 

Rujlit reverend Sir: I am sure you will pardon me if in my igno- 
rance I do not address you with technical correctness. I find no law 
authorizing the appointment of chaplains for our hospitals ; and yet 
the services of chaplains are more needed, perhaps, in the hospitals 
than with the healthy soldiers in the field. With this view, I have 
given a sort of quasi appointment (a copy of which I inclose) to 
each of three Protestant ministers, who have accepted and entered 
upon the duties. 

If you perceive no objection, I will thank you to give me the 
name or names of one or more suitable persons of the Catholic 
Church, to whom I may with propriety tender the same service. 

Many thanks for your kind and judicious letters to Governor 
Seward, and which he regularly allows me both the pleasure and 
the profit of perusing. With the highest respect, 

Yom* obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



October 24, 1861. — Letters to General Curtis, with Inclosures. 

Washington, October 24, 1861. 
Brigadier-General S. R. Curtis. 

JIA// dear Sir : Herewith is a document — half letter, half order — 
which, wishing you to see, but not to make public, I send unsealed. 
Please read it and then inclose it to the officer who tnay be in com- 



86 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

mand of the Department of the West at the time it reaches him. I 
cannot now know whether Fremont or Hunter will then be in 
command. Yours truly, j^ Lincoln. 



Washington, October 24, 1861, 
Brigadier-General S. R. Curtis. 

Dear Sir: On receipt of this, with the accompanying inclosures, you 
will take safe, certain, and suitable measures to have the inclosure 
addressed to Major-General Fremont delivered to him with all 
reasonable despatch, subject to these conditions only: that if, when 
General Fremont shall be reached by the messenger — yourself or 
any one sent by you — he shall then have, in personal command, 
fought and won a battle, or shall then be actually in a battle, or shall 
then be in the immediate presence of the enemy in expectation of a 
battle, it is not to be delivered, but held for further orders. After, 
and not till after, the delivery to General Fremont, let the inclosure 
addressed to General Hunter be delivered to him. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

(General Orders No. 18.) 

Headquarters of the Army, 

Washington, October 24, 1861. 

Major-General Fremont, of the United States Army, the present 
commander of the Western Department of the same, will, on the re- 
ceipt of this order, call Major-General Hunter, of the United States 
Volunteers, to relieve him temporarily in that command, when he 
(Major-General Fremont) will report to general headquarters by 
letter for further orders. Winpield Scott. 

By command : E. D. Townsend, Assistant Adjutant-General. 



Washington, October 24, 1861. 
To the Cojimander of the Department of the West. 

Sir : The command of the Department of the West having de- 
volved upon you, I propose to offer you a few suggestions. Know- 
ing how hazardous it is to bind down a distant commander in the 
field to specific lines and operations, as so much always depends on 
a knowledge of localities and passing events, it is intended, there- 
fore, to leave a considerable margin for the exercise of your judgment 
and discretion. 

The main rebel army (Price's) west of the Mississippi is believed 
to have passed Dade County in full retreat upon northwestern Arkan- 
sas, leaving Missouri almost freed from the enemy, excepting in the 
southeast of the State. Assuming this basis of fact, it seems desir- 
able, as you are not likely to overtake Price, and are in danger of 
making too long a line from your own base of supplies and rein- 
forcements, that you should give up the pursuit, halt your main 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 87 

army, divide it into two corps of observation, one occupying Sedalia 
and the other Rolhi, the present termini of raih-oads ; then recruit 
the condition of both corps by reestablishing and improving their 
discipUne and instructions, perfecting their ch)thing and equip- 
ments, and providing less uncomfortable quarters. Of course iDoth 
railroads must be guarded and kept open, judiciously employing 
just so much force as is necessary for this. From these two points, 
SedaUa and RoUa, and especially in judicious cooperation with Lane 
on the Kansas border, it would be so easy to concentrate and re- 
pel any army of the enemy returning on Missouri from the south- 
west, that it is not probable any such attempt will be made before 
or during the approaching cold weather. Before spring the people 
of Missouri will probably be in no favorable mood to renew for next 
year the troubles which have so much afflicted and impoverished 
them during this. If you adopt this line of policy, and if, as I 
anticipate, you will see no enemy in great force approaching, you 
will have a surplus of force which you can withdraw from these 
points and direct to others as may be needed, the railroads furnish- 
ing ready means of reinforcing these main points if occasion re- 
quires. Doubtless local uprisings will for a time continue to occur, 
but these can be met by detachments and local forces of our own, 
and will ere long tire out of themselves. 

While, as stated in the beginning of the letter, a large discretion 
must be and is left with yourself, I feel sure that an indefinite pur- 
suit of Price or an attempt by this long and circuitous route to reach 
Memphis will be exhaustive beyond endurance, and will end in the 
loss of the whole force engaged in it. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



November 1, 1861.— Order retiring General Scott and 
APPOINTING General McClellan his Successor. 

(General Orders No. 94.) 

War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, 

Washington, November 1, 1861. 
The following order from the President of the United States an- 
nouncing the retirement from active command of the honored vet- 
eran Lieuteuant-General Winfield Scott will be read by the army 
with profound regret : 

" Executive Mansion, Washington, November 1, 1861. 

" On the 1st day of November, a. d. 1861, upon his own application 
to the President of the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General 
Winfield Scott is ordered to be placed, and hereby is placed, upon 
the list of retired officers of the army of the United States, without 
reduction in his current pay, subsistence, or allowances. 

" The American people will hear with sadness and deep emotion 
that General Scott has withdrawn from the active control of the 
army, while the President and a unanimous cabinet express their 



88 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

own and the nation's sympathy in his personal affliction, and their 
profound sense of the important public services rendered by him to 
his country during* his long and brilliant career, among which will 
ever be gratefully distinguished his faithful devotion to the Consti- 
tution, the Union, and the flag when assailed by parricidal rebellion. 

'^ Abraham Lincoln." 

The President is pleased to direct that Major-General George B. 
MeClellan assume the command of the army of the United States. 

The headquarters of the array will be established in the city of 
Washington. 

All communications intended for the commanding general will 
hereafter be addressed direct to the adjutant-general. 

The duplicate returns, orders, and other papers heretofore sent 
to the assistant adjutant-general, headquarters of the army, will be 
discontinued. 

By order of the Secretary of War : L. Thomas, Adjutant-General. 



November 6, 1861. — Order approving the Plan of Governor 
Gamble of Missouri. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 5, 1861. 

The Governor of the State of Missouri, acting under the direction of the 
convention of that State, propr es to the Government of the United States 
that he will raise a miUtary force, to serve within the State as State militia 
during the war there, to cooperate with the troops in the service of the 
United States in repelling the invasion of the State and suppressing rebel- 
lion therein ; the said State militia to be embodied and to be held in the 
camj) and in the field, drilled, disciplined, and governed according to the army 
regulations and subject to the articles of war ; the said State militia not to 
be ordered out of the State except for the immediate defense of the State 
of Missouri, but to cooperate with the troops in the service of the United 
States in military operations within the State or necessary to its defense, 
and when ofl&cers of the State militia act with officers in the service of the 
United States of the same grade, the ofiicers of the United States service 
shall connnand the eombuied force ; the State militia to be armed, equipped, 
clothed, subsisted, transported, and paid by the United States dining such 
time as they shaU be actually engaged as an embodied military force in 
service in accordance with i-egulations of the United States Army or general 
orders as issued from time to time. 

In order that the treasury of the United States may not be burdened with 
the pay of unnecessary officers, the governor proposes that, although the 
State law requires him to appoint upon the general staff an adjutant-gen- 
eral, a commissary-general, an inspector-general, a quartermaster-general, 
a paymaster-general, and a surgeon-general, each Avith the I'ank of colonel 
of cavalry, yet he proposes that the Government of the United States pay 
only the adjutant-general, the quartermaster-general, and inspector-gen - 
ei-ai, their services being necessary in the relations which would exist be- 
tween the State militia and the United States. The governor further 
proposes that, while he is allowed by the State law to appoint aides-de- 
camp to the governor at his discretion, with the rank of colonel, three only 
shall be reported to the United States for payment. He also proposes that 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 89 

the State militia shall be commanded by a single major-general and by such 
number of Ijrigadier-generals as shall allow ojie for a bi'igade of not less 
than four regiments, and that no greater number of staff-officers shall be 
appointed for regimental, brigade, and division duties than is provided for 
in the act of C'ongi'ess of the 22d July, 1861; and that whatever be the rank 
of such oificers as ffxed by the law of the State, the compensation that 
they shall receive from the United States shall only be that which belongs 
to the rank given by said act of Congress to officers in the United States 
service pei'forming the same duties. 

The field-officers of a regiment in the State militia are one colonel, one 
Ueutenant-colonel, and one major, and the company officers are a captain, 
a first lieutenant, and a second lieutenant. 

The governor proposes that, as the money to be disbursed is the money 
of the United States, such staff" officers in the ser\dce of the United States 
as may be necessary to act as disbursing officers for the State militia shall 
be assigned by the War Department for that duty ; or, if such cannot be 
spared from their present duty, he will appoint such persons disbursing 
officers for the State militia as the President of the United States may 
designate. Such regulations as may be required, in the judgment of the 
President, to insui'e regularity of retiirns aTid to protect the United States 
from any fraudulent practices, shall be observed and obeyed by aU. in office 
in the State militia. 

The above propositions are accepted on the part of the United States, 
and the Secretary of War is directed to make the necessary orders upon the 
Ordnance, Quartermaster, Commissary, Pay, and Medical departments to 
carry this agreement into effect. He will cause the necessary staff-officers 
in the United States service to be detailed for duty in connection with the 
Missouri State militia, and will order them to make the necessary provision 
in their respective offices for fulfilling tli?'^ agreement. All requisitions 
upon the different officers of the United States under this agreement to be 
made in substance in the same mode for the Missouri State militia as sim- 
ilar requisitions are made for troops in the service of the United States, 
and the Secretary of War Avill cause any additional regulations that may 
be necessary to insure regularity and economy in caiTying this agreement 
into effect to be adopted and communicated to the Governor of Missouri for 
the government of the Missoui'i State mditia. 

November 6, 1861. 
This plan approved, with the modification that the governor stipu- 
lates that when he commissions a major-general of militia it shall be 
the same person at the time in command of the United States De- 
partment of the West ; and in case the United States shall change 
such commander of the department, he (the governor) will revoke 
the Sta1;e commission given to the person relieved, and give one 
to the person substituted to the United States command of said 
department. ^^ Lincoln. 



November 10, 1861. — Letter to General McClernand. 

Washington, November 10, 1861. 
Brigadier-General McClernand. 

3Iy dear Sir : This is not an official, but a social letter. You have 
had a battle, and without being able to judge as to the precise mea- 



90 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

sure of its value, I think it is safe to say that you and all with you 
have done honor to yourselves aud the flag, and service to the coun- 
try. Most gratefully do I thank you and them. In my present 
position I must care for the whole nation ; but I hope it will be no 
injustice to any other State for me to indulge a little home pride 
that Illinois does not disappoint us. I have just closed a long in- 
terview with Mr. Washburne, in which he has detailed the many 
diflflculties you and those with you labor under. Be assured we do 
not forget or neglect you. Much, very much, goes undone ; but it 
is because we have not the power to do it faster than we do. Some 
of your forces are without arms, but the same is true here and at 
every other place where we have considerable bodies of troops. The 
plain matter of fact is, our good people have rushed to the rescue 
of the government faster than the government can find arms to put 
into their hands. It would be agreeable to each division of the 
army to know its own precise destination ; but the government can- 
not immediately, nor inflexibly at any time, determine as to all ; nor, 
if determined, can it tell its friends without at the same time telling 
its enemies. We know you do all as wisely and well as you can ; 
and you will not be deceived if you conclude the same is true of us. 
Please give my respects and thanks to all. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



November 18, 1861. — Letter to George Bancroft. 

New York, November 15, 1861. 

My dear Sir : Following out yoar suggestion, a very numerous meeting 
of New-Yorkers assembled last week to take measures for relieving the 
loyal sufferers of Hatteras. I take the liberty to inclose to you some re- 
marks wliicli I made on the occasion. You will find in them a copy of an 
unpublished letter of one of your most honored predecessors, with which 
you cannot fail to be pleased. 

Your administration has fallen upon times which will be remembered as 
long as human events find a record. I sincerely wish to you the glory of 
perfect success. Civdl war is the instrument of Divine Providence to root 
out social slavery. Posterity will not be satisfied with the result unless the 
consequences of the war shall effect an increase of free States. This is the 
universal expectation and hope of men of all parties. 

Very respectfully yours, Geo. Bancroft. 



Executive Mansion, Washington, November 18, 1861. 

My dear Sir : I esteem it a high honor to have received a note 
from Mr. Bancroft, inclosing the report of proceedings of a New 
York meeting taking measures for the relief of Union people of 
North Carolina. I thank you and all others participating for this 
benevolent and patriotic movement. 

The main thought in the closing paragraph of your letter is one 
which does not escape my attention, and with which I must deal in 
all due caution, and with the best judgment I can bring to it. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

Hon. Geo. Bancroft. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 91 



[November 26 ?] 1861.— Draft of a Proposed Bill for 
Compensated Abolishment in Delaware. 

Be it enacted by the State of Delawai-e that on condition the 
United States of America will, at the present session of Congress, 
engage by law to pay, and thereafter faithfully pay, to the said 
State of Delaware, in the six per cent, bonds of said United States, 
the sum of seven hundred and nineteen thousand and two hundred 
doHars in thirty-one equal annual instalments, there shall be neither 
slavery nor involuntary servitude at any time after the first day of 
January in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
ninety-three, within the said State of Delaware, except in the punish- 
ment of crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted ; 
nor, except in the punishment of crime as aforesaid, shall any per- 
son who shall be born after the passage of this act, nor any person 
above the age of thirty-five years, be held in slavery or to invol- 
untary servitude within said State of Delaware at any time after 
the passage of this act. 

And be it further enacted that said State shall in good faith pre- 
vent, as far as possible, the carrying of any person out of said State 
into involuntary servitude beyond the limits of said State at any 
time after the passage of this act. 

And be it further enacted that said State may make provision of 
apprenticeship, not to extend beyond the age of twenty-one years for 
males nor eighteen for females, for all minors whose mothers were 
not free at the respective births of such minors. 

On reflection I like No. 2 the better. By it the nation would pay 
the State $23,200 per annum for thirty-one years, and 

All born after the passage of the act would be born free, and 
'All slaves above the age of thirty-five years would become free on 
the passage of the act, and 

All others would become free on arriving at the age of thirty-five 
years, until January, 1893, when 

All remaining of all ages would become free, subject to appren- 
ticeship for minors born of slave mothers up to the respective ages 
of twenty-one and eighteen. 

If the State would desire to have the money sooner, let the bill 
be altered only in fixing the time of final emancipation earlier and 
making the annual instalments correspondingly fewer in number, 
by which they would also be correspondingly larger in amount. 
For instance, strike out " 1893 " and insert " 1872," and strike out 
" thirt3''-one " annual instalments and insert ''ten" annual instal- 
ments. The instalments would then be $71,920 instead of $23,200 
as now. In all other particulars let the bill stand precisely as it is. 

November 27, 1861. — Memorandum op Advice to Mrs. Douglas. 

Executive Mansion, November 27, 1861. 
Yesterday Mrs. Douglas called, saying she is guardian of the 
minor children of her late husband; that she is being urged, against 



92 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

her inclination, to send them South on the plea of avoiding the 
confiscation of their property there, and asking my counsel in 
the case. 

I expect the United States will overcome the attempt to confiscate 
property because of loyalty to the government ; but if not, I still do 
not expect the property of absent minor children will be confis- 
cated. I therefore think Mrs. Douglas may safely act her pleasure 
in the premises. 

But it is especially dangerous for my name to be connected with 
the matter, for nothing would more certainly excite the secessionists 
to do the worst they can against the children. 



[December 1 ? ] 1861. — Inquiries from the President about 
THE Potomac Campaign. 

Washington, December 10, 1861, 
Your Excellency : I inclose the paper you left with me, filled as 
requested. In arriving at the numbers given, I have left the mini- 
mum number in garrison and observation. 

Information received recently leads me to believe that the enemy 

could meet us in front with equal forces nearly, and I have now my 

mind actively turned toward another plan of campaign that I do not 

think at all anticipated by the enemy nor by many of our own people. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Geo. B. McClellan, Major-General. 

[Inclosure.] 

[The roman type indicates President Lincoln's handwriting in ink ; the 
italics General McClellan's in pencU.] 

If it were determined to make a forward movement of the Army 
of the Potomac without awaiting further increase of numbers or 
better drill and discipline, how long would it require to actually get 
in motion f 

If hrkhje trains readt/ hy December 15, prohahly 2ot/i. 

After leaving all that would be necessary, how many troops could 
join the movement from southwest of the river ? 

Seventy-one thousand. 

How many from northeast of it? 

Thirty -three thousand. 

Suppose, then, that of those southwest of the river fifty thousand 
move forward and menace the enemy at Centreville; the remainder 
of the movable force on that side move rapidly to the crossing of the 
Occoquan by the road from Alexandria to Richmond, there to be 
joined by the whole movable force from northeast of the river, hav- 
ing landed from the Potomac, just below the mouth of the Occo- 
quan, moved by land up the south side of that stream to the crossing 
point named, then the whole move together by the road thence to 
Breutsville and beyond to the railroad just south of its crossing of 



LETTEKS AND STATE TAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 93 

Broad Ruu, a strong detachment of cavalry having gone rapidly 
ahead to destroy the railroad bridges south and north of the point. 

If the crossing of the Oceoquan by those from above be resisted, 
those landing from the Potomac below to take the resisting force of 
the enemy in rear; or, if the landing from the Potomac be resisted, 
those crossing the Occcxpian from above to take that resisting force 
in the rear. Both points will probably not be successfully resisted 
at the same time. 

The force in front of Centreville, if pressed too hardly, should fight 
back slowly into the intrenchments behind them. 

Ai'ined vessels and transportation should remain at the Potomac 
landing to cover a possible retreat. 

December 2, 1861. — Order authorizing General Halleck to 
Suspend the Writ of Habeas Corpus. 

Major-General H. W. Halleck, 

Commanding in the Department of Missouri. 

General : As an insurrection exists in the United States, and is in 
arms in the State of Missouri, you are hereby authorized and em- 
powered to suspend the writ of liaheas corpus within the limits of 
the military division under your command, and to exercise martial 
law as you find it necessary in your discretion to secure the public 
safety and the authority of the United States. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed, at Washington, this second 
day of December, a. d. 1861. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



December 3, 1861. — Annual Message to Congress. 

Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : In the 
midst of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great 
gratitude to God for unusual good health and most abundant 
harvests. 

You will not be surprised to learn that, in the peculiar exigencies 
of the times, our intercourse with foreign nations has been at- 
tended with profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own 
domestic affairs. 

A disloyal portion of the American people have, during the whole 
year, been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. 
A nation which endures factious domestic division is exposed to 
disrespect abroad ; and one party, if not both, is sure, sooner or 
later, to invoke foreign intervention. Nations thus tempted to in- 
terfere are not always able to resist the counsels of seeming expe- 
diency and ungenerous ambition, although measures adopted under 
such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious to those 
adopting them. 



94 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the 
ruin of our country in return for the aid and comfort which they 
have invoked abroad, have received less patronage and encourage- 
ment than they probably expected. If it were just to suppose, as 
the insurgents have seemed to assume, that foreign nations in this 
case, discarding all moral, social, and treaty obligations, would act 
solely and selfishly for the most speedy restoration of commerce, 
including, especially, the acquisition of cotton, those nations appear 
as yet not to have seen their way to their object more directly or 
clearly through the destruction than through the preservation of 
the Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign nations are 
actuated by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a sound 
argument could be made to show them that they can reach their aim 
more readily and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion than by 
giving encouragement to it. 

The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign 
nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the embar- 
rassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably 
saw from the fii-st that it was the Union which made as well our 
foreign as our domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed 
to perceive that the effort for disunion produces the existing diffi- 
culty; and that one strong nation promises more durable peace and 
a more extensive, valuable, and reliable commerce than can the same 
nation broken in hostile fragments. 

It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states, 
because, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the integ- 
rity of our country and the stability of our government mainly de- 
pend, not upon them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and 
intelligence of the American people. The correspondence itself, 
with the usual reservations, is herewith submitted. 

I venture to hope it will appear that we have practised prudence 
and liberality toward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation, 
and with firmness maintaining our own rights and honor. 

Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state, 
foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recom- 
mend that adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintain- 
ing the public defenses on every side. While under this general 
recommendation provision for defending our sea-coast line readily 
occurs to the mind, I also in the same connection ask the attention 
of Congress to our great lakes and rivers. It is believed that some 
fortifications and depots of arms and munitions, with harbor and 
navigation improvements, all at well-selected points upon these, 
would be of great importance to the national defense and preserva- 
tion. I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War, ex- 
pressed in his report upon the same general subject. 

I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of East Tennessee 
and western North Carolina should' be connected with Kentucky 
and other faithful parts of the Union by railroad. I therefore 
recommend as a military measure that Congress provide for the 
construction of such road as speedily as possible. Kentucky, no 
doubt, will cooperate, and, through her legislature, make the most 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 95 

judicious selection of a line. The nortlieru terminus must connect 
with some existing raih-oad; and whether the route shall be from 
Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, or from Lebanon 
to the Tennessee line, in the direction of Knoxvalle, or on some 
still different line, can easily be determined. Kentucky and the Gen- 
eral Government cooperating, the work can be completed in a very 
short time ; and when done it will be not only of vast present use- 
fulness, but also a valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost 
in all the future. 

Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and 
having no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and will 
be submitted to tlie Senate for their consideration. 

Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers 
to adopt a desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we 
have removed all obstructions from the way of this humane reform, 
except such as are merely of temporary and accidental occurrence. 

I invite your attention to the correspondence between her Britan- 
nic Majesty's minister accredited to this government, and the Secre- 
tary of State, relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire, 
in June last, by the United States steamer Massachusetts, for a sup- 
posed breach of the blockade. As this detention was occasioned by 
an obvious misapprehension of the facts, and as justice requires that 
we should commit no belligerent act not founded in strict right, as 
sanctioned by public law, I recommend that an appropriation be 
made to satisfy the reasonable demand of the owners of the vessel 
for her detention. 

I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor, in his annual 
message to Congress in December last, in regard to the disposition 
of the surplus which will probably remain after satisfying the claims 
of American citizens against China, pursuant to the awards of the 
commissioners under the act of the 3d of March, 1859. If, however, 
it should not be deemed advisable to carry that recommendation 
into effect, I would suggest that authority be given for investing 
the principal, over the proceeds of the surplus referred to, in good 
securities, with a view to the satisfaction of such other just claims 
of our citizens against China as are not unlikely to arise hereafter in 
the course of our extensive trade with that empire. 

By the act of the 5tli of August last, Congi'ess authorized the 
President to instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend 
themselves against, and to capture, pirates. This authority has been 
exercised in a single instance only. For the more effectual protec- 
tion of our extensive and valuable commerce, in the eastern seas es- 
pecially, it seems to me that it would also be advisable to authorize 
the commanders of sailing vessels to recapture any prizes which 
pirates may make of United States vessels and their cargoes, and 
the consular courts, now established by law in eastern countries, to 
adjudicate the cases, in the event that this should not be objected 
to by the local authorities. 

If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in with- 
holding our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of 
Hayti and Liberia, I am unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, 



96 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

to inaugurate a novel policy in regard to them without the approba- 
tion of Congress, I submit for your consideration the expediency 
of an appropriation for maintaining a charge d'affaires near each 
of those new states. It does not admit of doubt that important 
commercial advantages might be secured by favorable treaties with 
them. 

The operations of the treasury during the period which has elapsed 
since your adjournment have been conducted with signal success. 
The patriotism of the people has placed at the disposal of the gov- 
ernment the large means demanded by the public exigencies. Much 
of the national loan has been taken by citizens of the industrial 
classes whose confidence in their country's faith, and zeal for their 
country's deliverance from present peril, have induced them to con- 
tribute to the support of the government the whole of their limited 
acquisitions. This fact imposes peculiar obligations to economy in 
disbursement and energy in action. 

The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial 
year ending on the 30th June, 1861, was $86,835,900.27, and the ex- 
penditures for the same period, including payments on account of 
the public debt, were $84,578,834.-47 ; leaving a balance in the trea- 
sury, on the 1st July, of $2,257,06.3.80. For the first quarter of the 
financial year ending on the 30th September, 1861, the receipts from 
all sources, including the balance of 1st of July, were $102,532,509.27, 
and the expenses $98,239,733.09 ; leaving a balance on the 1st Octo- 
ber, 1861, of $4,292,776.18. 

Estimates for the remaining three quarters of the year, and for 
the financial year 1863, together with his views of ways and means 
for meeting the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted 
to Congress by the Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to 
know that the expenditures made necessary by the rebellion are not 
beyond the resources of the loyal people, and to believe that the 
same patriotism which has thus far sustained the government will 
continue to sustain it till peace and union shall again bless the land. 

I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War for in- 
formation respecting the numerical strength of the army, and for 
recommendations having in view an increase of its efficiency and the 
well-being of the various branches of the service intrusted to his 
care. It is gratifying to know that the patriotism of the people has 
proved equal to the occasion, and that the number of troops ten- 
dered greatly exceeds the force which Congress authorized me to 
call into the field. 

I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make 
allusion to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by our 
troops, and to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire army. 

The recommendation of the secretary for an organization of the 
militia upon a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to the 
future safety of the country, and is commended to the serious atten- 
tion of Congress. 

The large addition to the regular army, in connection with the 
defection that has so considerably diminished the number of its 
officers, gives peculiar importance to his recommendation for in- 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 97 

creasing the corps of cadets to the greatest capacity of the Military 
Academy. 

By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chap- 
lains for hospitals occupied by volunteers. Tliis subject was brought 
to my notice, and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one 
copy of which, properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the 
persons, and at the dates respectively named and stated, in a schedule, 
containing also the form of the letter, marked A, and herewith trans- 
mitted. 

These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties desig- 
nated at the times respectively stated in the schedule, and have 
labored faithfully therein ever since. I therefore recommend that 
they be compensated at the same rate as chaplains in the army. I 
further suggest that general provision be made for chaplains to serve 
at hospitals as well as with regiments. 

The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the 
operations of that branch of the service, the activity and energy 
which have characterized its administration, and the results of 
measures to increase its efficiency and power. Such have been the 
additions, by construction and purchase, that it may almost be said 
a navy has been created and brought into service since our difficul- 
ties commenced. 

Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than 
ever before assembled under our flag have been put afloat and per- 
formed deeds which have increased our naval renown. 

I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the 
secretary for a more perfect organization of the navy by introdu- 
cing additional grades in the service. 

The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the 
suggestions subnutted by the department will, it is believed, if 
adopted, obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote harmony, and 
increase the efficiency of the navy. 

There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court — 
two by the decease of Justices Daniel and McLean, and one by the 
resignation of Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne making 
nominations to fill these vacancies for reasons which I will now state. 
Two of the outgoing Judges resided within the States now overrun 
by revolt; so that if successors were appointed in the same locali- 
ties they could not now serve upon their circuits; and many of the 
most competent men there probably would not take the personal 
hazard of accepting to serve, even here, upon the supreme bench. I 
have been unwilling to throw all the appointments northward, thus 
disabling myself from doing justice to the South on the return of 
peace; although I may remark that to transfer to the North one 
which has heretofore been in the South, would not, with reference 
to territory and population, be unjust. 

During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean his 
circuit grew into an empire, — altogether too large for any one judge 
to give the courts therein more than a nominal attendance, — rising 
in population from 1,470,018 in 1830, to 6,151,405 in 1860. 

Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present 
Vol. IL— 7. 



98 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

judicial system. If uniformity was at all intended, tlie system 
requires that all the States shall be accommodated with circuit 
courts, attended by supreme judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Min- 
nesota, Iowa, Kansas, Florida, Texas, California, and Oregon have 
never had any such courts. Nor can this well be remedied without 
a change of the system; because the adding of judges to the Su- 
preme Court, enough for the accommodation of all parts of the 
country, with circuit courts, would create a court altogether too 
numerous for a judicial body of any sort. And the evil, if it be 
one, will increase as new States come into the Union. Circuit 
courts are useful, or they are not useful. If useful, no State should 
be denied them; if not useful, no State should have them. Let them 
, be provided for all, or abolished as to all. 
v/ Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would 

be an improvement npon our present system. Let the Supreme 
Court be of convenient number in every event. Then, first, let the 
whole country be divided into circuits of convenient size, the su- 
preme judges to serve in a number of them corresponding to their 
own number, and independent circuit judges to be provided for the 
rest. Or, secondly, let the supreme judges be relieved from circuit 
duties, and circuit judges provided for all the circTiits. Or, thirdly, 
dispense with circuit courts altogether, leaving the judicial functions 
wholly to the district courts and an independent Supreme Court. 

I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the 
present condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress 
will be able to find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences 
and evils which constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical 
administration of them. Since the organization of the government. 
Congress has enacted some 5000 acts and joint resolutions, which 
fill more than 6000 closely printed pages, and are scattered through 
many volumes. Many of these acts have been drawn in haste and 
without sufflcient caution, so that their provisions are often obscure 
in themselves, or in conflict with each other, or at least so doubtful 
as to render it very difficult for even the best-informed persons to 
ascertain precisely what the statute law really is. 

It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be 
made as plain and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small 
a compass as may consist with the fullness and precision of the will 
of the legislature and the perspicuity of its language. This, well 
done, would, I think, greatly facilitate the labors of those whose 
duty it is to assist in the administration of the laws, and would be 
a lasting benefit to the people by placing before them, in a more 
accessible and intelligible form, the laws whicb so deeply concern 
their interests and their duties. 

I am informed by some whose opinions I respect that all the acts 
of Congress now in force, and of a permanent and general nature, 
might be revised and rewritten so as to be embraced in one volume 
(or, at most, two volumes) of ordinary and convenient size; and I 
respectfully recommend to Congress to consider of the subject, and, 
if my suggestion be approved, to devise such plan as to their wisdom 
shall seem most proper for the attainment of the end proposed. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 99 

One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection 
is the entire suppression, in many phices, of all the ordinary means 
of administering civil justice by the officers, and in the forms of ex- 
isting- law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the insurgent 
States ; and as our armies advance upon and take possession of parts 
of those States, the practical evil becomes more apparent. There 
are no courts nor officers to whom the citizens of other States may 
apply for the enforcement of their lawful claims against citizens of 
the insurgent States ; and there is a vast amount of debt constitut- 
ing such claims. Some have estimated it as high as $200,000,000, 
due, in large part, from insurgents in open rebellion to loyal citizens 
who are, even now, making great sacrifices in the discharge of their 
patriotic duty to support the government. 

Under these circumstances, I have been urgently solicited to es- 
tablish, by military power, courts to administer summary justice in 
such cases. I have thus far declined to do it, not because I had any 
doubt that the end proposed — the collection of the debts — was just 
and right in itself, but because I have been unwilling to go beyond 
the pressure of necessity in the unusual exercise of power. But the 
powers of Congress, I suppose, are equal to the anomalous occasion, 
and therefore I refer the whole matter to Congress, with the hope 
that a plan may be devised for the administration of justice in all 
such parts of the insurgent States and Territories as may be under 
the control of this government, whether by a voluntary return to 
allegiance and order, or by the power of our arms ; this, however, 
not to be a permanent institution, but a temporary substitute, and 
to cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be reestablished in peace. 

It is important that some more convenient means should be pro- 
vided, if possible, for the adjustment of claims against the govern- 
ment, especially in view of their increased number by reason of the 
war. It is as much the duty of government to render prompt justice 
against itself, in favor of citizens, as it is to administer the same be- 
tween private individuals. The investigation and adjudication of 
claims in their nature belong to the judicial department ; besides, it 
is apparent that the attention of Congress will be more than usually 
engaged, for some time to come, with great national qnestions. It 
was intended, by the organization of the Court of Claims, mainly to 
remove this branch of business from the halls of Congress; but 
while the court has proved to be an effective and valuable means of 
investigation, it in great degree fails to effect the object of its crea- 
tion for want of power to make its judgments final. 

Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger, of the sub- 
ject, I commend to your careful consideration whether this power 
of making judgments final may not properly be given to the court, 
reserving the right of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme 
Court, with such other provisions as experience may have shown to 
be necessary. 

I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster-General, the 
following being a summary statement of the condition of the 
department : 

The revenue from all sources during the fiscal yeav ending June 

L.ofC. 



100 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

30, 1861, including the annual permanent appropriation of $700,000 
for the transportation of " free mail matter," was $9,049,296.40, being 
about two per cent, less than the revenue for 1860. 

The expenditures were $13,606,759.11, showing a decrease of more 
than eight per cent, as compared with those of the previous year, and 
leaving an excess of expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal 
year of $4,557,462.71. 

The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated 
at an increase of four per cent, on that of 1861, making $8,683,000, 
to which should be added the earnings of the department in carry- 
ing free matter, viz., $700,000, making $9,383,000. 

The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,528,000, leav- 
ing an estimated deficiency of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the 
treasury in addition to the permanent appropriation. 

The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this 
District across the Potomac River, at the time of establishing the 
capital here, was eminently wise, and consequently that the relin- 
quishment of that portion of it which lies within the State of Vir- 
ginia was unwise and dangerous. I submit for your consideration 
the expediency of regaining that part of the District and the restora- 
tion of the original boundaries thereof, through negotiations with 
the State of Virginia. 

The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompany- 
ing documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the 
public business pertainiug to that department. The depressing in- 
fluences of the insurrection have been especially felt m the opera- 
tions of the Patent and General Land Ofiices. The cash receipts 
from the sales of public lands during the past year have exceeded 
the expenses of our land system only about $200,000. The sales have 
been entirely suspended in the Southern States, while the interrup- 
tions to the business of the country, and the diversion of large 
numbers of men from labor to military service, have obstructed 
settlements in the new States and Territories of the Northwest. 

The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months 
about $100,000, rendering a large reduction of the force employed 
necessary to make it self-sustaining. 

The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by 
the insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon 
the casualties of the existing war, have ah'eady been made. There 
is reason to believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls 
and in receipt of the bounty of the government are in the ranks of 
the insurgent army, or giving them aid and comfort. The Secre- 
tary of the Interior has directed a suspension of the payment of the 
pensions of such persons upon proof of their disloyalty, I recom- 
mend that Congress authorize that officer to cause the names of such 
persons to be stricken from the pension rolls. 

The relations of the government with the Indian tribes have been 

§reatly disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the Southern 
uperintendency and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country 
south of Kansas is in the possession of insurgents from Texas and 
Arkansas. The agents of the United States appointed since the 4th 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 101 

of March for this superin tendency have been unable to reach their 
posts, while the most of those who were in office before that time 
have espoused the insurrectionary cause, and assume to exercise the 
powers of agents by virtue of commissions from tlie insurrectionists. 
It has been stated in the public press that a portion of those Indians 
have been organized as a military force, and are attached to the 
army of the insurgents. Although the government has no official 
infoi-mation upon this subject, letters have been written to the Com- 
missioner of Indian Affairs by sevend prominent chiefs, giving 
assurance of their loyalty to the United States, and expressing a 
wish for the presence of Federal troops to protect them. It is be- 
lieved that upon the repossession of the country by the Federal 
forces the Indians will readily cease all hostile demonstrations and 
resume their former relations to the government. 

Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not 
a department, nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in 
the government. While it is fortunate that this great interest is so 
independent in its nature as to not have demanded and extorted 
more from the government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider 
whether something more cannot be given voluntarily with general 
advantage. 

Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture, com- 
merce, and manufactures would present a fund of information of 
great practical value to the country. While I make no suggestion 
as to details, I venture the opinion that an agricultural and statistical 
bureau might profitably be organized. 

The execution of the laws for the suppression of the African slave- 
trade has been confided to the Department of the Interior. It is a 
subject of gratulation that the efforts which have been made for the 
suppression of this inhuman traffic have been recently attended 
with unusual success. Five vessels being fitted out for the slave- 
trade have been seized and condemned. Two mates of vessels en^ 
gaged in the trade, and one person in equipping a vessel as a slaver, 
have been convicted and subjected to the penalty of fine and impris- 
onment, and one captain, taken with a cargo of Africans on board 
his vessel, has been convicted of the highest grade of offense under 
our laws, the punishment of which is death. 

The Territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada, created by the 
last Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has 
been inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying when 
it is considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in 
some of these new countries when the Federal officers arrived there. 

The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the se- 
curity and protection afforded by organized government, will doubt- 
less invite to them a large immigration when peace shall restore the 
business of the country to its accustomed channels. I submit the 
resolutions of the legislature of Colorado, which evidence the pa- 
triotic spirit of the people of the Territory. So far, the authority of 
the United States has l)een upheld in all the Tei-ritories, as it is hoped 
it will be in the future. I commend their interests and defense to 
the enlightened and generous care of Congress. 



102 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the inter- 
ests of the District of Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause 
of much suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants ; and as they have 
no representative in Congress, that body should not overlook their 
just claims upon the government. 

At your late session a joint resolution was adopted authorizing 
the President to take measures for facilitating a proper representa- 
tion of the industrial interests of the United States at the exhibition 
of the industry of all nations to be holden at Loudon in the year 
1862. I regret to say I have been unable to give personal attention 
to this subject — a subject at once so interesting in itself, and so ex- 
tensively and intimately connected with the material prosperity of 
the world. Through the Secretaries of State and of the Interior a 
plan, or system, has been devised and partly matured, and which 
will be laid before you. 

Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled "An act to 
confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved 
August 6, 1861, the legal claims of certain persons to the labor and 
service of certain other persons have become forfeited ; and numbers 
of the latter, thus liberated, are already dependent on the United 
States, and must be provided for in some way. Besides this, it is 
not impossible that some of the States will pass similar enactments 
for their own benefit respectively, and by operation of which persons 
of the same class will be thrown upon them for disposal. In such 
case I recommend that Congress provide for accepting such persons 
from such States, according to some mode of valuation, in lieu, pro 
tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed on with 
such States resi)ectively ; that such persons, on such acceptance by 
the Greneral Government, be at once deemed free ; and that, in any 
event, steps be taken for colonizing both classes (or the one first 
mentioned, if the other shall not be brought into existence) at some 
place or places in a climate congenial to them. It might be well to 
consider, too, whether the free colored people already in the United 
States could not, so far as individuals may desire, be included in 
such colonization. 

To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring 
of territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be 
expended in the territorial acquisition. Having practised the acqui- 
sition of territory for nearly sixty years, the question of constitutional 
power to do so is no longer an open one with us. The power was 
questioned at first by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the purchase 
of Louisiana, yielded his scruples on the plea of great expediency. 
If it be said that the only legitimate object of acquiring territory is 
to furnish homes for white men, this measure effects that object; 
for the emigration of colored men leaves additional room for white 
men remaining or coming here. Mr. Jefferson, however, placed the 
importance of procuring Louisiana more on political and commercial 
grounds than on providing room for population. 

On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money 
with the acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to 
absolute necessity — that without which the government itself can- 
not be perpetuated ? 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 103 

The war continues. In considering the policy to be adopted for 
suppressing the insurrection, I have been anxious and caretul that 
the inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a 
violent and remorseless revolutionary struggle. 1 liave, theretore, 
in every case thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Ijnion 
prominent as the pnmary object of the contest on our part, leaving 
all questions which are not of vital military importance to the more 
deliberate action of the legislature. -, . +t, 1.1 ^^v 

In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the block- 
ade of the ports held l)y the insurgents, instead of putting in force, 
by proclamation, the law of Congress enacted at the last session tor 
closing those ports. „ ,. .,. 

So, also, obeying the dictates of prudence as well as the obliga- 
tions of law, instead of transcending I have adhered to the act ot 
Congress to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. 
If a new law upon the same subject shall be proposed, its propriety 
will be duly considered. The Union must be preserved ; and hence ^ 
all indispensable means must be employed. We should not be m 
haste to determine that radical and extreme measures, which may 
reach the loyal as well as the disloyal, are indispensable. 

The inaugural address at the beginning of the administration, and 
the messagS to Congress at the late special session, were both mainly 
devoted to the domestic controversy out of which the insurrection 
and consequent war have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add or 
subtract, to or from, the principles or general purposes stated and 
expressed in those documents. . ^^ __ . , , ^^..;,.^a 

The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expiied 
at the assault upon Fort Sumter; and a general review of what has 
occurred since may not be unprofitable. What was painfully un- 
certain then is much better defined and more distinct now; and the 
progress of events is plainly in the right direction The insurgents 
confidently claimed a strong support from north of Mason and 
Dixon's line; and the friends of the Union were not free/i-om ap- 
prehension on the point. This, however, was soon settled definitely, 
and on the right side. South of the line, noble little Delaware led 
off rio-ht from the first. Maryland was made to seem against the 
Uniofi Our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and rail- 
roads torn up within her limits, and we were many days at one 
time, without the ability to bring a single regiment over her soil 
to the capital. Now her bridges and railroads are repaired and 
open to the government ; she already gives seven regiments to the 
cause of the Union and none to the enemy; and her people, at a 
regular election, have sustained the Union by a larger majoritv and 
a larger aggregate vote than they ever before gave to any candidate 
or any question. Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now de- 
cidedly, and, I think, unchangeably, ranged on the side of the Union. 
Missouri is comparatively quiet, and, I believe, cannot again be over- 
run by the insurrectionists. These three States of Maryland, Ken- 
tucky and Missouri, neither of which would promise a single soitlier 
at first, have now an aggregate of not less than forty thousand in the 
field for the Union, while of their citizens certainly not more than 



104 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

a third of that number, and they of doubtful whereabouts and 
doubtful existence, are in arms against it. After a somewhat 
bloody struggle of months, winter closes on the Union people of 
western Virginia, leaving them masters of their own country. 

An insurgent force of about 1500, for months dominating the 
narrow peninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac and 
Northampton, and known as the eastern shore of Virginia, together 
with some contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms, 
and the people there have renewed their allegiance to and accepted 
the protection of the old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist 
north of the Potomac or east of the Chesapeake. 

Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points, on 
the southern coast, of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island, near Sa- 
vannah, and Ship Island ; and we likewise have some general ac- 
counts of popular movements in behalf of the Union in North 
Carolina and Tennessee. 

These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advan- 
cing steadily and certainly southward. 

Since your last adjournment Lieuteuant-General Scott has retii*ed 
from the head of the army. During his long life the nation has not 
been unmindful of his merit ; yet, on calling to mind how faithfully, 
ably, and brilliant^ he has served the country from a time far back 
in our history when few of the now living had been born, and 
thenceforward continually, I cannot but think we are still his debt- 
ors. I submit, therefore, for your consideration what further mark 
of recognition is due to him and to ourselves as a grateful people. 

With the retirement of General Scott came the executive duty of 
appointing in his stead a general-in-chief of the army. It is a for- 
tunate circumstance that neither in council nor country was there, 
so far as I know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person 
to be selected. The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment 
in favor of General McClellan for the position, and in this the na- 
tion seemed to give a unanimous concurrence. The designation of 
General McClellan is. therefore, in considerable degree the selection 
of the country as well as of the executive, and hence there is better 
reason to hope there will be given him the confidence and cordial 
support thus by fair implication promised, and without which he 
cannot with so full efficiency serve the country. 

It has been said that one bad general is better than two good ones ; 
and the saying is true, if taken to mean no more than that an army 
is better directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two 
superior ones at variance and cross-purposes with each other. 

And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged 
can have none but a common end in view, and can differ only as to 
the choice of means. In a storm at sea no one on board can wish the 
ship to sink ; and yet not infrequently all go down together because 
too many will direct, and no single mind can be allowed to control. 

It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not ex- 
clusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government — 
the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the 
most grave and maturely considered public documents as well as in 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 105 

the j]^eneral tone of the iusurgfents. In tliose documents we find the 
abridi^nieut of th«! existing: rij^ht of suffrage and the denial to the 
people of all riglit to participate in the selection of public officers 
except the legishitive, l)()ldly advocated, with labored arguments to 
prove that large control of the people in government is the source 
of all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a 
possible refuge from the power of the people. 

In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to 
omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning 

despo tism. _^ 

^ It Is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should 
be made in favor of popidar institutions; but there is one point, 
with its connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I 
ask a brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal 
footing with, if not above, labor, in the structure of government. It 
is assumed that labor is available only in connection with capital ; 
that nobody labors unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow 
by the use of it induces him to labor. This assumed, it is next con- 
sidered whether it is best that capital shall hire laborers, and thus 
induce them to work by their own consent, or buy them, and drive 
them to it without their consent. Having jjroceeded thus far, it is 
naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers or 
what we call slaves. And, further, it is assumed that whoever is 
once a hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life. 

Now, there is no such relation between capital and labor as as- 
sumed, nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life 
in the condition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are 
false, and all inferences from them are groundless. 

Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the 
fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first 
existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the 
higher consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of 
protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and 
probably always will be, a relation between labor and capital pro- 
ducing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole 
labor of the community exists within that relation. A few men own 
capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and with their capital 
hu-e or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong 
to neither class — neither work for others nor have others working 
for them. In most of the Southern States a majority' of the Avhole 
people, of all colors, are neither slaves nor masters; while in the 
Northern a large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men Avith 
their families — wives, sons, and daughters — work for themselves, 
on their farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking the whole 
product to themselves, and asking no favors of caj^ital on the one 
hand, nor of hired laborers or slaves on the other. It is not forgot- 
ten that a considerable number of persons mingle their own labor 
with capital — that is, they labor with their own hands and also buy 
or hire others to labor for them ; but this is only a mixed and not a 
distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by the existence of 
this mixed class. 



106 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

Again, as has already been said, there is not, of necessity, any 
such thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for 
life. Many independent men everywhere in these States, a few years 
back in their lives, were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless 
beginner in the world labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with 
which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors on his own ac- 
count another while, and at length hires another new beginner to 
help him. This is the just and generous and prosperous system 
which opens the way to all — gives hope to all, and consequent 
energy and progress and improvement of condition to all. No men 
living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from 
poverty — none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have 
not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political 
power which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, will 
surely be used to close the door of advancement against such as 
they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them, till all of 
liberty shall be lost. 

From the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy 
years ; and we find our population at the end of the period eight 
times as great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those 
other things which men deem desirable has been even greater. "We 
thus have, at one view, what the popular principle, applied to gov- 
ernment, through the machinery of the States and the Union, has 
produced in a given time ; and also what, if firmly maintained, it 
promises for the future. There are already among us those who, if 
the Union be preserved, will live to see it contain 250,000,000. The 
struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-day — it is for a vast 
future also. With a reliance on Providence all the more firm and 
earnest, let us proceed in the great task which events have devolved 
upon us. Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 3, 1861. .^, j 



Schedule A. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, 1861. 
Rev. . 

Sir : Having been solicited by Christian ministers and other pious people 
to appoint suitable persons to act as chaplains at the hospitals for our sick 
and wounded soldiers, and feeling the mtrinsic propriety of having such per- 
sons to so act, and yet believing there is no law confeiTing the power upon 
me to appoint them, I think fit to say that if you will voluntarily enter upon 
and perform the appropriate duties of such position, I will recommend that 
Congress make compensation therefor at the same rate as chaplains in the 
army are compensated. 

The following are the names and dates, respectively, of the persons and 
times to whom and when such letters were delivered : 

Eev. G. G. Goss September 25, 1861. 

Rev. John G. Butler September 25, 1861. 

Rev. Henry Hopkins September 25, 186b 

Rev. F. M. Magrath October 30, 1861. 

Rev. F. E. Boyle October 30, 1861. 

Rev. John C. Smith November 7, 1861. 

Rev. Wm. Y. Brown November 7, 1861. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 107 

December 4, 1861.- Message to the House of Representatives. 
To the House of Representatives: I transmit herewith a report 
^ fi > ZZoi'Avi of State in reply to the resolution of the House 
o'Sep ese^^^^^^^^^^ July last, in relation to the eorre- 

^pom^^ between this ,.>vernment -"V;^:^ ^eolSr^Trhfso' 
the riu-hts of blockade, privateering, and the recognition ot the so 

calledl^onfederate States. Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 4, 1861. 

December 4, 1861.- Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Representatives: I transmit herewith a report 
from th Secretar^ of State, in reply to the resolution o the House 
of Representatives of the 31st July last, upon the «;^^]ect of increas 
ing and extending the trade and commerce of the United States 
with foreign countries. Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 4, 1861. 

December 6, 1861.— Letter to General McClellan. 

Executive Mansion, December 6, 1861. 
Major-General McClellan. . . 

Mu clear Sir : Captain Francis G. Young, of the California regiment 
rColonel Baker's), is in some difficulty -I do not precisely undei - 
lV«n d what I be ieve you know I was unfavorably impressed toward 
Mm beTau ; of apparency contradictory accounts he gave me of some 

a te"s aUhe bat^tle of Bali;s. Bluff. At length he ^as -,ou|ht m ^^^^ 
muer which accompanies this, showing, I think, that he i^ eii itlta 
?o?'eLectful consideration. As you see, it is signed by several sen- 
atoi?S 4yei^^^^^^ as well as other well-known and respectable 
Semen. ^ I attach considerable consequence ^ /he name of L e - 
fenant C^^^ Shaler, late Major Shaler, o the Nevv ^^^^ Seven 1^ 
These things and his late connection with Colonel Bakei, induce 
me to ask /on if, consistentl v with the public service, the past what- 
Tvei it is,lannot be waived, and he placed in service and given 
another chance? Yours truly, ^ ^^^^^^^ 

December 9, 1861.- Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Representatives: I transmit herewith a report 
from /he Secre'tW of State, in reply to the resoluUon of the^^^^^^ 
of the 4th instant, relative to the intervention of certain European 
powers in the affairs of Mexico. Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 9, 1861. 



108 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



[December 10 ? ] 1861. — Draft of a Despatch proposing Arbitra- 
tion IN the ''Trent" Affair — not used or sent. 

The despatch of her Majesty's Secretary for Foreign Affairs, 
dated the 30th of November, 1861, and of which your Lordship 
kindly furnished me a copy, has been carefully considered by the 
President ; and he directs me to say that if there existed no fact or 
facts pertinent to the case beyond those stated in said despatch, the 
reparation sought by Great Britain from the United States would 
be justly due and should be promptly made. The President is un- 
willing to believe that her Majesty's government will press for a 
categorical answer upon what appears to him to be only a partial 
record, in the making up of which he has been allowed no part. He 
is reluctant to volunteer his view of the case with no assurance that 
her Majesty's government will consent to hear him ; yet this much 
he directs me to say, that this government has intended no affront 
to the British flag or to the British nation ; nor has it intended to 
force into discussion an embarrassing question, all of which is evi- 
dent by the fact hereby asserted, that the act complained of was done 
by the officer without orders from or expectation of the government. 
But being done, it was no longer left to us to consider whether we 
might not, to avoid a controversy, waive an unimportant though a 
strict right ; because we, too, as well as Great Britain, have a people 
justly jealous of their rights, and in whose presence our govern- 
ment could undo the acL complained of only upon a fair showing 
that it was wrong, or at least very questionable. The United States 
Government and people are still willing to make reparation upon 
such showing. 

Accordingly I am instructed by the President to inquire whether 
her Majesty's government will hear the United States upon the 
matter in question. The President desires, among other things, to 
bring into view and have considered the existing rebellion in the 
United States; the position Great Britain has assumed, including 
her Majesty's proclamation in relation thereto ; the relation the per- 
sons whose seizure is the subject of complaint bore to the United 
States, and the object of their voyage at the time they were seized; 
the knowledge which the master of the Trent had of their relation 
to the United States, and of the object of their voyage at the time he 
received them on board for the voyage ; the place of the seizure ; and 
the precedents and respective positions assumed in analogous cases 
between Great Britain and the United States. 

Upon a submission containing the foregoing facts, with those set 
forth in the before-mentioned despatch to your lordship, together 
with all other facts which either party may deem material, I am in- 
structed to say the Government of the United States will, if agreed 
to by her Majesty's government, go to such friendly arbitration as 
is usual among nations, and will abide the award. 

Or, in the alternative, her Majesty's government may, upon the 
same record, determine whether any — and, if any, what — reparation 
is due from the United States; provided no such reparation shall be 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 109 

different in character from nor transcend that proposed by your 
lordship as instructed in and by the despatch aforesaid ; and pro- 
vided further, that the determination thus made shall be the law for 
all future analogous cases between Great Britain and the United 
States. 



December 14, 18G1. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : In compliance with the resolu- 
tion of your honorable body "that the President be requested to 
fnrnish to the Senate copies of the charges, testimony, and finding 
of the recent court of inquiry in the case of Colonel Dixon S. Miles, 
of the United States Army," I have the honor to transmit here- 
with the copies desired, which have been procured from the War 
Department. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 14, 1861. 



December 17, 1861. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to the 
Senate and House of Representatives copies of the correspondence 
between the Secretary of State, the Secretary of War, and the 
governor of the State of Maine, on the subject of the fortification 
of the sea-coast and lakes. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 17, 1861. 



December 20, 1861. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Congress 
a letter from the secretary of the executive committee of the com- 
mission appointed to represent the interests of those American 
citizens who may desire to become exhibitors at the industrial ex- 
hibition to be held in London in 1862, and a memorial of that com- 
mission, with a report of the executive committee thereof, and copies 
of circulars announcing the decisions of her Majesty's commissioners 
in London, giving directions to be observed in regard to articles 
intended for exhibition, and also of circular forms of application, 
demands for space, approvals, etc., according to the rules prescribed 
by the British commissioners. 

As these papers fully set forth the requirements necessary to 
enable those citizens of the United States who may wish to become 
exhi})itors to avail themselves of the privileges of the exhibition, I 
commend them to vonr early consideration, especially in view of the 
near approach of tne time when the exhibition will i)egin. 

Abrahajm Lincoln. 

Washington, December 20, 1861. 



110 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



December 23, 1861. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Representatives : In compliance with the resolu- 
tion of the House of Representatives of the 13th July last, requesting 
information resiiecting the Asiatic coolie-trade, I transmit a report 
from the Secretary of State,with the documents which accompanied it. 

Washington, December 23, 1861. Abraha^i Lincoln. 



December 30, 1861. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and Rouse of Uepresentatives : I transmit to Congress 
a correspondence which has taken place between the Secretary of 
State and authorities of Great Britain and France on the subject of 
the recent removal of certain citizens of the United States from the 
British mail-steamer Trent, hj order of Captain Wilkes, in command 
of the United States war-steamer San Jacinto. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 30, 1861. 

December 31, 1861. — Telegram to General Halleck. 

Washington, D. C, December 31, 1861. 
General H. W. Halleck, St. Louis, Missouri: 

General McClellan is sick. Are General Buell and yourself in 
concert f When he moves on Bowling Green, what hinders it being 
reinforced from Columbus ? A simultaneous movement by you on 
Columbus might prevent it. ^ Lincoln 

[Similar despatch to Buell same date.] 

January 1, 1862. — Telegram to General D. C. Buell. 

Washington City, January 1, 1862. 
Brigadier- General Buell, Louisville : 

General McClellan should not yet be disturbed with business. I 
think you better get in concert with General Halleck at once. I write 
you to-night. I also telegraph and write Halleck. ^ Lincoln 



January 1, 1862.— Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. 

Washington City, January 1, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck, St. Louis, Missouri: 

General McClellan should not yet be disturbed with business. I 
think General Buell and yourself should be in communication and 
concert at once. I write you to-night and also telegraph and write 

^^^- A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 111 



January 1, 1862. — Letter to General H. W. Halleck. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 1, 1862. 

Mij dear General HalJeck : General McClellan is not dangerously 

ill, as I hope, but would better not be disturbed with lousiness. I 

am very anxious that, in case of General Buell's moving toward 

Nashville, the enemy shall not be greatly reinforced, and I think 

there is danger he will be from Columbus. It seems to me that a real 

or feigned attack on Columbus from up-river at the same time would 

either prevent this or compensate for it by throwing Columbus into 

our hands. I wrote General Buell a letter similar to this, meaning 

that he and you shall communicate and act in concert, unless it be 

your judgment and his that there is no necessity for it. You and 

he will understand much l)etter than I how to do it. Please do not 

lose time in this matter. Yours verv trulv, a -r 

•^ "^ A. Lincoln. 



January 2, 1862, — Note to Secretary Chase. 

I have just been with General McClellan; and he is very much 

better. , _ 

A. Lincoln. 

January 2, 1862. 



January 2, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and Rouse of Representatives ; I transmit to Congress 
a copy of a letter to the Secretary of State from James R. Partridge, 
secretary to the executive committee of the industrial exhibition to 
be held in London in the course of the present year, and a copy of 
the correspondence to which it refers relative to a vessel for the pur- 
pose of taking such articles as persons in this country may wish to 
exliibit on that occasion. As it appears that no naval vessel can be 
spared for the purpose, I recommend that authority be given to 
charter a suitable merchant vessel, in order that facilities similar to 
those afforded by the government for the exhibition of 1851 may 
also be extended to those citizens of the United States who may 
desire to contribute to the exhibition of this year. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Washington, January 2, 1862. 



January 4, 1862. — Telegram to General D. C. Buell. 

Washington, January 4, 1862. 
General Buell : 

Have arms gone forward for East Tennessee f Please tell me the 
progress and condition of the movement in that direction. Answer. 

A. Lincoln. 



112 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



January 6, 1862.— Letter to General D. C. Buell. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 6, 1862. 
Brigadier-General Buell. 

Mij dear Sir: Your despatch of yesterday has been received, and 
it disappoints and distresses me. I have shown it to General Mc- 
Clellan, who says he will write you to-day. I am not competent to 
criticize your views, and therefore what I offer is in justification of 
myself. Of the two, I would rather have a point on the railroad 
south of Cumberland Gap than Nashville. First, because it cuts a 
great artery of the enemy's communication, which Nashville does 
not ; and secondly, because it is in the midst of loyal people who 
would rally around it, while Nashville is not. Again, I cannot see 
why the movement on East Tennessee would not be a diversion in 
your favor rather than a disadvantage, assuming that a movement 
toward Nashville is the main object. But my distress is that our 
friends in East Tennessee are being hanged and driven to despair, 
and even now, I fear, are thinking of taking rebel arms for the sake 
of personal protection. In this we lose the most valuable stake we 
have in the South. My despatch, to which yours is an answer, was 
sent with the knowledge of Senator Johnson and Representative 
Maynard of East Tennessee, and they will be upon me to know the 
answer, which I cannot safely show them. They would despair, 
possibly resign to go and save their families somehow, or die with 
them. I do not intend this to be an order in any sense, but merely, 
as intimated before, to show you the grounds of my anxiety. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



January 7, 1862. — Telegram to General Buell. 

Washington, January 7, 1862. 
Brigadier-General D. C. Buell, Louisville: 

Please name as early a day as you safely can on or before which 
you can be ready to move southward in concert with Major-General 
Halleck. Delay is ruining us, and it is indispensable for me to 
have something definite. I send a like despatch to Major-General 
Halleck. 

A. Lincoln. 



January 9, 1862.— Indorsement about Allotment Commissioners 

FOR Iowa. 

It would afford me great pleasure to oblige Mr. Vandever in the 
within matter, if I knew it would not be disagreeable to the other 
Iowa members. Will he please procure their names with his own 
and send them to me ? 

January 9, 1862. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 113 



January 10, 18G2. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- 
gress a translation of an instruction to the minister of his Majesty 
the Emperor of Austria accredited to this government, and a copy 
of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State rehitive to the 
questions involved in the taking from the British steamer Trent of 
certain citizens of the United States by order of Captain Wilkes of 
the United States Navy. This correspondence may be considered 
as a sequel to that previously communicated to Congress relating to 
the same subject. Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, January 10, 1862. 



January 10, 1862. — Indorsement on Letter from General 

Halleck. 

Headquarters Department of the Missouri, 
St. Louis, January 6, 1861. 
To His Excellency the President. 

In reply to your Excellency's letter of the 1st instant, I have to state that 
on receiving your telegram I immediately communicated with General Buell, 
and have since sent him all the information I could obtain of the enemy's 
movements about Columbus and Camp Beauregard. No considerable force 
has been sent from those places to Bowling Green. They have about 22,000 
men at Columbus, and the place is strongly fortified. I have at Cau'o, Fort 
Holt, and Paducali only about 15,000, which, after leaving guards at these 
places, would give me but little over 10,000 men with which to assist Gen- 
eral Buell. It would be madness to attempt anj-thing serious with such a 
force, and I cannot at the pi-esent time withdi'aw any from Missouri with- 
out risking the loss of tliis State. The troops recently raised in other States 
of this department have, without my knowlege, been sent to Kentucky and 
Kansas. 

I am satisfied that the authorities at Washington do not appreciate the 
difficulties with which we have to contend here. The operations of Lane, 
Jennison, and others have so enraged the people of Missonri that it is 
estimated that there is a majority of 80,000 against the government. We 
are virtually in an enemy's country. Price and others have a considerable 
array in the southwest, against which I am operating with all my available 
force. 

This city and most of the middle and northern counties are insurrection- 
ary, — burning bridges, destroying telegraph lines, etc., — and can be kept 
down only by the presence of troops. A large portion of the foreign troops 
organized by General Fremont are imrehable ; indeed, many of them are 
ah'eady mutinous. They have been tampered with by politicians, and made 
to beUeve that if they get up a mutiny and demand Fremont's retux'n the gov- 
ernment AviU be forced to restore him to duty here. It is believed that some 
high officers are in the plot. I have already been obliged to disarm several 
of these organizations, and I am daily expecting more serious outbreaks. 
Another grave cUfficulty is the want of proper general officers to command 
the troops and enforce oi'der and discipline, and especially to protect public 
property from robbery and plunder. Some of the brigadier-generals as- 
signed to this department are entirely ignorant of their duties and unfit for 
any command. I assure you, Mr. President, it is very diificidt to accompUsh 

Vol. II.— 8. 



114 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

much with such means. I am in the condition of a carpenter who is re- 
quired to build a bridge with a dull ax, a broken saw, and rotten timber. 
It is true that I have some very good green timber, which will answer the 
purpose as soon as I can get it into shape and season it a little. 

I know nothing of General Bu.ell's intended opei'ations, never having re- 
ceived any information in regard to the general plan of campaign. If it be 
intended that his column shall move on Bowling Green while another moves 
from Cairo or Paducah on Columbus or Camp Beauregard, it will be a repe- 
tition of the same strategic error which produced the disaster of Bull Run. 
To operate on exterior hues against an enemy occupying a central position 
will fail, as it always has failed, in ninety-nine cases out a hundred. It is 
condemned by every military authority I have ever read. 

General Buell's army and the forces at Paducah occupy precisely the same 
position in relation to each other and to the enemy as did the armies of 
McDowell and Patterson before the battle of BuU Run. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

H. W. HAiiLECK, Major-General. 

[Indorsement.] 

The within is a copy of a letter just received from General Halleck. 
It is exceedingly discouraging. As everywhere else, nothing can be 

^^"^- A. Lincoln. 

January 10, 1862. 



January 11, 1862. — Correspondence relating to the Resigna- 
tion OF Secretary Cameron. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 11, 1862. 
Hon. Simon Cameron, Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir : As you have more than once expressed a desire for 
a change of position, I can now gratify you consistently with my 
view of the public interest. I therefore propose nominating you to 
the Senate next Monday as minister to Russia. 

Very sincerely, your friend, A. Lincoln. 

{Private.) 
Executive Mansion, Washington, January 11, 1862. 

Dear Sir: Though I have said nothing hitherto in response to 
your wish, expressed long since, to resign your seat in the Cabinet, 
I have not been unmindful of it. I have been only unwilling to 
consent to a change at a time and under circumstances which might 
give occasion to misconstruction, and unable till now to see how 
such misconstruction could be avoided. 

But the desire of Mr. Clay to return home and to offer his services 
to his country in the field enables me now to gratify your wish, and 
at the same time evince my personal regard for you, and my con- 
fidence in your ability, patriotism, and fidelity to public trust. 

I therefore tender to your acceptance, if you still desire to resign 
your present position, the post of minister to Russia. Should you 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 115 

accept it, you will bear with you the assurance of my undiminished 
confidence, of my affectionate esteem, and of ray sure expectation 
that, near the ^reat sovereign whose personal and hereditary friend- 
ship for the United States so much endears him to Americans, you 
will be able to render services to your country not less important 
than those you could render at home. 

Very sincerely, your friend, A. Lincoln. 

Hon. Simon Cameron, Secretary of War. 

War Department, Washington, January 11, 1862. 

3Iy dear Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge your favor of this date, 
and to thank you, with profound respect, for its kind and g-enerous tone. 
When you were elected President, a result to which I contributed my best 
exertions, I had no thought of leaving the Senate of the United States or 
of accepting any position within yoiu- gift. But when you invited me to 
Springfield, Illinois, and presented me the choice of one of two named 
places in tlie list of your constitutional advisers, I could not, for grave 
public reasons and after great reflection, refuse a trust so trjdng and 
laborious. 

My hfe had been one of constant labor and excitement. I looked to the 
Senate as the best field, after such a life, in which to serve my country and 
my State. It was only when I realized that I might be of ser\dce to the 
genei'al cause in the darkly foreshadowed future that I ventured to un- 
dertake the manifold and various responsibihties of the War Department. 

I felt when I saw the traitors leaving their seats in Congress, and when 
the Star of [the] West was fired upon in Charleston harbor, that a bloody 
conflict was inevitable. 

I have devoted myself without interruption to my ofiicial duties, and have 
given to them all my energies. I have done my best. It was impossible, 
in the direction of operations so extensive, but that some mistakes should 
have happened and some complications and complaints should have arisen. 
In view of such considerations, I thank you for the expression of yoiu* con- 
fidence in my ability, patriotism, and fidelity to public trust. Thus my own 
conscientious sense of doing my duty by the executive and by my country is 
approved by the acknowledged head of the government himself. 

When I became a member of yovu' administration I avowed my purpose 
to retire from the cabinet as soon as my duty to my country would allow 
me to do so. In your letter of this day's date, so iUustrativ^e of your just 
and upright character, you revive the fact that I some time ago expressed 
the same purpose to you, and in reminding me of tliis you proffer for my 
acceptance one of the highest diplomatic positions at your bestowal as an 
additional mark of your confidence and esteem. 

In retiring from the War Department I feel that the mighty army of the 
United States is ready to do battle for the Constitution ; that it is mar- 
shaled by gallant and experienced leaders; that it is animated with the 
greatest enthusiasm for the good cause, and also that my successor in this 
department is my personal friend, who unites to wonderful intellect and vigor 
the gi'and essential of being in earnest in the present struggle, and of being 
resolved upon a speedy and ovei'whelming triumph of our ai-ms. I therefore 
frankly accept the new distinction you have tendered me, and as soon as im- 
portant and long-neglected private business can be aiTanged I will enter 
upon the important duties of the mission which you have assigned me. 

I have the honor to be, my dear sir. 

Your obedient and humble servant, SiMON Cameron. 

Abraham Lincoln, President. 



116 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

January 13, 1862. — Letter to General D. C. Buell. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 13, 1862. 
Brigadier-Gteneral Buell. 

My dear Sir : Your despatch of yesterday is received, in which 
you say : " I have received your letter and General McClellan's, and 
will at once devote all my efforts to your views and his." In the 
midst of my many cares, I have not seen nor asked to see General 
McClellan's letter to you. For my own views, I have not offered 
and do not now offer them as orders ; and while I am glad to have 
them respectfully considered, I would blame you to follow them 
contrary to your own clear judgment, unless I should put them in 
the form of orders. As to General McClellan's views, you under- 
stand your duty in regard to them better than I do. With this 
preliminary, I state my general idea of this war to be that we have 
the greater numbers, and the enemy has the greater facility of con- 
centrating forces upon points of collision ; that we must fail unless 
we can find some way of making our advantage an overmatch for 
his ; and that this can only be done by menacing him with superior 
forces at different points at the same time, so that we can safely at- 
tack one or both if he makes no change ; and if he weakens one to 
strengthen the other, forbear to attack the strengthened one, but 
seize and hold the weakened one, gaining so much. To illustrate : 
Suppose, last summer, when Winchester ran away to reinforce 
Manassas, we had forborne to attack Manassas, but had seized and 
held Winchester. I mention this to illustrate and not to criticize. 
I did not lose confidence in McDowell, and I think less harshly of 
Patterson than some others seem to. In application of the general 
rule I am suggesting, every particular case will have its modifying 
circumstances, among which the most constantly present and most 
difficult to meet will be the want of perfect knowledge of the 
enemy's movements. This had its part in the Bull Run case ; but 
worse in that case was the expiration of the terms of the three 
months' men. Applying the principle to your case, my idea is that 
Halleck shall menace Columbus and " down river " generally, while 
you menace Bowling Green and East Tennessee. If the enemy shall 
concentrate at Bowling Green, do not retire from his front, yet do 
not fight him there either, but seize Columbus and East Tennessee, 
one or both, left exposed by the concentration at Bowling Green. 
It is a matter of no small anxiety to me, and one which I am sure 
you will not overlook, that the East Tennessee line is so long and 
over so bad a road. Yours very truly, 

A, Lincoln. 

[Indorsement.] 

January 13, 1862. 
Having to-day written General Buell a letter, it occurs to me to 
send General Halleck a copy of it. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 117 

January 15, 18G2. — Letters to General H. W. Halleck. 

Washington, D. C, January 15, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck, 

Mij dear Sir: TJiis will introduce Governor G. Koerner, of Illinois, 
who is my personal friend, and .who calls on you at my particular 
request. Please open the sealed letter he will hand you before he 
leaves you and confer with him as to its contents. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

[Indosure.] 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 15, 1862. 

Ma.jor-General Halleck. 

3Ii/ dear Sir: The Germans are true and patriotic, and so far as 
they have got cross in Missouri it is upon mistake and misunder- 
standing. Without a knowledge of its contents. Governor Koerner, 
of Illinois, will hand you this letter. He is an educated and talented 
German gentleman, as true a man as lives. With his assistance you 
can set everything right with the Germans. I write this without 
his knowledge, asking him at the same time, by letter, to deliver it. 
My clear judgment is that, with reference to the German element in 
your command, you should have Governor Koerner with you ; and 
if agreeable to you and him, I will make him a brigadier-general, so 
that he can afford to so give his time. He does not wish to com- 
mand in the field, though he has more military knowledge than 
many who do. If he goes into the place he will simply be an ef- 
ficient, zealous, and unselfish assistant to you. I say all this upon 
intimate personal acquaintance with Governor Koerner. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

January 17, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- 
gress a translation of an instruction to the minister of his Majesty 
the King of Prussia accredited to this government, and a copy of a 
note to that minister from the Secretary of State relating to the 
capture and detention of certain citizens of the United States, pas- 
sengers on board the British steamer Trent, by order of Captain 
Wilkes of the United States Navy. Abrahai^i Lincoln. 

Washington, January 17, 1862. 

January 22, 1862.— Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 22, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir : On reflection I think it will not do, as a rule, for 
the adjutant-general to attend me wherever I go : not that I have 



118 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

any objection to his presence, but tliat it would be an uncompensat- 
ing encumbrance both to him and me. When it shall occur to me 
to go anywhere, I wish to be free to go at once, and not to have to 
notify the adjutant-general and wait till he can get ready. 

It is better, too, for the public service that he shall give his time 
to the business of his office, and not to personal attendance on me. 

While I thank you for the kindness of the suggestion, my view 
of the matter is as I have stated. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



January 24, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Eepresentatives : I submit to Congress 
the accompanying copy of a correspondence between the Secretary 
of State, the Spanish minister, and the Secretary of the Navy, con- 
cerning the bark Providencia, a Spanish vessel seized on her voy- 
age from Havana to New York by a steamer of the United States 
blockading squadron, and subsequently released. I recommend the 
appropriation of the amount of the award of the referee. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, January 24, 1862. 



January- 24, 1862. — Indorsement on Letter from Secretary 

Stanton. 

War Department, Washington, January 24, 1862. 
Mr. President: 

In my opinion the success of military operations and the safety of the 
country require some changes to be made in the Bureau of Ordnance, and 
perhaps some others, in order to secure more vigor and activity; and I 
desire to have your sanction for making them. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Edwin M. Stanton. 

[Indorsement.] 

The Secretary of War has my authority to exercise his discretion 
in the matter within mentioned. 

A. Lincoln. 
January 24, 1862. 

January 24, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, January 24, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir: On reflection, I think you better make a peremptory 
order on the ordnance officer at Pittsburg to ship the ten mortars 
and two beds to Cairo instantly, and all others as fast as finished, 
till ordered to stop, reporting each shipment to the department here. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 119 



January 27, 1862. — President's General War Order No. 1. 

Executive Mansion, "Washington, January 27, 1862. 

Ordered, That the 22d day of February, 1862, be the day for a 
general movement of all the land and naval forces of the United 
States against the insurgent forces. That especially the army at 
and about Fortress Monroe ; the Army of the Potomac ; the Army 
of Western Virginia ; the armj;^ near Munfordville, Kentucky ; the 
army and flotilla at Cairo, and a naval force in tlie Gulf of Mexico, 
be ready to move on that day. 

That all other forces, both land and naval, with their respective 
commanders, obey existing orders for the time, and be ready to obey 
additional orders when duly given. 

That the heads of departments, and especially the Secretaries of 
War and of the Navy, with all their subordinates, and the general- 
in-chief, with all other commanders and subordinates of land and 
naval forces, will severally be held to their strict and full responsi- 
bilities for prompt execution of this order. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



January 31, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 31, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir: It is my wish that the expedition commonly called 
the " Lane Expedition " shall be, as much as has been promised at 
the adjutant-general's office, under the supervision of General Mc- 
Clellan, and not any more. I have not intended, and do not now 
intend, that it shall be a great, exhausting affair, but a snug, sober 
column of 10,000 or 15,000. General Lane has been told by me many 
times that he is under the command of General Hunter, and assented 
to it as often as told. It was the distinct agreement between him 
and me, when I appointed him, that he was to be under Hunter. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



January 31, 1862. — President's Special War Order No. 1. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 31, 1862. 
Ordered, That all the disposable force of the Army of the Potomac, 
after providing safely for the defense of Washington, be formed 
into an expedition for the immediate object of seizing and occupy- 
ing a point upon the railroad southwestward of Avhat is known as 
Manassas Junction, all details to be in the discretion of the com- 
mander-in-chief, and the expedition to move before or on the 22d 
day of February next. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



120 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



January 31, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : As a sequel to the 
correspondence on the subject, previously communicated, I transmit 
to Congress extracts from a despatch of the 20th ultimo from Mr. 
Adams, United States minister at London, to the Secretary of State, 
and a copy of an instruction from Earl Russell to Lord Lyons, of 
the 10th instant, relative to the removal of certain citizens of the 
United States from the British mail-steamer Trent by order of the 
commander of the United States war-steamer San Jacinto. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, January 31, 1862. 



February 3, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 3, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan. 

My dear Sir : You and I have distinct and different plans for a 
movement of the Army of the Potomac — yours to be down the 
Chesapeake, up the Rappahannock to Urbana, and across land to the 
terminus of the railroad on the York River ; mine to move directly 
to a point on the railroad southwest of Manassas. 

If 3'ou will give me satisfactory answers to the following ques- 
tions, I shall gladly yield my plan to yours. 

First. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of 
time and money than mine ? 

Second. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan than 
mine 1 

Third. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than 
mine °? 

Fourth. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it would 
break no great line of the enemy's communications, wliile mine 
would 1 

Fifth. In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult by 
your plan than mine ? Yours truly, 

* Major-general McClellan. Abraham Lincoln. 

Memorandum accompanying Letter of President Lincoln to 
General McClellan, dated February 3, 1862. 

First. Suppose the enemy should attack us in force before we 
reach the Occoquan, what? 

Second. Suppose the enemy in force shall dispute the crossing of 
the Occoquan, what? In view of this, might it not be safest for us 
to cross the Occoquan at Colchester, rather than at the village of 
Occoquan ? This would cost the enemy two miles more of travel to 
meet us, but would, on the contrary, leave us two miles farther from 
our ultimate destination. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 121 

Third. Suppose we reach Maple Valley without an attack, will we 
not be attacked there iu force by the enemy marching by the several 
roads from Manassas ; and if so, what ? 



February 3, 1862. — Letter to Wm. H. Hekndon. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 3, 1862. 
Dear William : Yours of January 30tli just received. Do just as 
you say about the money matter. As you well know, I have not 
time to write a letter of respectable length. God bless you, says 

Your friend, A. Lincoln. 

February 4, 1862. — Letter to L. W. Powell. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 4, 1862. 
3[y dear Sir : I herewith return the letters and printed paper sub- 
mitted by you in behalf of Mr. Samuel B. Churchill. While I would 
be glad to oblige you, I cannot now interfere with the case. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

February 4, 1862. — Respite for Nathaniel Gordon. 
Abraham Lincoln, 
President of the United States of America, 
To all to ivJiom these presents shall come, greeting : 

Whereas it appears that at a term of the Circuit Court of the 
United States of America for the southern district of New York, 
held in the mouth of November, a. d. 1861, Nathaniel Gordon was 
indicted and convicted for being engaged in the slave-trade, and was 
by the said court sentenced to be put to death by hanging by the 
neck on Friday the 7th day of February, a. d. 1862 ; 

And whereas a large number of respectable citizens have ear- 
nestly besought me to commute the said sentence of the said Nathaniel 
Gordon to a term of imprisonment for life, which application I have 
felt it to be my duty to refuse ; 

And whereas it has seemed to me probable that the unsuccessful 
application made for the commutation of his sentence may have 
prevented the said Nathaniel Gordon from making the necessary 
preparation for the awful change which awaits him: 

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
of the United States of America, have granted and do hereby grant 
unto him, the said Nathaniel Gordon, a respite of the above-recited 
sentence until Friday, the 21st day of February, a. d. 1862, between 
the hours of twelve o'clock at noon and three o'clock in the after- 
noon of the said day, when the said sentence shall be executed. 

In granting this respite it becomes my painful dut}^ to admonish 
the prisoner that, relinquishing all expectation of pardon by human 



122 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

authority, he refer himself alone to the mercy of the common God 
and Father of all men. 

In testimony whereof I have hereunto sig^ned my name and 
caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this 4th day of February, 
r -] A. D. 1862, and of the independence of the United States 
'- ' '-' the eighty-sixth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



February 4, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : The third section of 
the " Act further to promote the efficiency of the navy," approved 
December 21, 1861, provides : 

That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and 
consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired 
list of the navy, for the command of squadrons and single ships, such 
officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to be thus 
placed in command ; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation 
of the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks of 
Congress for then* services and gallantry in action against an enemy, be 
restored to the active list, and not otherwise. 

In conformity with this law. Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the 
navy, was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer 
in command of the squadron which recently rendered such impor- 
tant service to the Union in the expedition to the coast of South 
Carolina. 

Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully 
correspond with the intention of the law, or be more pregnant with 
happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain 
Samuel F. Du Pont receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his ser- 
vices and gallantry displayed in the capture of Forts Walker and 
Beauregard, commanding the entrance of Port Royal harbor, on the 
7th of November, 1861. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, February 4, 1862. 



February 7, 1862. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : In answer to the resolution of 
the Senate of the 5th instant, requesting a communication of any 
recent correspondence relating to the presentation of American citi- 
zens to the court of France, I transmit a copy of a despatch of the 
14th ultimo from the United States minister at Paris to the Secre- 
tary of State, and of an instruction of Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton of 
the 3d instant. Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, February 7, 1862. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 123 



February 9, 18G2. — Directions to General Buell. 

Washington, February 9, 18G2. 
Major-General D. C. Buell, Louisville : 

The President directs me to say that he has read your communica- 
tion to Major-General G. B. McClellan, dated the 1st and mailed the 
6th of this month, and that he approves the operations you pro})()se 
therein, and believes, if vigorously prosecuted, they cannot fail. He 
desires you and Major-General Halleck to cooperate as far as pos- 
sible, and says that your two heads together will succeed. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

February 10, 1862. — Letter to Generals D. Hunter and 

J. H. Lane. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 10, 1862. 
Major-General Hunter and Brigadier-General Lane, 

Leavenworth, Kansas: 
My wish has been and is to avail the government of the services 
of both General Hunter and General Lane, and, so far as possible, 
to personally oblige both. General Hunter is the senior officer, and 
must command when they serve together ; though in so far as he 
can consistently with the public service and his own honor oblige 
General Lane, he will also oblige me. If they cannot come to an 
amicable understanding, General Lane must report to General 
Hunter for duty, according to the rules, or decline the service. 

A. Lincoln. 

February 12, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Bepresentatives : I transmit to Con- 
gress a copy of a special treaty between the United States and his 
Majesty the King of Hanover for the abolition of the state dues, 
which was signed at Berlin on the 6th of November last. In this 
treaty, already approved by the Senate and ratified on the part of 
the United States, it is stipulated that the sums specified in Articles 
III and IV to be paid to the Hanoverian government shall be paid 
at Berlin on the day of the exchange of ratifications. 

I therefore recommend that seasonable provision be made to en- 
able the executive to carry this stipulation into effect. 

Washington, February 12, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. 



February 14, 1862. — Amnesty to Political or State Prisoners. 

War Department, Washington, February 14, 1862, 
The breaking: out of a formidable insurrection, based on a conflict of 
political ideas, being an event without precedent in the United States, was 



124 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

necessarily attended by great confusion and perplexity of the public mind. 
Disloyalty, before unsuspected, suddenly became bold, and treason as- 
tonished the world by bringing at once into the field military forces sviperior 
in numbers to the standing army of the United States. 

Every department of the goverument was paralyzed by treason. De- 
fection appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in the 
cabinet, in the Federal courts ; ministers and consuls returned from 
foreign countries to enter the insurrectionary councils, or land or naval 
forces ; commanding and other officers of the army and in the navy be- 
trayed the councils or deserted their posts for commands in the insurgent 
forces. Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the post-office service, 
as well as in the Territorial governments and in the Indian reserves. 

Not only governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in the 
States, but even whole States, rushed, one after another, with apparent 
unanimity, into rebellion. The capital was besieged, and its connection 
with all the States cut off. 

Even in the portions of the country which were most loyal, political 
combinations and secret societies were formed, fm'theriug the work of 
disunion ; while, from raotives of disloyalty or cupidity, or from excited 
passions or perverted sympathies, individuals were found furnishing men, 
money, and materials of war and supplies to the insurgents' military and 
naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications, navy-yards, arsenals, military 
posts and garrisons, one after another were betrayed or abandoned to the 
insurgents. 

Congress had not anticipated and so had not provided for the emergency. 
The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. The judicial ma- 
chinery seemed as if it had been designed not to sustain the government, 
but to embarrass and betray it. 

Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by the 
abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has only been pre- 
vented by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the most perfect 
moderation, in our intercourse with nations. 

The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately 
not distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the 
Federal Government, which one year befoi-e had been thought a model 
worthy of universal acceptance, had indeed the abihty to defend and 
maintain itself. 

Some reverses, which perhaps were unavoidable, suffered by newly 
levied and inefficient forces, discouraged the loyal, and gave new hopes 
to the insurgents. Voluntary enlistments seemed about to cease, and 
desertions commenced. Parties speculated upon the question whether 
conscription had not become necessary to fill up the armies of the United 
States. 

In this emergency the President felt it his duty to employ with energy 
the extraordinary powers which the Constitution confides to him in cases 
of insurrection. ' He called into the field such military and naval forces, 
unauthorized by the existing laws, as seemed necessary. He directed 
measirres to prevent the use of the post-office for treasonable correspon- 
dence. He subjected passengers to and from foreign coimtries to new 
passport regulations, and he instituted a blockade, suspended the writ of 
habeas corpus in various places, and caused persons who were represented 
to him as being or about to engage in disloyal or treasonable practices to 
be arrested by special civil as weU as military agencies, and detained in 
mihtary custody, when necessary, to prevent them and deter others from 
such practices. Examinations of such cases were instituted, and some of 
the persons so arrested have been discharged from time to time, under 
circumstances or upon conditions compatible, as was thought, with the 
public safety. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 125 

Meantime a favorable cliang'e of public opinion has occurred. The line 
between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly defined ; the whole structm-e of 
the government is firm and stable ; api)rehensions of jmblic danger and 
facilities for treasonable practices have diminished with the passions which 
prompted heedless persons to adopt them. The insurrection is believed to 
have culminated and to be declining. 

The President, in Aiew of these facts, and anxious to favor a retmTi to 
the normal course of the administration, as far as regard for the public 
welfare will allow, directs that all political prisoners or state i)risoners now 
held in military custody be released on their subscribing to a parole en- 
gaging them to render no aid or comfort to the enemies in hostility to the 
United States. 

The Secretary of War will, however, at his discretion, except from the 
effect of this order any persons detained as spies in the service of the in- 
surgents, or others whose release at the present moment may be deemed 
incompatible with the public safety. 

To all persons who shall be so released, and who shall keep their parole, 
the President gi-ants an amnesty for any past offenses of treason or dis- 
loyalty which they may have committed. 

Extraordinary arrests will hereafter be made under the direction of the 
military authorities alone. 

By order of the President : 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



February 15, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States : 
The third section of the " Act further to promote the efficiency of 
the navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides : 

That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and con- 
sent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired list of 
the navy, for the command of squadrons and single ships, such officers as 
he may believe that the good of the serv-ice requu*es to be thus placed in 
command ; and sacli officers may, if upon the recommendation of the 
President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks of Con- 
gress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, be restored 
to the active hst, and not otherwise. 

In conformity with this law, Captain Louis M. Goldsborough, of 
the navy, was nominated to the Senate for continuance as flag'-offi- 
cer in command of the North Atlantic blockading squadron which 
recently rendered such important service to the Union in the ex- 
pedition to the coast of North Carolina. 

Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fuUy 
correspond with the intention of tlie law, or be more pregnant with 
happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Louis 
M. Goldsborough receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his ser- 
vices and gallantry displayed in the combined attack of the forces 
commanded by him and Brigadier-General Burnside in the capture 
of Roanoke Island and the destruction of rebel gunboats on the 7th, 
8th, and 10th of February, 1862. Abrahaji Llxcoln. 

Washington, February 15, 1862. 



126 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



February 15, 1862, — Note concerning " Contrabands." 

I shall be obliged if the Secretary of the Treasury will in his dis- 
cretion give Mr. Pierce such instructions in regard to Port Royal 
contrabands as may seem judicious, a Lincoln 

February 15, 1862. 

February 16, 1862. — Letter to General H. W. Halleck. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 16, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck, St. Louis, Missouri : 

You have Fort Donelson safe, unless Grant shall be overwhelmed 
from outside ; to prevent which latter will, I think, require all the 
vigilance, energy, and skill of yourself and Buell, acting in full 
cooperation. Columbus will not get at Grant, but the force from 
Bowling Green will. They hold the railroad from Bowling Green 
to within a few miles of Fort Donelson, with the bridge at Clarks- 
ville undisturbed. It is unsafe to rely that they will not dare to ex- 
pose Nashville to Buell. A small part of their force can retire 
slowly toward Nashville, breaking up the railroad as they go, and 
keep Buell out of that city twenty days. Meanwhile "Nashville 
will be abundantly defended by forces from all South and perhaps 
from here at Manassas. Could not a cavalry force from Gen- 
eral Thomas on the Upper Cumberland dash across, almost unre- 
sisted, and cut the railroad at or near Knoxville, Tennessee? In 
the midst of a bombardment at Fort Donelson, why could not a 
gunboat run up and destroy the bridge at Clarksville 1 Our success 
or failure at Fort Donelson is vastly important, and I beg you to 
put your soul in the effort. I send a copy of this to Buell. 

A. Lincoln. 

February 19, 1862. — Proclamation concerning Washington's 

Birthday. 

By the President of the United States op America: 

A Proclamation. 

It is recommended to the people of the United States that they 
assemble in their customary places of meeting for public solemnities 
on the 22d day of February instant, and celebrate the anniversary 
of the birth of the Father of his Country, by causing to be read to 
them his immortal farewell address. 

Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, at 

Washington, the 19th day of February, in the year of our 

[l. S.J Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the 

independence of the United States of America the eighty-sixth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 127 



February 25, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Congress 
a copy of an instruction from Prince Gortchacow to Mr. de Stoeekl, 
the minister of his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia ac- 
credited to this government, and of a note of the Secretary of State 
to the latter, relative to the adjustment of the question between the 
United States and Great Britain, growing out of the removal of cer- 
tain of our citizens froin the British mail-steamer Trent by order of 
the commander of the United States war-steamer San Jacinto. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Washington, February 25, 1862. 



February 26, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : In transmitting to 
Congress the accompanying copy of two letters, bearing date the 
14th of February, 1861, "from his Majesty the Major King of Siam 
to the President of the United States, and of the President's answer 
thereto, I submit for their consideration the question as to the proper 
place of deposit of the gifts received with the royal letters referred to. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Washington, February 26, 1862. 



February 27, 1862. — Executive Order No. 2. — In Relation to 

State Prisoners. 

War Department, Washington City, February 27, 1862. 
It is ordered : 

First. That a special commission of two persons, one of military' rank 
and the other in civil life, be appointed to examine the cases of the state 
prisoners remainins: in the military custody of the United States, and to de- 
termine whether in view of the public safety and the existing rebelUon they 
should be discharged, or remain in military custody, or be remitted to the 
civil tribunals for trial. 

Second. That Major-General John A. Dix, commanding in Baltimore, 
and the Hon. Edwards Pien-epont, of New York, be, and they are hereby 
appointed, commissioners for the purposes above mentioned ; and they are 
authoi'ized to examine, hear, and determine the cases aforesaid ex parte and 
in a summary manner, at such times and places as in their discretion they 
may appoint, and make full report to the War Department. 

By order of the President : 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



February 28,1862. — Order relating to Commercial Intercourse. 

Considering that the existing circumstances of the country allow 
a partial restoration of commercial intercourse between the inliabi- 



128 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

tants of those parts of the United States heretofore declared to be in 
insurrection and the citizens of the loyal States of the Union, and 
exercising the authority and discretion confided to me by the act of 
Congress, approved July 13, 1861, entitled "An act further to pro- 
vide for the collection of duties on imports, and for other purposes," 
I hereby license and permit such commercial intercourse in all cases 
within the rules and regulations which have been or may be pre- 
scribed by the Secretary of the Treasury for conducting and car- 
rying on the same on the inland waters and ways of the United 
States. 

Abrahaivi Lincoln. 
Washington, February 28, 1862. 



March 3, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- 
gress a copy of a despatch to the Secretary of State from the minister 
resident of the United States at Lisbon concerning recent measures 
which have been adopted by the government of Portugal intended 
to encourage the growth and to enlarge the area of the culture of 
cotton in its African possessions. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, March 3, 1862. 



March 3, 1862.— Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Representatives of the United States: I transmit 
herewith a communication of the Secretary of War, inclosing a re- 
port of the adjutant-general, in answer to a resolution of the House 
of Representatives of the 22d of January, 1862. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, March 3, 1862. 



March 3, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- 
gress a translation of an instruction to the minister of his Majesty 
the King of Italy accredited to this government, and a copy of a 
note to that minister from the Secretary of State, relating to the 
settlement of the question arising out of the capture and detention 
of certain citizens of the United States, passengers on board the 
British steamer Trent, by order of Captain Wilkes of the United 
States navy. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, March 3, 1862. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 129 



March 6, 1862. — Message to Congress recommending Compen- 
sated Emancipation. 

Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : I rec- 
ommend the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable 
bodies, which shall be substantially as follows : 

Resolved, That the United States ought to cooperate with any State 
wliich may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State 
pecuniary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to compensate 
for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of 

system. 

If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the 
approval of Congress and the country, there is the end ; but if it 
does command such approval, I deem it of importance that the 
States and people immediately interested should be at once distinctly 
notified of the fact, so that they may begin to consider whether to 
accept or reject it. The Federal Government would find its highest 
interest in such a measure, as one of the most efficient means of 
self-preservation. The leaders of the existing insurrection entertain 
the hope that this government will ultimately be forced to acknow- 
ledge the independence of some part of the disaffected region, and 
that all the slave States north of such part will then say, '* The 
Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we now 
choose to go with the Southern section." To deprive them of this 
hope substantially ends the rebellion ; and the initiation of emanci- 
pation completely deprives them of it as to all the States initiating it. 
The point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would very 
soon, if at all, initiate emancipation ; but that while the offer is 
equally made to all, the more Northern shall, by such initiation, 
make it certain to the more Soutliern that in no event will the 
former ever join the latter in their proposed confederacy. I say 
** initiation " because, in my judgment, gradual and not sudden 
emancipation is better for all. In the mere financial or pecuniary 
view, any member of Congress, with the census tables and treasury 
reports tjefore him, can readily see for himself how very soon the 
current expenditures of this war would purchase, at fair valuation, 
all the slaves in any named State, Such a proposition on the part 
of the General Government sets up no claim of a right by Federal 
authority to interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as 
it does, the absolute control of the subject in each case to the State 
and its people immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of 
perfectly free choice with them. 

In the annual message, last December, I thought fit to say, " The 
Union must be preserved, and hence alj indispensable means must 
be employed." I said this not hastily, but deliberately. War has 
been made, and continues to be, an indispensable means to this end. 
A practical reacknowledgment of the national authority Avould ren- 
der the war unnecessary, and it would at once cease. If, however, 
resistance continues, the war must also continue ; and it is impos- 
VoL. II.— 9. 



130 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

sible to foresee all the incidents which may attend and all the ruin 
which may follow it. Such as may seem indispensable, or may 
obviously promise great efficiency, toward ending the struggle, must 
and will come. 

The proposition now made, though an offer only, I hope it may 
be esteemed no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration 
tendered would not be of more value to the States and private per- 
sons concerned than are the institution and property in it, in the 
present aspect of affairs? 

While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution 
would be merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical mea- 
sure, it is recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to im- 
portant practical results. In full view of my great responsibility to 
my God and to my country, I earnestly beg the attention of Con- 
gress and the people to the subject. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, March 6, 1862. 



March 7, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Seward. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 7, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of State. 

My dear Sir : Mr. James F. B. Marshall, of Massachusetts, is now 
with me on the question of the Honolulu commissioner. It pains 
me some that this tilt for the place of Colonel Baker's friend grows 
so fierce now the colonel is no longer alive to defend him. I pre- 
sume, however, we shall have no rest from it. Mr. Marshall appears 
to be a very intelligent gentleman, and well acquainted with the 
affairs of the Sandwich Islands. The California delegation also ex- 
pect the place for some one of their citizens. In self-defense I am 
disposed to say, " Make a selection and send it to me." 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

March 8, 1862. — President's General War Order No. 2. 

Executr^ Mansion, Washington, March 8, 1862. 

Ordered, 1, That the major-general commanding the Army of the 
Potomac proceed forthwith to organize that part of the said army 
destined to enter upon active operations (including the reserve, but 
excluding the troops to be left in the fortifications about Washing- 
ton) into four army corps, to be commanded, according to seniority 
of rank, as follows : 

First corps to consist of four divisions, and to be commanded by 
Major-General I. McDowell. Second coi^js to consist of three di- 
visions, and to be commanded by Brigadier-General E. V. Sumner. 
Third corps to consist of three divisions, and to be commanded by 
Brigadier-General S. P. Heintzelman. Fourth corps to consist of 
three divisions, and to be commanded by Brigadier-General E. D. 
Keyes. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 131 

2. That tlie divisions now commanded by the officers above as- 
signed to the eomiiiands of anny corps shall bo embraced in and form 
part of their respective corps. 

3. The forces left for the defense of Wasliiiigton will be placed in 
command of Brigadier-General James S. Wadsworth, who shall also 
be military governor of the District of Columbia. 

4. That this order be executed with such promptness and despatch 
as not to delay the commencement of the operations already directed 
to be undertaken by the Army of the Potomac. 

5. A fifth army corps, to be commanded by Major-General N. P. 
Banks, will be formed from his own and General Shields's (late 
General Lander's) divisions. 

Abrah^vji Lincoln. 



March 8, 1862. — President's General War Order No. 3. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 8, 1862. 

Ordered, That no change of the base of operations of the Army of 
the Potomac shall be made without leaving in and about Washing- 
ton such a force as in the opinion of the general-in-chief and the 
commanders of all the army corps shall leave said city entirely 
secure. 

That no more than two army corps (about 50,000 troops) of said 
Army of the Potomac shall be moved en route for. a new base of 
operations until the navigation of the Potomac from Washington to 
the Chesapeake Bay shall be freed from enemy's batteries and other 
obstructions, or until the President shall hereafter give express 
permission. 

That any movement as aforesaid en route for a new base of opera- 
tions which may be ordered by the general-in-chief, and which may 
be intended to move upon the Chesapeake Bay, shall begin to move 
upon the bay as early as the 18th day of March instant, and the gen- 
eral-in-chief shall he responsible that it so move as early as that day. 

Ordered, That the army and navy cooperate in an immediate 
effort to capture the enemy's batteries upon the Potomac between 
Washington and the Chesapeake Bay. 

A. Lincoln. 

Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General. 



March 8, 1862. — Instructions to General Buell concerning 
Commercial Intercourse. 

AVar Department, March 8, 1862. 
Ma.jor-General D. C. Buell, Louisville : 

The President directs me to inform you that the act of Congress 
of July 13, 1861, proliibits commercial intercourse with States pro- 
claimed to be in rebellion (wliich includes all south of Kentucky and 
Missouri), except under license of the President and under rules and 



132 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

regulations prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury. By the 
President's directions the secretary has lately made rules and regu- 
lations, copies of which are this day sent by mail. The President 
desires you to enforce no rules inconsistent with them, and if any 
such have been made, that you will rescind them. Please acknowledge 
receipt of this instruction. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 
[Same to General H. W. Halleck.] 



March 9, 1862. — Letter to Henry J. Raymond. 

(Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 9, 1862. 
Hon. Henry J. Raymond. 

Mij dear Sir : I am grateful to the New York journals, and not 
less so to the " Times" than to others, for their kind notices of the 
late special message to Congress. 

Your paper, however, intimates that the proposition, though well 
intentioned, must fail on the score of expense. I do hope you will 
reconsider this. Have you noticed the facts that less than one half 
day's cost of this war would pay for all the slaves in Delaware at 
$400 per head — that eighty-seven days' cost of this war would pay 
for all in Delaware, Maryland, District of Columbia, Kentucky, and 
Missouri at the same price ? Were those States to take the step, do 
you doubt that it would shorten the war more than eighty-seven 
days, and thus be an actual saving of expense? 

Please look at these things and consider whether there should not 
be another article in the " Times." 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

March 10, 1862. — Memorandum of an Interview between the 
President and some Border Slave State Representatives, 
BY Hon. J. W. Crisfield. 

Bear Sir : I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to come 
to the White House to-morrow morning', at nine o'clock, and bring such 
of yoiu" colleagues as are in town. 

Washington, March 10, 1862. 

Yesterday, on my return from church, I found Mr. Postmaster- 
(General Blair in my room, writing the above note, which he imme- 
'diately suspended, and verbally communicated the President's in- 
vitation, and stated that the President's purpose was to have some 
'Conversation with the delegations of Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, 
Virginia, and Delaware, in explanation of his message of the 6th 
instant. 

This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town, 
.assembled at the Wliite House at the appointed time, and after some 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 133 

little deluy were admitted to an audience. Mr. Leary and myself 
were tlie only members from Maryland i)resent, and, I think, were 
the only members of the' delegation at that time in the city. I know 
that Mr, Pearce, of the Senate, and Messrs. Webster and Calvert, of 
the House, were absent. 

After the usual salutations, and we were seated, the President said, 
in substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some con- 
versation with us in explanation of his message of the 6th; that since 
he had sent it in several of the gentlemen then present had visited 
him, but had avoided any allusion to the message, and he therefore 
inferred that the import of the message had been misunderstood, 
and was regarded as inimical to the interests we represented; and 
he had resolved he would talk with us, and disabuse our minds of 
that erroneous opinion. 

Tlie President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests 
or wound the sensibilities of the slave States. On the contrary, his 
purpose was to protect tlie one and respect the other; that we were 
engaj^ed in a terrible, wasting, and tedious war; immense armies 
were in the field, and must continue in the field as long as the war 
lasts; that these armies must, of necessity, be brought into contact 
with slaves in the States we represented and in other States as they 
advanced; that slaves would come to the camps, and continual irrita- 
tion was kept up; that he was constantly annoyed by confiicting and 
antagonistic complaints: on the one side a certain class complained 
if the slave was not protected by the army; persons were frequently 
found who, participating in these views, acted in a way unfriendly 
to the slaveholder; on the other hand, slaveholders complained that 
their rights were interfered with, their slaves induced to abscond 
and protected within the lines; these complaints were numerous, 
loud, and deep; were a serious annoyance to him and einbarrassing 
to the progress of the war; that it kept alive a spirit hostile to the 
government in the States we represented; strengthened the hopes 
of the Confederates that at some day the border States would unite 
with them, and thus tend to prolong the war; and he was of opinion, 
if this resolution should be adopted by Congress and accepted by 
our States, these causes of irritation and these hopes would be 
removed, and more would be accomplished toward shortening the 
war than could be hoped from the greatest victory achieved by 
Union armies; tliat he made this proposition in good faith, and 
desired it to be accepted, if at all, voluntarily, and in the same 
patriotic spirit in which it was made; that emancipation was a 
subject exclusively under the control of the States, and must be 
adopted or rejected by each for itself; that he did not claim nor 
had this government any right to coerce them for that purpose; 
that such was no part of his purpose in making this proposition, and 
he wished it to be clearly understood; that he did not expect us there 
to be prepared to give him an answer, but he hoped we would take 
the subject into serious consideration, confer with one another, and 
then take such course as we felt our duty and the interests of our 
constituents required of us. 

Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State slavery was not con 



134 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

sidered a permanent institution ; that natural causes were there in 
operation which would at no distant day extinguish it, and he did 
not think that this proposition was necessary for that ; and, besides 
that, he and his friends felt solicitous as to the message on account 
of the different constructions which the resolution and message had 
received. The New York " Tribune " was for it, and understood it to 
mean that we must accept gradual emancipation according to the 
plan suggested, or get something worse. 

The President replied that he must not be expected to quarrel with 
the New York '' Tribune " before the right time ; he hoped never to 
have to do it ; he would not anticipate events. In respect to emancipa- 
tion in Missouri, he said that what had been observed by Mr. Noell was 
probably true, but the operation of these natural causes had not pre- 
vented the irritating conduct to which he had referred, or destroyed 
the hopes of the Confederates that Missouri would at some time 
range herself alongside of them, which, in his judgment, the pas- 
sage of this resolution by Congi'ess and its acceptance by Missouri 
would accomplish. 

Mr. Crisfield, of Maryland, asked what would be the effect of the 
refusal of the State to accept this proposal, and desired to know if 
the President looked to any policy beyond the acceptance or rejection 
of this scheme. 

The President replied that he had no designs beyond the action of 
the States on this particular subject. He should lament their re- 
fusal to accept it, but he had no designs beyond their refusal of it. 

Mr. Menzies, of Kentucky, inquired if the President thought there 
was any power except in the States themselves to carry out his scheme 
of emancipation. 

The President replied that he thought there could not be. He then 
went off into a course of remarks not qualifying the foregoing dec- 
laration nor material to be repeated to a just understanding of his 
meaning. 

Mr. Cr'isfield said he did not think the people of Maryland looked 
upon slavery as a permanent institution ; and he did not know that 
they would be very reluctant to give it up if provision was made to 
meet the loss and they could be rid of the race ; but they did not 
like to be coerced into emancipation, either by the direct action of 
the government or by indirection, as through the emancipation of 
slaves in this District, or the confiscation of Southern property as 
now threatened ; and he thought before they would consent to con- 
sider this proposition they would require to be informed on these 
points. 

The President replied that, unless he was expelled by the act of 
God or the Confederate armies, he should occupy that house for 
three years; and as long as he remained there Maryland had noth- 
ing to fear either for her institutions or her interests on the points 
referred to. 

Mr. Crisfield immediately added : Mr. President, if what you 
now say could be heard by the people of Maryland, they would 
consider your proposition with a much better feeling than I fear 
without it they will be inclined to do. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 135 

The President: That (meaning a publication of what he said) 
will not do; it would force nie into a quarrel before the proper time ; 
and, again intimating, as he had before done, that a quarrel with 
the ''Greeley faction" was impending, he said he did not wish to 
encounter it before the proper time, nor at all if it could be avoided. 

Governor Wickliffe, of Kentucky, then asked him respecting the 
constitutionality of his scheme. 

The President replied : As you may suppose, I have considered 
that; and the proposition now submitted does not encounter any 
constitutional difficulty. It proposes simply to cooperate with any 
State by giving such State pecuniary aid ; and he thought that the 
resolution, as proposed by him, would be considered rather as the 
expression of a sentiment than as involving any constitutional 
question. 

Mr. Hall, of Missouri, thought that if this proposition was adopted 
at all, it should be by the votes of the free States, and come as a 
proposition from them to the slave States, affording them an induce- 
ment to put aside this subject of discord ; that it ought not to be 
expected that members representing slaveholding constituencies 
should declare at once, and in advance of any proposition to them, 
for the emancipation of slavery. 

The President said he saw and felt the force of the objection ; it 
was a fearful responsibility, and every gentleman must do as he 
thought best ; that he did not know how this scheme was received 
by the members from the free States ; some of them had spoken to 
him and received it kindly; but for the most part they were as reserved 
and chary as we had been, and he could not tell how they would 
vote. And in reply to some expression of Mr. Hall as to his own 
opinion regarding slavery, he said he did not pretend to disguise his 
antislavery feeling ; that he thought it was wrong, and should con- 
tinue to think so ; but that was not the question we had to deal with 
now. Slavery existed, and that, too, as well by the act of the 
North as of the South ; and in any scheme to get rid of it, the North 
as well as the South was morally bound to do its full and equal 
share. He thought the institution wrong and ought never to have 
existed; but yet he recognized the rights of property which had 
grown out of it, and would respect those rights as fully as similar 
rights in any other property; that property can exist, and does 
legally exist. He thought such a law wrong, but the rights of prop- 
erty resulting must be respected; he would get rid of the odious 
law, not by violating the right, but by encouraging the proposition 
and offering inducements to give it up. 

Here the interview, so far as this subject is concerned, terminated 
by Mr. Crittenden's assuring the President that, whatever might be 
our final action, we all thought him solely moved by a high patriot- 
ism and sincere devotion to the happiness and glory of his coun- 
try; and with that conviction we should consider respectfully the 
important suggestions he had made. 

After some conversation on the current war news, we retired, and 
I immediately proceeded to my room and wrote out this paper. 

J. W. Crisfield. 



136 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

We were present at the interview described in the foregoing paper 
of Mr. Crisfield, and we certify that the substance of what passed 
on the occasion is in this paper faithfully and fully given. 

J. W. Menzies, 
J. J. Crittenden, 
R. Mallory. 
March 10, 1862. 



March 10, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 10, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

My dear Sir: Thomas H. Campbell, bearer of this, has several 
times been our auditor of State, and I personally know him to be 
an honest man, of thorough business capacity. He is here now to 
do something in adjusting the accounts of the State and the United 
States growing out of the war. He is thoroughly disinterested, not 
even receiving pay for what he does. No man can be more safely 
trusted. I beg you to afford him all proper facilities, with perfect 
assurance that n6 confidence reposed in him will be abused. 

Yours truly, a. Lincoln. 



March 10, 1862. — Telegram to General Buell. 

Washington, March 10, 1862. 
General D. C. Buell : 

The evidence is very strong that the enemy in front of us here 
is breaking up and moving off. General McClellan is after him. 
Some part of the force may be destined to meet you. Look out and 
be prepared. I telegraphed Halleck, asking him to assist you if 
needed. 

A. Lincoln. 



March 10, 1862. — Instructions to Assistant Secretary Fox. 

Navy Department, March 10, 1862. 10.27 a. m. 
Captain G. V. Fox, Assistant Secretary of Navy, Fort Monroe: 

It is directed by the President that the Monitor be not too much 
exposed, and that in no event shall any attempt be made to proceed 
with her unattended to Norfolk. If vessels can be procured and 
loaded with stone and sunk in the channel, it is important that it 
should be done. San Jacinto and Dacofah have sailed from Boston 
for Hampton Roads, and the Sabine in tow of Baltic, and a tug from 
New York. Gunboats will be ordered forthwith. Would it not be 
well to detain the Minnesota until other vessels arrive ? 

Gideon Welles. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 137 



March 11, 1862.— President's Special War Order No. 3. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 11, 1862. 

Major-General McClellau having personally taken the field as the 
head of the Army of the Potomac, until otherwise ordered he is re- 
lieved from the command of the other military departments, he 
retaining command of the Department of the Potomac. 

Ordered further, that the two departments now under the respec- 
tive commands of Generals Halleck and Hunter, together with so 
much of that under General Buell as lies west of a north and 
south line indefinitely drawn through Knoxville, Tenn., be consoli- 
dated and designated the Department of the Mississippi, and that 
until otherwise ordered Major-General Halleck have command of 
said department. 

Ordered also, that the country west of the Department of the 
Potomac and east of the Department of the Mississippi be a mili- 
tary department to be called the Mountain Department, and that 
the same be commanded by Major-General Fremont. 

That all the commanders of departments, after the receipt of this 
order by them respectively, report severally and directly to the Sec- 
retary of War, and that prompt, full, and frequent reports will be 
expected of aU and each of them. Abraham Lincoln. 



March 12, 1862. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States: In compliance with the reso- 
lution of the Senate of the 11th instant, requesting a "copy of any 
correspondence on the records or files of the Department of State in 
regard to railway systems in Europe," I transmit a report from the 
Secretary of State, and the papers by which it was accompanied. 

Washington, March 12, 1862. Abrah.\3i Lincoln. 



March 14, 1862. — Letter to J. A. McDougall. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 14, 1862. 
Hon. James A. McDougall, United States Senate. 

Ml/ dear Sir: As to the expensiveness of the plan of gradual eman- 
cipation with compensation, proposed in the late message, please 
allow me one or two brief suggestions. 

Less than one half day's cost of this war would pay for aU the 
slaves in Delaware at four hundred dollars per head. 

Thus, all the slaves in Delaware by the census 

of 1860, are 1,798 

400 

Cost of the slaves $719,200 

One day's cost of the war 2,000,000 



138 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

Again, less than eighty-seven days' cost of this war would, at the 
same price, pay for all in Delaware, Maryland, District of Columbia, 
Kentucky, and Missouri. 

Thus, slaves in Delaware 1.798 

" " Marvland 87,188 

" " District of Columbia .... 3,181 

Kentucky 225,490 



ii 



" " Missouri 114,965 



432,622 
400 



Cost of slaves $173,048,800 

Eighty-seven days' cost of the war 174,000,000 

Do you doubt that taking the initiatory steps on the part of those 
States and this District would shorten the war more than eighty- 
seven days, and thus be an actual saving of expense ? 

A word as to the time and manner of incurring the expense. 
Suppose, for instance, a State devises and adopts a system by which 
the institution absolutely ceases therein by a named day — say Jan- 
uary 1, 1882. Then let the sum to be paid to such a State hj the 
United States be ascertained by taking from the census 6f 1860 the 
number of slaves within the State, and multiplying that number by 
four hundred — the United States to pay such sums to the State in 
twenty equal annual instalments, in six per cent, bonds of the United 
States. 

The sum thus given, as to time and manner, I think, would not 
be half as onerous as would be an equal sum raised now for the in- 
definite prosecution of the war; but of this you can judge as well 
as I. I inclose a census table for your convenience. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



March 14, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I submit to Congress 
the accompanying copy of a correspondence between the Secretary 
of State, the Danish charge d'affaires, and the Secretary of the Navy, 
concerning the case of the bark Jargen Lorentzen, a Danish vessel 
seized on her voyage from Rio de Janeiro to Havana by the United 
States ship Morning Light, and subsequently released. I recommend 
the appropriation of the award of the referees. 

Washington, March 14, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. 

March 15, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 15, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir : It is represented to me that Messrs. Hedden and 
Hoey had a contract with the government, closed on the 26th of 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 139 

October last, to deliver fifty thousand arms by the 15th of the then 
next January — that within the time they delivered twenty-eight 
thousand, wliich were accepted and paid for; that not on time, but 
ten days after time, they were ready and offered to deliver the re- 
maining twenty-two thousand, which were refused simply on the 
question of time. 

If this statement be true and these men acted in good faith, I 
think they should not be ruined by the transaction, but that the 
guns should be accepted and paid for. Of course, I understand the 
principle of strict law would not oblige the government to take 
them, even if it were an individual. Yours truly, 

A, Lincoln. 



March 15, 1862.— Letter to Secretary Seward. 

Executive Mansion, March 15, 18G2. 
Hon. Secretary of State. 

My dear Sir: 1 am very glad of your note saying "recent de- 
spatches from him" [Dryer at Honoluluj ''are able, judicious, and 
loyal," and that if I agree we will leave him there. I am glad to 
agree so long as the public interest does not seem to require his 
removal. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

March 19, 1862.— Letter to Dr. S. B. Tobey. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 19, 1862. 
Dr. Samuel Boyd Tobey. 

Mi/ dear Sir : A domestic affliction, of which doubtless you are 
informed, has delayed me so long in making acknowledgment of 
the very kind and appropriate letter signed on behalf and by direc- 
tion of a meeting of the representatives of the Society of Friends for 
New England, held at Providence, Rhode Island, the 8tli of second 
month, 1862, by Samuel Boyce, clerk, and presented to me by your- 
self and associates. 

Engaged as I am in a great war, I fear it will be difficult for the 
world to understand how fully I appreciate the principles of peace 
inculcated in this letter and everywhere by the Society of Friends. 

Grateful to the good people you represent for the prayers in be- 
haK of our common country, I look forward hopefully to an early 
end of war and return to peace. Your obliged friend, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 20, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Bepresentatives : The third section of 
the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the navy," approved 
December 21, 1861, provides : 

That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and 
consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to det^i' * m the retired 



140 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such officers 
as he may beUeve that the good of the service requires to be thus placed in 
command ; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation of the Pres- 
ident of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks of Congress 
for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, be restored to 
the active list, and not otherwise. 

In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the 
navy, was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer 
in command of the squadron which recently rendered such impor- 
tant service to the Union in the expedition to the coasts of South 
Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. 

Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully 
correspond with the intention of the law, or be more pregnant with 
happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain 
Samuel F. Du Pont receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his 
services and gallantry displayed in the capture, since the 21st of 
December, 1861, of various points on the coasts of Georgia and 
Florida, particularly Brunswick, Cumberland Island and Sound, 
Amelia Island, the towns of St. Mary's, St. Augustine, Jacksonville, 
and Fernandina. 

Abrahajvi Lincoln. 

"Washington, March 20, 1862. 



March 21, 1862. — Despatch to General H. W. Halleck. 

Washington, March 21, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck, St. Louis, Missouri : 

Please suspend the order sending General Denver to Kansas until 
you hear from the Secretary of War or myself. 

A. Lincoln. 

March 26, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit a copy of 
a communication of the 21st of December last, addressed to the 
Secretary of State by the governor of the Territory of Nevada, and 
commend to the particular attention of Congress those parts of it 
which show that further legislation is desirable for the public wel- 
fare in that quarter. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, March 26, 1862. 

March 31, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 31, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan. 

My dear Sir : This morning I felt constrained to order Blenker's 
division to Fremont, and I write this to assure you I did so with 



LETTEES AND STATE TAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 141 

great pain, uuderstanding that you would wish it otherwise. If you 
could know the full pressure of the case, I am confident that you 
would justify it, even beyond a mere acknowledgment that the 
commander-in-chief may order what he pleases. 

Youi-s very truly, Abrahaji Lincoln. 



April 3, 1862. — Instruction to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, April 3, 1862, 
The Secretary of War will order that one or the other of the corps 
of General McDowell and General Sumner remain in front of Wash- 
ington until farther orders from the department, to operate at or in 
the direction of Manassas Junction, or otherwise, as occasion may 
require; that the other corps not so ordered to remain go forward to 
General McClellan as speedily as possible; that General McClellan 
commence his forward movements from his new base at once, and 
that such incidental modifications as the foregoing may render 
proper be also made. 

A. Lincoln. 



April 3, 1862. — Letter to General H. W. Halleck. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 3, 1862. 
Major- General Halleck, St. Louis, Missouri: 

Colonel James A. Barrett, with a cavalry regiment now at St. 
Louis, wishes to be ordered to New Mexico. Let him go if, in your 
discretion, you think it not inconsistent with the public interest. 

A. Lincoln. 



April 4, 1862. — Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 4, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck, St. Louis, Missouri: 

I am sorry to learn that, after all, General Denver has gone to 
Kansas. Cannot General Davis go there ? There is a hard pressure 
on me in this matter. 

A. Lincoln. 



April 5, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Representatives : In compliance with the resolution 
of the House of Representatives of yesterday, requesting any infor- 
mation which may have been received at the Department of State 
showing the system of revenue and finance now existing in any 
foreign country, I transmit a copy of a recent despatch from Mr. 
Pike, the United States minister at The Hague. This is understood 



142 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

to be the only information on the subject of the resolution recently 
received which has not been made public. 
Washington, April 5, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. 



April 6, 1862. — Telegram to General McClellan. 

Washington, April 6, 1862. 8 p. m. 
General G. B. McClellan: 

Yours of 11 A. M. to-day received. Secretary of War informs me 
that the forwarding of transportation, ammunition, and Woodbury's 
brigade, under your orders, is not, and will not be, interfered with. 
You now have over one hundred thousand troops with you, inde- 
pendent of General Wool's command. I think j-ou better break the 
enemy's line from Yorktown to Warwick River at once. This will 
probably use time as advantageously as you can. 

A. Lincoln, President. 

April 9, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington, April 9, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan. 

3[y dear Sir: Your despatches, complaining that you are not 
properly sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very 
much. 

Blenker s division was withdrawn from you before you left here, 
and you knew the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought, 
acquiesced in it — certainly not without reluctance. 

After you left I ascertained that less than 20,000 unorganized men, 
without a single field-battery, were all you designed to be left for the 
defense of Washington and Manassas Junction, and part of this even 
was to go to General Hooker's old position ; General Banks's corps, 
once designed for Manassas Junction, was divided and tied up on the 
line of Winchester and Strasburg, and could not leave it without 
again exposing the upper Potomac and the Baltimore and Ohio Rail- 
road. This presented (or would present, when McDowell and Sum- 
ner should be gone) a great temptation to the enemy to turn back 
from the Rappahannock and sack Washington. My explicit order 
that Washington should, by the judgment of all the commanders 
of corps, be left entirely secure, had been neglected. It was pre- 
cisely this that drove me to detain McDowell. 

I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave 
Banks at Manassas Junction ; but when that arrangement was broken 
up and nothing w^as substituted for it, of course I was not satisfied. I 
was constrained to substitute something for it myself. 

And now allow me to ask, do yoii really think I should permit 
the line from Richmond via Manassas Junction to this city to be en- 
tirely open, except what resistance could be presented by less than 
20,000 unorganized troops? This is a question which the country 
will not allow me to evade. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 143 

There is a curious mystery about the nuinl)er of tlie troops now 
with you. When I telegraphed you on the 6th, saying- you had over 
100,000 witli you, 1 had just obtained from the Secretary of War a 
statement, taken as he said from your own returns, making 108,000 
then with you and oi route to you. You now say you will have but 
85,000 when all en route to you shall have reached you. How can 
this discrepancy of 23,000 be accounted for"? 

As to General Wool's command, I understand it is doing for you 
precisely what a like number of your own would have to do if that 
command was away. I suppose the whole force which has gone for- 
ward to you is with you by this time ; and if so, I think it is the 
precise time for you to strike a blow. By delay the enemy will rela- 
tively gain upon you — that is, he will gain faster by fortifications 
and reinforcements than you can by reinforcements alone. 

And once more let me tell you it is indispensable to you that you 
strike a blow. I am powerless to help this. You will do me the 
justice to remeinber I always insisted that going down the bay in 
search of a field, instead of fighting at or near Manassas, was only 
shifting and not surmounting a difficulty ; that we would find the 
same enemy and the same or equal intrenchments at either place. 
The country will not fail to note — is noting now — that the present 
hesitation to move upon an intrenched enemy is but the story of 
Manassas repeated. 

I beg to assure you that I have never written you or spoken to you 
in greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller purpose to 
sustain you, so far as in my most anxious judgment I consistently 
can ; but you must act. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



• April 10, 1862. — Proclamation reco:viiviending Thanksgiving 

FOR Victories. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal victories to the 
land and naval forces engaged in suppressing an internal rebellion, 
and at the same time to avert from our country the dangers of 
foreign intervention and invasion : 

It is therefore recommended to the people of the United States 
that, at their next weekly assemblages in their accustomed places of 
public worship which shall occur after notice of this proclamation 
shall have been received, they especially acknowledge and render 
thanks to our Heavenly Father for these inestimable blessings ; that 
they then and there implore spiritual consolation in behalf of all who 
have been brought into affliction by the casualties and calamities of 
sediti(m and civil war; and that they reverently invoke the divine 
guidance for om* national counsels, to the end that they may speedily 
result in the restoration of peace, harmony, and unity throughout 



144 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

our borders, and hasten the establishment of fraternal relations 
among all the countries of the earth. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be af&xed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of April, 
[-1 in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
'■ ' '-' sixty-two, and of the independence of the United States the 
eighty-sixth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



April 10, 1862. — Telegram to R. Yates and Wm. Butler. 

Washington, April 10, 1862. 
Hon. R. Yates and William Butler, Springfield, Illinois: 

I fully appreciate General Pope's splendid achievements, with their 
invaluable results; but you must know that major-generalships in 
the regular army are not as plenty as blackberries. 

A. Lincoln. 



April 14, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Bepresentatives: In compliance with the resolution 
of the House of Representatives of the 3d ultimo, requesting in- 
formation in regard to the present condition of Mexico, I transmit 
a report from the Secretary of State, and the documents by which it 
was accompanied. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, April 14, 1862. 



April 16, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

Felloiv-citizens of the Senate and House of Represontatives : The 
act entitled "An act for the release of certain persons held to service 
or labor in the District of Columbia " has this day been approved 
and signed. 

I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Congress to 
abolish slavery in this District ; and I have ever desired to see the 
national capital freed from the institution in some satisfactory way. 
Hence there has never been in my mind any question upon the sub- 
ject except the one of expediency, arising in view of all the circum- 
stances. If there be matters within and about this act which might 
have taken a course or shape more satisfactory to my judgment, I 
do not attempt to specify them. I am gratified that the two prin- 
ciples of compensation and colonization are both recognized and 
practically applied in the act. 

In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be 
presented within ninety days from the passage of the act, **but not 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABPtAHAM LINCOLN 145 

thereafter " ; and there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane 
or absent persons. I presume this is an omission by mere over- 
sight, and I recommend that it be supplied by an amendatory or 
supplemental act. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
April IG, 1862. . 

April 18, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and Mouse of Representatives : I transmit to Con- 
gress a copy of a correspondence between the Secretary of State and 
Benjamin E. Brewster, of Philadelphia, relative to the arrest in that 
city of Simon Cameron, late Secretary of War, at the suit of Pierce 
Butler, for trespass vi et armis, assault and battery, and false im- 
prisonment. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, D. C, April 18, 1862. 



April 21, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Wasiiington, April 21, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan : 

Your despatch of the 19th was received that day. Fredericksbiu'g 
is evacuated and the bridges destroyed, by the enemy, and a small 
part of McDowell's command occupies this side of the Rappahan- 
nock, opposite the town. He purposes moving his whole force to 
that point. 

A. Lincoln. 

April 22, 1862. — Unsigned Draft of Letter to J. G. Berrett. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 22, 1862, 
Hon. James G. Berrett. 

My dear Sir : With some reluctance and in accordance with the 
request made in your letter of the 17tli, I have withdrawn the nomi- 
nation of yourself to the Senate to be one of the commissioners 
under the act of Congress abolishing slavery in the District of 
Columbia. In so far as your letter assumes that the tendering you 
the office without your solicitation or knowledge attests my confi- 
dence in your loyalty to the United States, now and heretofore, you 
are entirely right. So far, however, as it assumes that, in my judg- 
ment, your imprisonment mentioned was wholly undeserved, an ex- 
planatory word from me is due. I think you made a mistake which 
justified men having less evidence to the contrary than I have to 
suspect your loyalty, and to act accordingly. The arrest, though 
made by my general authority, was in fact made without my know- 
ledge at the time; but being done, the fiuestion of undoing it was a 
little different from that of the original making, and required a little 
time to solve it satisfactorily. 
Vol.. II.— 10. 



146 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 



April 23, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General 

H. W. Halleck. 

War Department, April 23, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck, Pittsburg Landing : 

The President desires to know why you have made no official re- 
port to this department respecting the late battle at Pittsburg Land- 
ing, and whether any neglect or misconduct of General Grant or 
any other officer contributed to the sad casualties that befell our 
forces on Sunday. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



April 24, 1862. — Message to the Senate. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 24, 1862. 

To the Senate of the United States : In obedience to your resolution 
of the 17th instant, I herewith communicate the testimony and judg- 
ment of the recent naval court of inquiry in the case of Lieutenant 
Charles E. Fleming, of the United States navy; also the testimony 
and finding of the naval retiring board in the case of said Lieutenant 
Fleming. 

I have the honor to state that the judgment and finding aforesaid 
have not been approved by me. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



April 26, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Representatives : In compliance with the resolu- 
tion of the House of Representatives of the 24th of February last, 
requesting information in regard to insurgent privateers in foreign 
ports, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the doc- 
uments by which it was accompanied. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, April 26, 1862. 



April 27, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. 

War Department, April 27, 1862. 
Governor Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee: 

Your despatch of yesterday just received, as also, in due course, 
was your former one. The former one was sent to General Halleck, 
and we have his answer, by which I have no doubt he (General Hal- 
leck) is in communication with you before this. General Halleck 
understands better than we can here, and he must be allowed to 
control in that quarter. If you are not in communication with 
Halleck, telegraph him at once, freely and frankly. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 147 



May 1, 1862. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : In answer to the resolution of 
the Senate [of April 22] in relation to Brifyadier-General Stone, I 
have the honor to state that he was arrested and iniprisoued under 
my general authority, and upon evidence which, whether he be 
guilty or innocent, required, as appears to me, such proceedings to 
be had against him for the public safety. I deem it incompatible 
with the public interest, as also, perhaps, unjust to General Stone, 
to make a more particular statement of the evidence. 

He has not been tried because, in the state of military operations 
at the time of his arrest and since, the officers to constitute a court 
martial and for witnesses could not be withdrawn from duty with- 
out serious injury to the service. He will be allowed a trial without 
any unnecessary delay; the charges and specifications will be fur- 
nished him in due season, and every facility for his defense will be 
afleorded him by the War Department. Abraham Llncoln. 

Washington, May 1, 1862. 



May 1, 1862. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : In accordance with the sug- 
gestion of the Secretary of the Treasury, contained in the accom- 
panying letter, I have the honor to transmit the inclosed petition 
and report thereon of the Third Auditor for the consideration of 
Congress. Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, May 1, 1862. 



May 1, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 1, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan : 

Your call for Parrott guns from Washington alarms me, chiefly 
because it argues indefinite procrastination. Is anything to be done I 

A. Lincoln. 



May 1, 1862. — Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. 

War Department, May 1, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck, Pittsburg Landing, Tennessee: 

I am pressed by the Missouri members of Congress to give General 
Schofield independent command in Missouri. They insist that for 
want of this tlieir local troubles gradually grow worse. I have for- 
borne, so far, for fear of interfering with and embarrassing your 
operations. Please answer, telling me wliether anything, and what, 
I can do for them without injuriously interfering with you. 

A. Lincoln. 



148 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



May 4, 1862.^ Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General 

J. E. Wool. 

{Cipher.) War Department, May 4, 1862. 

Major-General Wool, Fortress Monroe: 

The President desires to know whether your force is in condi- 
tion for a sudden movement, if one should be ordered under your 
command. 

Please have it in readiness. Edwin M. Stanton. 



[May 6 ?] 1862. — Response to Evangelical Lutherans. 

Gentlemen : I welcome here the representatives of the Evangelical 
Lutherans of the United States. I accept with gratitude their assur- 
ances of the sympathy and support of that enlightened, influential, 
and loyal class of my fellow-citizens in an important crisis which 
involves, in my judgment, not only the civil and religious liberties 
of our own dear land, but in a large degree the civil and religious 
liberties of mankind in many countries and through many ages. 
You well know, gentlemen, and the world knows, how reluctantly I 
accepted this issue of battle forced upon me on my advent to this 
place by the internal enemies of our country. You all know, the 
world knows, the forces and the resources the public agents have 
brought into employment to sustain a government against which 
there has been brought not one complaint of real injury committed 
against society at home or abroad. You all may recollect that in 
taking up the sword thus forced into our hands, this government 
appealed to the prayers of the pious and the good, and declared that 
it placed its whole dependence upon the favor of God. I now humbly 
and reverently, in your presence, reiterate the acknowledgment of 
that dependence, not doubting that, if it shall please the Divine 
Being who determines the destinies of nations, this shall remain a 
united people, and that they will, humbly seeking the Divine guid- 
ance, make their prolonged national existence a source of new 
benefits to themselves and their successors, and to all classes and 
conditions of mankind. 



May 7, 1862. — Telegram to Flag-officer L. M. Golds- 
borough. 

Fort Monroe, Virginia, May 7, 1862. 
Flag-officer Goldsborough : 

Sir : Major-General McClellan telegraphs that he has ascertained 
by a reconnaissance that the battery at Jamestown has been aban- 
doned, and he again requests that gunboats may be sent up the 
James River. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 149 

If you have tolerable confidence that you can successfully contend 
with the Merrimdc without the help of the (Jdleua and two accom- 
panying gunboats, send the Galena and two gunboats up the James 
River at once. Please report your action on this to me at onee, I 
shall be found either at (jrcneral Wool's headquarters or on boai\l the 
Miami. Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 



May 9, 1862.— Letter to General Gr. B. McClellan. 

Fort Monroe, Virginia, May 9, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan. 

Mi/ dear Sir: I have just assisted the Secretary of "War in fram- 
ing part of a despatch to j^ou relating to army corps, which des- 
patch of course will have reached you long before this will, 

I wish to say a few words to you privately on this subject. I 
ordered the army corps organization not only on the unanimous 
opinion of the twelve generals whom you had selected and assigned 
as generals of division, but also on the unanimous opinion of every 
military man I could get an opinion from (and every modern mili- 
tary book), yourself only excepted. Of course I did not on my own 
judgment pretend to understand the subject. I now think it indis- 
pensable for you to know how your struggle against it is received 
in quarters which we cannot entirely disregard. It is looked upon 
as merely an effort to pamper one or two pets and to persecute and 
degrade their supposed rivals. I have had no word from Sumner, 
Heintzelman, or Keyes. The commanders of these corps are of 
course the three highest officers with you, but I am constantly told 
that you have no consultation or communication with them; that 
you consult and communicate with nobody but General Fitz- 
John Porter and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say these 
complaints are true or just, but at all events it is proper you should 
know of their existence. Do the commanders of corps disobey your 
orders in anything ? 

When you relieved General Hamilton of his command the other 
day, you thereby lost the confidence of at least one of your best 
friends in the Senate. And here let me say, not as applicable to 
you personally, that senators and representatives speak of me in 
their places as they please without question, and that officers of the 
army must cease addressing insulting letters to them for taking no 
greater liberty with them. 

But to return. Are you strong enough — are you strong enough, 
even with my help — to set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, 
Heintzelman, and Keyes all at once ? This is a practical and very 
serious question for you. 

The success of your army and the cause of the country are the 
same, and of course I only desire the good of the cause. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



150 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



May 10, 1862, — Letter to Flag-officer L. M. Goldsborough 

Fort Monroe, Virginia, May 10, 1862. 
Flag-officer Goldsborough. 

3fy dear Sir : I send you this copy of your report of yesterday for 
the purpose of saying to you in writing that you are quite right in 
supposing the movement made by you and therein reported was 
made in accordance with my wishes verbally expressed to you in 
advance. I avail myself of the occasion to thank you for your cour- 
tesy and all your conduct, so far as known to me, during my brief 
visit here. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



May 12, 1862. — Proclamation raising the Blockade op 
Certain Ports. 

By the President of the United States of America: 
A Proclamation. 

"Whereas, by my proclamation of the 19th of April, one thousand 
eight hundred and sixty-one, it was declared that the ports of certain 
States, including those of Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina, 
Port Royal, in the State of South Carolina, and New Orleans, in the 
State of Louisiana, were, for reasons therein set forth, intended to be 
placed under blockade ; and whereas the said ports of Beaufort, Port 
Royal, and New Orleans have since been blockaded; but as the block- 
ade of the same ports may now be safely relaxed with advantage to 
the interests of commerce : 

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
of the United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the 
fifth section of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July last, 
entitled " An act further to provide for the collection of duties on 
imports, and for other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade 
of the said ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and New Orleans shall so 
far cease and determine, from and after the first day of June next, 
that commercial intercourse with those ports, except as to persons, 
things, and information contraband of war, may from that time be 
carried on, subject to the laws of the United States, and to the limi- 
tations and in pursuance of the regulations which are prescribed 
• by the Secretary of the Treasury in his order of this date, which is 
appended to this proclamation. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this 12th day of May, in the 
r 1 year of our Lord" one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, 
I- * J and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 151 



May 14, 18G2. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : The third section of 
the ''Act further to promote the efficiency of the navy," approved 
21st of December, 1861, provides : 

That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and con- 
sent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from tlie retired list 
of the navy for the command of squadi'ons and single sliips such officers 
as he may believe that the good of the service requires to l)e thus placed in 
command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation of the Presi- 
dent of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks of Congress 
for tlieir services and gallantry in action against an enemy, be restored to 
the active list, and not otherwise. 

In conformity with this law, Captain David G. Farragut was nom- 
inated to the Senate for continnance as flag-officer in command of 
the squadron which recently rendered such important service to the 
Union by his successful operations on the lower Mississippi and cap- 
ture of New Orleans. 

Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully 
correspond with the intention of the law, or be more pregnant with 
happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain 
D. G. Farragut receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his services 
and gallantry displayed in the capture, since the 21st of December, 
1861, of Forts Jackson and St. Philip, city of New Orleans, and the 
destruction of various rebel gunboats, rams, etc. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, D. C, May 14, 1862. 



May 14, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I submit herewith 
a list of naval officers who commanded vessels engaged in the re- 
cent brilliant operations of the squadron commanded by Flag-officer 
Farragut, whicli led to the capture of Forts Jackson and St. Philip, 
city of New Orleans, and the destruction of rebel gunboats, rams, 
etc., in April, 1862. For their services and gallantry on those occa- 
sions I cordially recommend that they should, by name, receive a 
vote of thanks of Congress : 

LIST. 

Captain Theodoras Bailey. 
Captain Henry W. Mon-is. 
Captain Thomas T. Craven. 
Commander Henry H. Bell, 
Commander Samuel Phillips Lee. 
Commander Samuel Swartwout. 
Commander Melancton Smith. 
Commander Charles Stewart Boggs. 
Commander John De Camp. 



152 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

Commander James Alden. 
, Commander David D. Porter. 

Commander Richard Wainwright. 
Commander William B. Rensbaw. 
Lieutenant Commanding Abram D. Harrell. 
Lieutenant Commanding Edward Donaldson. 
Lieutenant Commanding George H. Preble. 
Lievitenant Commanding Edward T. Nichols. 
Lieutenant Commanding Jonathan M. Wainwright. 
Lieutenant Commanding John Guest. 
Lieutenant Commanding Charles H. B. Caldwell. 
Lieutenant Commanding Napoleon B. Harrison. 
Lieutenant Commanding Albert N. Smith. 
Lieutenant Commanding Pierce Crosby. 
Lieutenant Commanding George M. Ransom. 
Lieutenant Commanding Watson Smith. 
Lieutenant Commanding John H, Russell. 
Lieutenant Commanding Walter W. Queen. 
Lieutenant Commanding K. Randolph Breese. 
Acting Lieutenant Commanding Sehm E. Woolworth. 
Acting Lieutenant Commanding Charles H. Baldwin. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Washington, D. C, May 14, 1862. 



May 15, 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington City, May 15, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan, Cumberland, Virginia : 

Your long despatcli of yesterday is just received. I will answer 
more fully soon. Will say now that all your despatches to the Sec- 
retary of War have been promptly shown to me. Have done and 
shall do all I could and can to sustain you. Hoped that the open- 
ing of James River and putting Wool and Burnside in communica- 
tion, with an open road to Richmond, or to you, had effected 
something in that direction. I am still unwilling to take all our 
force off the direct line between Richmond and here. 

A. Lincoln. 



[May 15?] 1862.— Reply of the President to Resolutions of 
THE East Baltimore Methodist Conference. 

Revs. I. A. Gere, A. A. Reese, D. D., G. D, Chenoweth. 

Oenflemen : Allow me to tender to you, and through you to the 
East Baltimore Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, my 
grateful thanks for the preamble and resolutions of that body, copies 
of which you did me the honor to present yesterday. These kind 
words of approval, coming from so numerous a body of intelligent 
Christian people, and so free from all suspicion of sinister motives, 
are indeed encouraging to me. By the help of an all-wise Provi- 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 153 

dence, I shall endeavor to do my duty, and I shall expect the con- 
tinuance of youi' prayers for a right solution of our national difii- 
culties and the restoration of our country to peace and prosperity. 
Your obliged and humble servant, A. Lincoln. 



May 16, 18G2. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General 

J. C. Fremont. / 

Washington, May 16, 1862. 
Major-General Fremont, Franklin: 

The President desires to know whether you design to move on to 
the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad and break it between Newbern 
and Salem, according to the plau you proposed and he approved ; 
and also whether, having reached and broken that road, you cannot 
move forward rapidly upon Richmond by that route; and by what 
time you can reach the railroad, and how long it will take you from 
there to reach Richmond. Please answer immediately. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



May 16, 1862.— Telegram to General I. McDowell. 

Washington, May 16, 1862. 
Major-General McDowell: 

What is the strength of your force now actually with you ? 

A. Lincoln. 

May 17, 1862. — Memorandum, in the Handwriting of President 
Lincoln, of his Proposed Additions to Instructions of 

ABOVE DATE TO GENERAL McDoWELL, AND GENERAL MeIGS'S 

Indorsement thereon. 

You will retain the separate command of the forces taken with 
ou; but while cooperating with General McClellan you will obey 
is orders, except that you are to judge, and are not to allow your 
force to be disposed otherwise than so as to give the greatest pro- 
tection to this capital which may be possible from that distance. 



I 



[Indorsement] 
To THE Secretary of War. 

The President having- shown this to me, I suggested that it is dangerous 
to direct a subordinate not to obey the orders of his superior in any ease, 
and that to give instructions to General McClellan to this same end and 
furnish General McDowell with a co^jy thereof would effect the object 
desu-ed by the President. He desired me to say that the sketch of instruc- 
tions to General McClellan herewith he thought made this addition un- 
necessary. Respectfully, 

M. C. M. 



154 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



May 17, 1862. — Indorsement relating to G-eneral David Hun- 
ter's Order of Military Emancipation. 

No commanding general shall do such a thing upon my responsi- 
bility without consulting me. ^, Lincoln. 

May 18, 1862. — Letter prom Secretary Stanton to General 

McClellan. 

Washington, May 18, 1862, 2 p. m. 

General: Your despatch to the President, asking reinforcements, 
has been received and carefully considered. 

The President is not willing to uncover the capital entirely ; and 
it is believed that even if this were prudent, it would require more 
time to effect a junction between your army and that of the Rappa- 
hannock by the way of the Potomac and York rivers than by 
a land march. In order, therefore, to increase the strength of the 
attack upon Richmond at the earliest moment, General McDowell 
has been ordered to march upon that city by the shortest route. 
He is ordered, keeping himself always in position to save the capital 
from all possible attack, so to operate as to put his left wing in com- 
munication with your right wing, and you are instructed to co- 
operate so as to establish this communication as soon as possible by 
extending your right wing to the north of Richmond. 

It is believed that this communication can be safely established 
either north or south of the Pamunkey River. 

In any event, you will be able to prevent the main body of the 
enemy's forces from leaving Richmond and falling in overwhelming 
force upon General McDowell. He will move with between thirty- 
five and forty thousand men. 

A copy of the instructions to General McDowell are with this. 
The specific task assigned to his command has been to provide 
against any danger to the capital of the nation. 

At your earnest call for reinforcements, he is sent forward to 
cooperate in the reduction of Richmond, but charged, in attempt- 
ing this, not to uncover the city of Washington ; and you will give 
no order, either before or after your junction, which can put him out 
of position to cover this city. You and he will communicate with 
each other by telegraph or otherwise as frequently as may be neces- 
sary for efficient cooperation. When General McDowell is in posi- 
tion on your right, his supplies must be drawn from West Point, 
and you will instruct your staff-officers to be prepared to supply him 
by that route. 

The President desires that General McDowell retain the command 
of the Department of the Rappahannock and of the forces with 
which he moves forward. 

By order of the President : 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

Major-General George B. McClellan, 

Commanding Army of the Potomac, before Richmond. 



LETTERS AND STATE PArERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 155 



May 19, 1802. — Proclamation revoking General Hunter's 
Order of Military Emancipation. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas there appears in the public prints what purports to be a 
proclamation of Major-General Huuter, in the words and figures 
following, to wit : 

(General Orders No. 11.) 

Headquarters Department op the South, 

Hilton Head, Port Royal, S. C, May 9, 1862. 

The three States of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, comprising 
the military department of the South, having deliberately declared them- 
selves no longer under the protection of the United States of America, and 
having taken up arms against the said United States, it became a military 
necessity to declare martial law. This was accordingly done on the 25th 
day of April, 1802. Slavery and martial law in a free country are altogether 
incompatible; the persons in these three States — Georgia, Florida, and 
South Carolina — heretofore held as slaves, are therefore declared for- 
ever free. 

By command of Major-General D. Hunter: 

(Official.) Ed. W. Smith, Acting Assistant Adjutant-General. 

And whereas the same is producing some excitement and mis- 
understanding : therefore, 

I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, proclaim 
and declare that the Government of the United States had no 
knowledge, information, or belief of an intention on the part of 
General Hunter to issue such a proclamation ; nor has it yet any 
authentic information that the document is genuine. And further, 
that neither General Hunter, nor any other commander or person, 
has been authorized by the Govei'nment of the United States to 
make a proclamation declaring the slaves of any State free; and 
that the supposed proclamation now in question, whether genuine 
or false, is altogether void so far as respects such a declaration. 

I further make known that, whether it be competent for me, as 
commander-in-chief of the army and navy, to declare the slaves 
of any State or States free, and whether, at any time, in any case, 
it shall have become a necessity indispensable to the maintenance of 
the government to exercise such supposed power, are questions 
which, under my responsibility, I reserve to myself, and which I 
cannot feel justified in leaving to the decision of commanders in the 
field. These are totally different questions from those of police 
regulations in armies and camps. 

On the sixth day of March last, by special message, I recom- 
mended to Congress the adoption of a joint resolution, to be sub- 
stantially as follows : 

Resolved, That the United States ought to cooperate with any State 
which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State 



156 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

pecuniary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to compensate for 
tlie inconvenience, public and private, produced by such change of system. 

The resolution, in the language above quoted, was adopted by- 
large majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an 
authentic, definite, and solemn proposal of the nation to the States 
and people most immediately interested in the subject-matter. To 
the people of those States I now earnestly appeal. I do not argue 
— I beseech you to make arguments for yourselves. You cannot, 
if you would, be blind to the signs of the times. I beg of you a 
calm and enlarged consideration of them, ranging, if it may be, far 
above personal and partizan politics. This proposal makes common 
cause for a common object, casting no reproaches upon any. It 
acts not the Pharisee. The change it contemplates would come 
gently as the dews of heaven, not rending or wrecking anything. 
Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been done, by one 
effort, in all past time, as in the providence of Grod it is now your 
high privilege to do. May the vast future not have to lament that 
you have neglected it. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of 
May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
[l. s.] and sixty-two, and of the independence of the United States 
the eighty-sixth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



May 21, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan, 

Washington, May 21, 1862. 
Major General McClellan : 

I have just been waited on by a large committee who present a 
petition signed by twenty-three senators and eighty-four represen- 
tatives asking me to restore General Hamilton to his division. I 
wish to do this, and yet I do not wish to be understood as rebuking 
you. Please answer at once. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 22, 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington City, May 22, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan : 

Your long despatch of yesterday just received. You will have 
just such control of General McDowell and his forces as you therein 
indicate. McDowell can reach you by land sooner than he could 
get aboard of boats, if the boats were ready at Fredericksburg, un- 
less his march shall be resisted, in which case the force resisting 
him will certainly not be confronting you at Richmond. By land he 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 157 

can reach you in five days after starting, whereas by water he would 
not reach you in two weeks, judging by past experience. Franklin's 
single division did not reach you in ten days after I ordered it. 

A. Lincoln, President United States. 



May 22, 1862. — Indorsement on Letter op G. Montague 

Hicks. 

This note, as Colonel Hicks did verbally yesterday, attempts to 
excite me against the Secretary of War, and therein is offensive to 
me. My " order," as he is pleased to call it, is plainly no order at all. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 22, 1862. 



May 22, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Representatives : In compliance with the resolu- 
tion of the House of Representatives of the 20th instant, requesting 
information in regard to the indemnity obtained by the consul- 
general of the United States at Alexandria, Egypt, for the maltreat- 
ment of Faris-El-Hakim, an agent in the employ of the American 
missionaries in that country, I transmit a report from the Secre- 
tary of State, and the documents by which it was accompanied. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Washington, May 22, 1862. 



May 23, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatrt:s. 

To the House of Representatives : I transmit a report from the Sec- 
retary of State, in answer to the resolution of the House of Repre- 
sentatives of the 22d instant, calling for further correspondence 
relative to Mexican affairs. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, May 23, 1862. 



May 24, 1862. — Telegram to General McClellan. 

Washington, May 24, 1862. 4 p. m. 
Major-General George B. McClellan : 

In consequence of General Banks's critical position, I have been 
compelled to suspend General McDowell's movements to join yon. 
The enemy are making a desperate push upon Harpei-'s Ferry,'and 
we are trying to throw General Fremont's force and part of General 
McDowell's in their rear. 

A. Lincoln, President. 



158 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



May 24, 1862. — Telegram to General McClellan. 

Washington, May 24, 1862. 
Major-General George B. McClellan : 

I left General McDowell's camp at dark last evening;. Shields's 
command is there, but it is so worn that he cannot move before 
Monday morning, the 26th. We have so thinned our line to get 
troops for other places that it was broken yesterday at Front Royal, 
with a probable loss to us of one regiment infantry, two companies 
cavalry, putting General Banks in some peril. 

The enemy's forces under General Anderson now opposing Gen- 
eral McDowell's advance have as their line of supply and retreat the 
road to Richmond. 

If, in conjunction with McDowell's movement against Anderson, 
you could send a force from your right to cut off the enemy's sup- 
plies from Richmond, preserve the railroad bridges across the two 
forks of the Pamunkey, and intercept the enemy's retreat, you will 
prevent the army now opposed to you from receiving an accession 
of numbers of nearly 15,000 men ; and if you succeed in saving the 
bridges you will secure a line of railroad for supplies in addition to 
the one you now have. Can you not do this almost as well as not 
while you are building the Chickahominy bridges? McDowell and 
Shields both say they can, and positively will, move Monday morn- 
ing. I wish you to move cautiously and safely. 

You will have command of McDowell, after he joins you, precisely 
as you indicated in your long despatch to us of the 21st. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 24, 1862. — Telegram to General Rufus Saxton. 

War Department, May 24, 1862. 1 p. m. 
General Saxton : 

Geary reports Jackson with 20,000 moving from Ashby's Gap by 
the Little River turnpike, through Aldie, toward Centreville. This, 
he says, is reliable. He is also informed of large forces south of 
him. We know a force of some 15,000 broke up Saturday night 
from in front of Fredericksburg and went we know not where. 
Please inform us, if possible, what has become of the force which 
pursued Banks yesterday ; also any other information you have. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 24, 1862. — Telegram to Colonel D. S. Miles. 

War Department, May 24, 1862. 1.30 p. m. 
Colonel Miles, Harper's Ferry, Virginia : 

Could you not send scouts from Winchester who would tell whether 
enemy are north of Banks, moving on Winchester I What is the 
latest you have? 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 159 



May 24, 18G2. — Telegram to General J. C. Fremont. 

War Department, May 24, 1862. 4. p. m. 
Major-General Fremont, Franklin : 

You are authorized to purchase the 400 horses, or take them 
wlierever or however you can ^at them. 

The exposed condition of General Banks makes his immediate re- 
lief a point of paramount importance. You are therefore directed 
by the President to move against Jackson at Harrisonburg and 
operate against the enemy in such way as to relieve Banks. This 
movement must be made immediately. You will acknowledge the 
receipt of this order, and specify the hour it is received by you. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 24, 1862. — Telegram to General J. C. Fremont. 

War Department, May 24, 1862. 7.15 p. m. 
Major-General Fremont, Franklin, Virginia : 

Many thanks for the promptness with which you have answered 
that you will execute the order. Much — perhaps all — depends 
upon the celerity with which you can execute it. Put the utmost 
speed into it. Do not lose a minute. ^^ Llntcoln 



May 24, 1862. — Telegram to General H. W, Halleck. 

War Department, May 24, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck, near Corinth, Mississippi : 

Several despatches from Assistant Secretary Scott and one from 
Governor Morton asking reinforcements for you have been received. 
I beg you to be assured we do the best we can. I mean to cast no 
blame when I tell you each of our commanders along our line from 
Richmond to Corinth supposes himself to be confronted by numbers 
superior to his own. Under this pressure we thinned the line on the 
upper Potomac, until yesterday it was broken at heavy loss to us, 
and General Banks put in great peril, out of which he is not yet ex- 
tricated, and may be actually captured. We need men to repair 
this breach, and have them not at hand. My dear general, I feel 
justified to rely very much on you. I believe you and the brave 
officers and men with you can and will get the victory at Corinth. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 24, 1862. — Telegraim to General I. McDowell. 

War Department, May 24, 1862. 5 p. m. 
Major-General McDowell, Fredericksburg : 

General Fremont has been ordered by telegraph to move from 
Franklin on Harrisonburu; to relieve General Banks, and capture 
or destrov Jackson's and Ewell's forces. 



160 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

You are instructed, laying aside for the present the movement on 
Richmond, to put 20,000 men in motion at once for the Shenandoah, 
moving on the line or in advance of the line of the Manassas Gap 
RaUroad. Your object will be to capture the forces of Jackson and 
Ewell, either in cooperation with General Fremont, or, in case want 
of supplies or of transportation interferes with his movements, it is 
believed that the force which you move will be sufficient to accom- 
plish this object alone. The information thus far received here 
makes it probable that if the enemy operate actively against General 
Banks, you will not be able to count upon much assistance from him, 
but may even have to release him. 

Reports received this moment are that Banks is fighting with 
Ewell eight miles from Winchester. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 24, 1862. — Telegram to General I. McDowell. 

War Department, Washington City, D. C, 

May 24, 1862. 8 p. m. 
Major-General McDowell: 

I am higlily gratified by your alacrity in obeying my order. The 
change was as painful to me as it can possibly be to you or to 
any one. 

Everything now depends upon the celerity and vigor of yom* 
movement. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 24, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General 

I. McDowell. 

War Department, May 24, 1862. 
Major-General McDowell, Falmouth : 

In view of the operations of the enemy on the line of General 
Banks, the President thinks the whole force you designed to move 
from Fredericksburg should not be taken away, and he therefore 
directs that one brigade in addition to what you designed to leave 
at Fredericksburg should be left there : this brigade to be the least 
effective of your command. 

Edwin M. Stanton. 

May 24, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General 

N. P. Banks. 

War Department, May 24, 1862. 
Major-General Banks, Winchester: 

In your despatch of this evening to the President, you say tha you 
intend to return with your command to Strasburg. The question 
is suggested whether you will not by that movement expose your 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 161 

stores and trains at Winchester. The President desires, therefore, 
more detailed information than you have yet furnished respecting 
the force and position of the enemy in your neighborhood before 
you make a movement that will subject Winchester or Harper's 
Ferry to danger fi*om sudden attack. 
You will please report fully before moving. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



May 24, 1862.— Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : I transmit a report from the 
Secretary of State in answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 
22d instant, calling for further correspondence relative to Mexican 

^^^"■^- Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, May 24, 1862. 



May 25, 1862. — Telegram to General J. W. Geary. 

War Department, May 25, 1862. 1.45 p. m. 
General Geary, White Plains: 

Please give us your best present impression as to the number of 
the enemy's forces north of Strasburg and Front Royal. Are the 
forces still moving north through the gap at Front Royal and 
between you and there I a Lincoln 

May 25, 1862. — Telegraivi to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington, May 25, 1862. 2 p. m. 
JMajor-General McClellan : 

The enemy is moving north in suflScient force to drive General 
Banks before him — precisely in what force we cannot tell. He is 
also threatening Leesburg and Geary, on the Manassas Gap Rail- 
road, from both north and south — in precisely what force we can- 
not tell. I think the movement is a general and concerted one, 
such as would not be if he was acting upon the purpose of a very 
desperate defense of Richmond. I think the time is near when you 
must either attack Richmond or give up the job and come to the 
defense of Washington. Let me hear from you instantly. 

A. Lincoln, President. 

May 25, 1862. — Order taking Military Possession of 
Railroads. 

War Departjient, May 25, 1862. 
Ordered : By virtue of the authority vested by act of Congress, 
the President takes military possession of all the railroads in the 
Vol. II.— 11. 



162 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

United States, from and after this date until further order, and 
directs that the respective railroad companies, their officers and 
servants, shall hold themselves in readiness for the transportation of 
such troops and munitions of war as may be ordered by the military 
authorities, to the exclusion of all other business. 
By order of the Secretary of War: 

M. C. Meigs, Quartermaster-General. 

May 25, 1862. — Telegram to Secretary Chase. 

War Department, May 25, 1862. 
Secretary Chase, Fredericksburg, Virginia: 

It now appears that Banks got safely into Winchester last night, 
and is this morning retreating on Harpei^s Ferry. This justifies 
the inference that he is pressed by numbers superior to his own. I 
think it not improbable that Ewell, Jackson, and Johnson are pour- 
ing through the gap they made day before yesterday at Front Royal, 
making a dash northward. It will be a very valuable and very honor- 
able service for General McDowell to cut them off. I hope he will 
put all possible energy and speed into the effort. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 25, 1862. — Telegram to General R. Saxton. 

War Department, May 25, 1862. 4.15 p. m. 
General Saxton, Harper's Ferry : 

If Banks reaches Martinsburg, is he any the better for it ? Will 
not the enemy cut him from thence to Harper's Ferry ? Have you 
sent anything to meet him and assist him at Martinsburg ? This is 
an inquiry, not an order. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 25, 1862. — Telegram to General R. Saxton. 

War Department, May 25, 1862. 6.50 p. m. 
General Saxton, Harper's Ferry : 

One good six-gun battery, complete in its men and appointments, 
is now on its way to you from Baltimore. Eleven other guns, of 
different sorts, are on their way to you from here. Hope they will 
all reach you before morning. As you have but 2500 men at Har- 
per's Ferry, where are the rest which were in that vicinity and 
which we have sent forward ? Have any of them been cut off f 

A. Lincoln. 

May 25, 1862. — Telegram to General R. Saxton. 

War Department, May 25, 1862. 
General Saxton, Harpei-'s Ferry : 

I fear you have mistaken me. I did not mean to question the cor- 
rectness of your conduct ; on the contrary, I approve what you have 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 163 

done. As the 2500 reported by you seemed small to me, I feared 
some had got to Banks and been cut off with him. Please tell me 
the exact number you now have in hand. 

A. Lincoln. . 



May 25, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

{Sent in cipher.) 

War Department, Washington City, D. C, 

May 25, 18G2. 8.30 p. m. 
Major-General McClellan : 

Your despatch received. General Banks was at Strasburg, with 
about 6000 men, Shields having been taken from him to swell a col- 
umn for McDowell to aid you at Richmond, and the rest of his force 
scattered at various places. On the 23d a rebel force of 7000 to 
10,000 fell upon one regiment and two companies guarding the 
bridge at Front Royal, destroying it entirely ; crossed the Shenan- 
doah, and on the 24th (yesterday) pushed to get north of Banks, on 
the road to Winchester. Banks ran a race with them, beating them 
into Winchester yesterday evening. This morning a battle ensued 
between the two forces, in which Banks was beaten back into full 
retreat toward Martinsburg, and probably is broken up into a total 
rout. Geary, on the Manassas Gap Railroad, just now reports that 
Jackson is now near Front Royal, with 10,000, following up and sup- 
porting, as I understand, the force now pursuing Banks ; also that 
another force of 10,000 is near Orleans, following on in the same direc- 
tion. Stripped bare, as we are here, it will be all we can do to prevent 
them crossing the Potomac at Harpei-'s Ferry or above. We have 
about 20,000 of McDowell's force moving back to the vicinity of 
Front Royal, and General Fremont, who was at Franklin, is moving 
to Harrisonburg; both these movements intended to get in the 
enemy's rear. 

One more of McDowell's brigades is ordered through here to Har- 
per's Ferry ; the rest of his force remains for the present at Freder- 
icksburg. We are sending such regiments and dribs from here and 
Baltimore as we can spare to Harper's Ferry, supplying their places 
in some sort by calling in militia from the adjacent States. We also 
have eighteen cannon on the road to Harpei*'s Ferry, of which arm 
there is not a single one yet at that point. This is now our situation. 

If McDowell's force was now beyond our reach, we should be 
utterly helpless. Apprehension of something like this, and no un- 
willingness to sustain you, has always been my reason for with- 
holding McDowell's force from you. Please understand this, and do 
the best you can with the force you have. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 26, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : The insurrection 
which is yet existing in the United States and aims at the overthrow 



164 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

of the Federal Constitution and the Union, was clandestinely pre- 
pared during the winter of 1860 and 1861, and assumed an open or- 
ganization in the form of a treasonable provisional government at 
Montgomery, in Alabama, on the 18th day of February, 1861. On 
the 12th day of April, 1861, the insurgents committed the flagrant 
act of civil war by the bombardment and capture of Fort Sumter, 
which cut off the hope of immediate conciliation. Immediately 
afterward all the roads and avenues to this city were obstructed, 
and the capital was put into the condition of a siege. The mails in 
every direction were stopped and the lines of telegraph cut off by 
the insurgents, and military and naval forces which had been called 
out by the government for the defense of Washington were pre- 
vented from reaching the city by organized and combined treason- 
able resistance in the State of Maryland. There was no adequate 
and effective organization for the public defense. Congress had in- 
definitely adjourned. There was no time to convene them. It be- 
came necessary for me to choose whether, using only the existing 
means, agencies, and processes which Congress had provided, I 
should let the government fall at once into ruin, or whether, avail- 
ing myself of the broader powers conferred by the Constitution in 
cases of insurrection, I would make an effort to save it with all its 
blessings for the present age and for posterity. 

I thereupon summoned my constitutional advisers, the heads of 
aU the departments, to meet on Sunday, the 21st day of April, 1861, 
at the of&ce of the Navy Department; and then and there, with 
their unanimous concurrence, I directed that an armed revenue cut- 
ter should proceed to sea, to afford protection to the commercial 
marine and especially the California treasure-ships then on their 
way to this coast. I also directed the commandant of the navy-yard 
at Boston to purchase, or charter, and arm as quickly as possible, 
five steamships for purposes of public defense. I directed the com- 
mandant of the navy-yard at Philadelphia to purchase, or charter, 
and arm an equal number for the same purpose. I directed the 
commandant at New York to purchase, or charter, and arm an 
equal number. I directed Commander Gillis to purchase, or charter, 
and arm and put to sea two other vessels. Similar directions were 
given to Commodore Du Pont, with a view to the opening of passages 
by water to and from the capital. I directed the several officers to 
take the advice and obtain the aid and efficient services in the mat- 
ter of his Excellency Edwin D. Morgan, the Governor of New York, 
or, in his absence, George D. Morgan, William M. Evarts, R. M. 
Blatchford, and Moses H. Grinnell, who were, by my direction, es- 
pecially empowered by the Secretary of the Navy to act for his de- 
partment in that crisis, in matters pertaining to the forwarding of 
troops and supplies for the public defense. 

On the same occasion I directed that Governor Morgan and Alex- 
ander Cummings, of the city of New York, should be authorized by 
the Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, to make all necessary ar- 
rangements for the transportation of troops and munitions of war, 
in aid and assistance of the oflEicers of the army of the United States, 
until communication by mails and telegraph should be completely 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 165 

reestablished between the cities of "Washington and New York. No 
security was required to bo given by them, and either of them was 
authorized to act in case of inability to consult with the other. 

On the same occasion I authorized and directed the Secretaiy of 
the Treasury to advance, without requiring security, two millions of 
dollars of public money to John A. Dix, George Opdyke, and Rich- 
ard M. Blatchford, of New York, to be used by them in meeting 
such requisitions as should be directly consequent upon the military 
and naval measures necessary for the defense and support of the 
government, requiring them only to act without compensation, and 
to report their transactions when duly called upon. 

The several departments of the government at that time contained 
so large a number of disloyal persons that it would have been im- 
possible to provide safely through official agents only for the per- 
formance of the duties thus confided to citizens favorably known 
for their ability, loyalty, and patriotism. 

The several orders issued upon these occurrences were transmitted 
by private messengers, who pursued a circuitous way to the sea- 
board cities, inland, across the States of Pennsylvania and Ohio 
and the northern lakes. I believe that by these and other similar 
measures taken in that crisis, some of which were without any au- 
thority of law, the government was saved from overthrow. I am 
not aware that a dollar of the public funds thus confided without 
authority of law to unofficial persons was either lost or wasted, 
although apprehensions of such misdirection occurred to me as ob- 
jections to those extraordinary proceedings, and were necessarily 
overruled. 

I recall these transactions now because my attention has been 
directed to a resolution which was passed by the House of Repre- 
sentatives on the 30th day of last month, which is in these words : 

Resolved, That Simon Cameron, late Secretary of War, by investing 
Alexander Cumminys with the control of large sums of the public money, and 
authority to purchase military supplies without restriction, without requir- 
ing from him any guarantee for the faithful performance of his duties, when 
the services of competent public officers were available, and by involving 
the government in a vast number of contracts with persons not legitimately 
engaged in the business pertaining to the subject-matter of such contracts, 
especially in the pm-chase of arms for future deUvery, has adopted a policy 
highly injurious to the pubhc service, and deserves the censui-e of the House. 

Congress will see that I should be wanting equally in candor and 
in justice if I should leave the censure expressed in this resolution 
to rest exclusively or chiefly upon Mr. Cameron. The same senti- 
ment is unanimously entertained by the heads of departments who 
participated in the proceedings which the House of Representatives 
has censured. It is due to Mr. Cameron to say that, although he 
fully approved the proceedings, they were not moved nor suggested 
by himself, and that not only the President but all the other heads 
of departments were at least equally responsible with him for what- 
ever error, wrong, or fault was committed in the premises. 

Washington, May 26, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. 



166 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

May 26,. 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington, May 26, 1862. 12.40 a. m. 
Major-General McClellan : 

We have General Banks's official report. He has saved his army 
and baggage, and has made a safe retreat to the river, and is prob- 
ably safe at Williamsport. He reports the attacking force at 15,000. 

A. Lincoln, President. 

May 26, 1862. — Telegram to General I. McDowell. 

War Department, May 26, 1862. 1 p. m. 
Major-General McDowell, Falmouth, Virginia : 

Despatches from Geary just received have been sent you. Should 
not the remainder of your forces, except sufficient to hold the point 
at Fredericksburg, move this way — to Manassas Junction or Alex- 
andria ? As commander of this department, should you not be here? 
I ask these questions. ^ Lincoln 

May 26, 1862. — Telegram to General McClellan. 

Washington, May 26, 1862. 
Major-General George B. McClellan: 

Can you not cut the Aquia Creek Railroad ! Also, what impres- 
sion have you as to intrenched works for you to contend with in 
front of Richmond ? Can you get near enough to throw shells into 
the city "? j>^ Lincoln, President. 



May 26, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General 

J. B. Ricketts. 

War Department, May 26, 1862. 
General Ricketts, Alexandria: 

The President wishes your brigade to move at once to Manassas 
by railroad. General Wadsworth has gone to Alexandria to assist 
in forwarding. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

May 27, 1862.— Telegram to General J. C. Fremont. 

May 27, 1862. 9.58 p. m. 
Major-General Fremont : 

I see that you are at Moorefield. You were expressly ordered to 
march to Harrisonburg. What does this mean ? 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 167 



May 27, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to 
Governor Andrew. 

Washington, May 27, 1862. 
Governor Andrew, Boston: 

The Presideut directs that the militia be relieved, and the enlist- 
ments made for three years, or during the war. This, I think, will 
practically not be longer than for a year. The latest intelligence 
from General Banks states that he has saved nearly his whole com- 
mand with small loss. 

Concentrations of our force have been made, which it is hoped 
will capture the enemy. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

May 28, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General 

J. C. Fremont. 

Washington, May 28, 1862. 
Major-General Fremont, Moorefield: 

The President directs you to halt at Moorefield and await orders, 
unless you hear of the enemy being in the general direction of Rom- 
ney, in which case you will move upon him. 
Acknowledge the receipt of this order, and the hour it is received. 
Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

May 28, 1862. — Telegram to General I. McDowell. 

Washington, May 28, 1862. 1 p. m. 
General McDowell, Manassas Junction: 

General McClellau at 6.30 P. m. yesterday telegraphed that Fitz- 
John Porter's division had fought and driven 13,000 of the enemy, 
under General Branch, from Hanover Court House, and was driving 
them from a stand they had made on the railroad at the time the 
messenger left. Two hours later he telegraphed that Stoneman had 
captured an engine and six cars on the Virginia Central, which he 
at once sent to communicate with F. J. Porter. Nothing further 
from McClellan. 

If Porter effects a lodgment on both railroads near Hanover 
Court House, consider whether your forces in fi'out of Fredericks- 
burg should not push through and join him. \ Lincot n 

May 28, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington, May 28, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan : 

What of F. J. Porter's expedition ? Please answer. 

A. Lincoln. 



168 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN" 

May 28, 1862. — Telegram to General I. McDowell. 

Washington, May 28, 1862. 4 p. m. 
General McDowell, Manassas Junction : 

You say General Geary's scouts report that they find no enemy 
this side of the Blue Ridge. Neither do I. Have they been to the 
Blue Ridge looking for them ? j^ Lincoln. 

May 28, 1862.— Telegram to General I. McDowell. 

Washington, May 28, 1862. 5.40 p. m. 
General McDowell, Manassas Junction : 

I think the evidence now preponderates that Ewell and Jackson 
are still about Winchester. Assuming this, it is for you a question 
of legs. Put in all the speed you can. I have told Fremont as 
much, and directed him to drive at them as fast as possible. By 
the way, I suppose you know Fremont has got up to Moorefield, 
instead of going to Harrisonburg. ^ Lincoln 

May 28, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington, May 28, 1862. 8.40 p. m. 
Major-General McClellan : 

I am very glad of General F. J. Porter's victory. Still, if it was 
a total rout of the enemy, I am puzzled to know why the Richmond 
and Fredericksburg Railroad was not seized again, as you say you 
have all the railroads but the Richmond and Fredericksburg. I am 
puzzled to see how, lacking that, you can have any, except the scrap 
from Richmond to West Point. The scrap of the Virginia Central 
from Richmond to Hanover Junction, without more, is simply 
nothing. That the whole of the enemy is concentrating on Rich- 
mond, I think cannot be certainly known to you or me. Saxton, at 
Harper's Ferry, informs us that large forces, supposed to be Jack- 
son's and Ewell's, forced his advance from Charlestown to-day. 
General King telegraphs us from Fredericksburg that contrabands 
give certain information that 15,000 left Hanover Junction Monday 
morning to reinforce Jackson. I am painfully impressed with the 
importance of the struggle before you, and shall aid you all I can 
consistently with my view of due regard to all points. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 28, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General 

J. C. Fremont. 

Washington, May 28, 1862. 
Major-General Fremont, Moorefield: 

The following despatch has just been received from General 
Hamilton, at Harper's Ferry: 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 169 



Harper's Ferry, May 28. 
Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War : 

There is very little doubt that Jackson's force is between Winchester and 
Charlestown. His troops were too much fatigued to pursue Banks. A 
large body of rebel cavalry is near Charlestown now. 

Jackson and Ewell were near Bunker Hill yesterday at noon. 
Of this last there is no doubt. 

C. S. Hamilton, Brigadier-General. 

The above probably indicates the true position of the enemy at 
this time. The President directs you to move upon him by* the 
best route you can. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



May 28, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General 

Fr:&mont. 

Washington, May 28, 1862. 11 p. m. 
Major-General John C. Fremont, Moorefield : 

The order to remain at Moorefield was based on the supposition 
that it would find you there. 

Upon subsequent information that the enemy were still operating 
in the vicinity of Winchester and Martinsburg, you were directed to 
mov^e against tho enemy. 

The President now again directs you to move against the enemy 
without delay. 

Please acknowledge the receipt of this, and the time received. 
Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



May 29, 1862. — Telegram to General Marcy. 

Washington, May 29, 1862. 10 a. m. 
General R. B. Marcy, McClellan's Headquarters : 

Yours just received. I think it cannot be certainly known whether 
the force which fought General Porter is the same which recently 
confronted McDowell. Another item of evidence bearing on it is 
that General Branch commanded against Porter, while it was Gen- 
eral Anderson who was in front of McDowell. He and McDowell 
were in correspondence about prisoners. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 29, 1862. — Telegra]\i to General G. B. McClellan. 

War Department, Washington City, D. C. 

May 29, 1862. 10.30 a. m. 
Major-General McClellan : 

I think we shall be able within three days to tell you certainly 
whether any considerable force of the enemy — Jackson or any 



170 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

one else — is moving on to Harper's Ferry or vicinity. Take this 
expected development into your calculations. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 29, 1862. — Telegram to General N. P. Banks. 

Washington, May 29, 1862. 12 m. 
Major-General Banks, William sport, Maryland : 

General McDowell's advance should, and probably will, be at or 
near Front Royal at twelve (noon) to-morrow. General Fremont will 
be at or near Strasburg as soon. Please watch the enemy closely, 
and follow and harass and detain him if he attempts to retire. I 
mean this for General Saxton's force as well as that immediately 
with you. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 29, 1862. — Telegram to General J. C. Fremont. 

Washington, May 29, 1862. 12 m. 
Major-General Fremont, Moorefield, Virginia : 

General McDowell's advance, if not checked by the enemy, should, 
and probably will, be at Front Royal by twelve (noon) to-morrow. His 
force, when up, will be about 20,000. Please have your force at 
Strasburg, or, if the route you are moving on does not lead to that 
point, as near Strasburg as the enemy may be by the same time. 
Your despatch No. 30 received and satisfactory. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 29, 1862. — Telegram to General I. McDowell. 

Washington, May 29, 1862. 12 m. 
Major-General McDowell, Manassas Junction : 

General Fremont's force should, and probably will, be at or near 
Strasburg by twelve (noon) to-morrow. Try to have your force, or 
the advance of it, at Front Royal as soon. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 29, 1862.— Telegram to General Marcy. 

Washington, May 29, 1862. 1.20 p. m. 
General R. B. Marcy : 

Your despatch as to the South Anna and Ashland being seized by 
our forces this morning is received. Understanding these points to 
be on the Richmond and Fredericksburg Railroad, I heartily con- 
gratulate the country, and thank General McClellan and his army 
for their seizure. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 171 



May 30, 18C2. — Telegrajm to General I. McDowell. 

Washington, May 30, 18G2. 10 a. m. 
Major-General McDowell, Manassas Junction : 

I somewhat apprehend that Fremont's force, in its present con- 
dition, may not be quite strong enough in case it comes in collision 
with the enemy. For this additional reason I wish you to push for- 
ward your column as rapidly as possible. Tell me what number 
your force reaching Front Royal will amount to. 

A. LmcoLN. 

May 30, 1862. — Telegram to General N. P. Banks. 

Washington, May 30, 1862. 10.15 a. m. 
Major-General Banks, 

Williamsport, Maryland, via Harper's Ferry : 
If the enemy in force is in or about Martinsburg, Charlestown, and 
Winchester, or any or all of them, he may come in collision with 
Fremont, in which case I am anxious that your force, with you and 
at Harper's Ferry, should so operate as to assist Fremont if possi- 
ble; the same if the enemy should engage McDowell. This was the 
meaning of my despatch yesterday. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 30, 1862. — Telegram to General J. C. Fremont. 

Washington, May 30, 1862. 11.30 a. m. 
Major-General Fremont, Moorefield, Virginia : 

Yours of this morning from Moorefield just received. There 
cannot be more than 20,000, probably not more than 15,000, of the 
enemy at or about Winchester. Where is your force 1 It ought 
this minute to be near Strasburg. Answer at once. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 30, 1862. — Telegraim to General I. McDowell. 

Washington, May 30, 1862. 12.40. 
Major-General McDowell, Rectortown : 

Your despatch of to-day received and is satisfactory. Fremont 
has nominally 22,000, really about 17,000. Blenker's division is part 
of it. I have a despatch from Fremont this morning, not telling me 
where he is ; but he says : 

Scouts and men from Winchester represent Jackson's force variously at 
30,000 to 60,000. With him Generals EweU and Longstreet. 

The high figures erroneous, of course. Do you know where Long- 
street is ? Corinth is evacuated and occupied by us. 

A. Lincoln. 



172 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



May 30, 1862. — Telegram to General J. C. Fremont. 

Washington, May 30, 1862. 2.30 p. m. 
Major-General Fremont, Moorefield, Virginia: 

Yours, saying you will reach Strasbm'g or vicinity at 5 p. m. Satur- 
day, has been received and sent to General McDowell, and he di- 
rected to act in view of it. You must be up to time you promised, 
if possible, 

Corinth was evacuated last night, and is occupied by our troops 
to-day; the enemy gone south to Okolona, on the railroad to 
Mobile. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 30, 1862. — Telegram to General I. McDowell. 

Washington, May 30, 1862. 2.30 p. m. 
Major-General McDowell : 

Herewith I send a telegram just received from General Fremont. 
The despatch is dated of last night, and the point he says he will be 
at five o'clock Saturday afternoon is " Strasburg, or as near it as it 
may be to the enemy at that time," 

I direct Fremont to come to time as fixed by himself, and 
you will act your discretion, taking this information into your 
calculation. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 30, 1862, — Telegram to General I. McDowell. 

War Department, Washington City, 

May 30, 1862, 9,30 p. m. 
Major-General McDowell, Rectortown, Virginia : 

I send you a despatch just received from Saxton at Harper's 
Ferry : 

The rebels are in line of battle in front of our lines. They have nine 
pieces of artillery, and in position, and cavalry. I shelled the woods in 
which they were, and they in return threw a large number of shells into 
the lines and tents from which I moved last night to take up a stronger 
position, I expect a great deal from the battery on the mountain, having 
there 9-inch Dahlgren bearing directly on the enemy's approaches. The 
enemy appeared this morning and then retired, with the intention of 
drawing us on, I shall act on the defensive, as my position is a strong 
one. In a skirmish which took place this afternoon I took one horse. The 
enemy lost two men killed and seven wounded. 

R. Saxton, Brigadier- General. 

It seems the game is before you. Have sent a copy to General 
Fremont. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 173 

May 31, 1862.— Telegram to General G. A. McCall. 

Washington, May 31, 1862. 3.35. 
Brigadier- General McCall, Commanding, Fredericksburg: 

Are you al)out to withdraw from Fredericksburg; and if so, 
why, and by whose orders ? j^ Lincoln. 



May 31, 1862. — Telegra]vi to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington, May 31, 1862. 10.20 p. m. 
Major-General McClellan : 

A circle whose circumference shall pass through Harper's Ferry, 
Front Royal, and Strasburg, and whose center shall be a little 
northeast of Wiuchester, almost certainly has within it this morn- 
ing the forces of Jackson, Ewell, and Edward Johnson. Quite 
certainly they were within it two days ago. Some part of their 
forces attacked Harpei*'s Ferry at dark last evening, and are still in 
sight this morning. Shields, with McDowell's advance, retook Front 
Eoyal at 11 a. m. yesterday, with a dozen of our own prisoners 
taken there a week ago, 150 of the enemy, two locomotives, and eleven 
cars, some other property and stores, and saved the bridge. 

General Fremont, from the direction of Moorefield, promises to 
be at or near Strasburg at 5 p. m. to-day. General Banks at 
Williamsport, with his old force and his new force at Harper's 
Ferry, is directed to cooperate. Shields at Front Royal reports a 
rumor of still an additional force of the enemy, supposed to be 
Anderson's, having entered the valley of Virginia. This last may or 
may not be true. Corinth is certainly in the hands of General 
Halleck. A. Lincoln. 



May 31, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General 

G. A. McCall. 

Washington, May 31, 1862. 
General McCall : 

The President directs me to say to you that there can be nothing 
to justify a panic at Fredericksburg. He expects you to maintain 
your position there as becomes a soldier and a general. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



June 1, 1862. — Telegraim to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington City, D. C, June 1, 1862. 9.30. 
Major-General McClellan: 

You are probably engaged with the enemy. I suppose he made 
the attack. Stand well on your guard, hold all your ground, or 



174 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

yield any only inch by inch and in good order. This morning we 
merge General Wool's department into yours, giving you command 
of the whole, and sending General Dix to Fort Monroe and General 
Wool to Fort McHenry. We also send General Sigel to report to 
you for duty. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 1, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington City, D. C, June 1, 1862. 1.15 p. m. 
Major-General McClellan : 

You are already notified that General Sigel is to report to you 
for duty. I suggest (do not order) that he have command of such 
of the forces about Fort Monroe, Norfolk, Newport News, etc., as 
you may see fit to put into active service, or such other command 
as may be suitable to his rank. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 1, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

War Department, Washington City, D. C, 

June 1, 1862. 5 p. m. 
Major-General McClellan : 

Thanks for what you could and did say in your despatch of noon 
to-day to the Secretary of War. If the enemy shall not have renewed 
the attack this afternoon, I think the hardest of your work is done. 

Shields's advance came in collision with part of the enemy yes- 
terday evening, six miles from Front Royal, in a direction between 
Winchester and Strasburg, driving them back, capturing a few 
prisoners and one rifled cannon. Firing in that direction to-day, 
heard both from Hai-per's Ferry and Front Royal, indicates a proba- 
bility that Fremont has met the enemy. 

We have concluded to send General Sigel to Harper's Ferry, so 
that what I telegraphed you about him this morning is revoked. 
Dix goes to Fort Monroe to-night. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 1, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General 

N. P. Banks. 

Washington, June 1, 1862. 
Major-General Banks, Williamsport : 

Major-General Sigel has been assigned to command of the troops 
at Harper's Ferry, numbering about 10,000, and directed to report 
to you. That force has been added to your command, and it will 
receive further additions. 

Immediately on his arrival at Harper's Ferry — for which place 
he will start this evening — the President desires you to assume 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 175 

actively tlie offensive against the retreating enemy without the loss 
of an hour. You will please communicate with General Sigel as 
speedily as possible. You will, of course, see that Harpei"'s JFerry 
is left secure. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



June 3, 18G2. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington, June 3, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan : 

With these continuous rains I am very anxious about the Chicka- 
homiu}' — so close in your rear and crossing your line of communi- 
cation. Please look to it. 

A. Lincoln, President. 



June 3, 1862. — Telegram to General I. McDowell. 

Washington, June 3, 1862. 6.15 p. m. 
Major-General McDowell, Front Royal, Virginia: 

Anxious to know whether Shields can head or flank Jackson. 
Please tell about where Shields and Jackson, respectively, are at the 
time this reaches you. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 4, 1862. — Letter from the President's Private Secretary 
TO Judge-Advocate Lee. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 4, 1862. 
Major J. F. Lee, Judge-Advocate. 

Bear Sir: The President directs me to say that the rules of law 
stated in your within letter are correct and approved by him, and 
that he desires them to be followed. The order in Captain Coth- 
ran's case, mentioned in your letter, was evidently an oversight, and 
is not to be regarded as a precedent. Yours truly, 

Jno. G. Nicolay, Private Secretary. 



June 4, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the Rouse of Representatives : I transmit herewith a report of 
the Secretary of War in answer to the resolution of the House of 
Representatives of the 2d of June, in relation to the authority and 
action of the Hon. Edward Stanley, military governor of North 
Carolina. 

Abrahajm Lincoln. 

Washington, June 4, 1862. 



176 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



June 4, 1862. — Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. 

Washington, June 4, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck, Corinth : 

Your despatch of to-day to Secretary of War received. Thanks 
for the good news it brings. 

Have you anything from Memphis or other parts of the Missis- 
sippi River °? Please answer. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 4, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. 

{Cipher.) 

Washington, June 4, 1862. 
Hon. Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee: 

Do yon really wish to have control of the question of releasing 
rebel prisoners so far as they may be Tennesseeans ? If you do, 
please tell us so. Your answer not to be made public. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 6, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to 
General I. McDowell. 

{Cipher.) 

Washington, June 6, 1862. 
Major-General McDowell : 

The President directs that McCall's division be sent by water to 
General McClellan immediately, and that you place such force at 
Fredericksburg by the time McCall leaves there as may, in your 
judgment, be necessary to hold that place. In respect to the opera- 
tions of the residue of your force, the President reserves directions, 
to be given as soon as he determines. 

Transportation has been ordered up the Rappahannock from here 
and from Fortress Monroe. 

Adjutant-General shall issue the order. 

Edwin M. Stanton. 



June 7, 1862.— Telegram from Secretary Stanton to 
Governor Johnson. 

Washington, June 7, 1862. 
Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : 

The President has received your two despatches of the 5th 
instant. He approves your proceedings of reprisal against the 
secessionists. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 177 

In regard to the release of the rebel prisoners, he holds the ques- 
tion as to the time when executive clemency shall be exercised 
under consideration. It has always been the design of the gov- 
ernment to leave the exercise of that clemency to your judgment 
and discretion whenever the period arrives that it can properly be 
exercised. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



June 8, 1862. — Telegram to General H, W. Halleck. 

Washington, June 8, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi : 

We are changing one of the departmental lines, so as to give you 
all of Kentucky and Tennessee. In your movement upon Chatta- 
nooga I think it probable that you include some combination of the 
force near Cumberland Gap under General Morgan. Do you ? 

A. Lincoln. 

June 9, 1862. — Telegram to General N. P. Banks. 

Washington, June 9, 1862. 
Major-General Banks, Winchester : 

We are arranging a general plan for the valley of the Shenan- 
doah, and in accordance with this you will move your main force to 
the Shenandoah at or opposite Front Royal as soon as possible. 

A. Lincoln. 

June 9, 1862. — Telegram to General J. C, Fremont. 

Washington, June 9, 1862. 
Major-General Fremont : 

Halt at Harrisonburg, pursuing Jackson no farther. Get your 
force well in hand and stand on the defensive, guarding against a 
movement of the enemy either back toward Strasburg or toward 
Franklin, and await further orders, which will soon be sent you. 

A. Lincoln. 

June 9, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. 

(Cipher.) 

Washington, June 9, 1862. 
Hon. Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : 

Your despatch about seizing seventy rebels to exchange for a like 
number of Union men was duly received. I certainly do not disap- 
prove the proposition. 

A. Lincoln. 
Vol. II.— 12. 



178 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



June 9, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to 
General A. E. Burnside. 

Washington, June 9, 1862. 
Major-General Burnside, Fortress Monroe: 

Your despatch in relation to the gunboats has been laid before 
the President. He has directed the Hunclibach and Perry to 
remain where they are, and that Goldsborough's order for their 
removal be countermanded. This I understand to be satisfactory 
to you. I should be glad to have a detailed statement of your force 
and its position. 

Edwin M, Stanton, Secretary of War. 

June 10, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Congress 
a copy of a treaty for the suppression of the African slave-trade, 
between the United States and her Britannic Majesty, signed in this 
city on the 7th of April last, and the ratifications of which were 
exchanged at London on the 20th ultimo. 

A copy of the correspondence which preceded the conclusion of 
the instrument, between the Secretary of State and Lord Lyons, her 
Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipoten- 
tiary, is also herewith transmitted. 

It is desirable that such legislation as may be necessary to carry 
the treaty into effect should be enacted as soon as may comport with 
the convenience of Congress. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, June 10, 1862. 

June 12, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to 
General J. C. Fremont. 

Washington, June 12, 1862. 11 a. m. 
Major-General Fremont: 

Your despatch of yesterday to the President has just been re- 
ceived. 

He directs me to say that Mount Jackson will serve the purpose 
he had in view as well as Harrisonburg, except that it does not so 
well guard against the enemy's operations toward western Virginia. 
But if, in view of all the circumstances, you prefer the position of 
Mount Jackson, you will occupy it instead of Harrisonburg. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

June 12, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Representatives: In obedience to the resolution 
of your honorable body of the 9th instant, requesting certain in- 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 179 

formation in regard to the circuit court of the United States for the 
State of California, and the judge of said court, I have the honor to 
transmit a letter of the Attorney-General, with copies of two other 
letters, and of an indorsement of my own upon one of them, all 
which, taken together, contain all the information within niy power 
to give upon the subject. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Washington, June 12, 1862. 



June 12, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to 
General F. Sigel. 

Washington, June 12, 1862. 
Major-General Sigel, Winchester : 

Your despatches of yesterday and to-day were received. It cannot 
be possible that Jackson has any such reinforcement as thirty or 
thirty-five thousand. 

McCiellan telegraphs that two regiments of reinforcements were 
sent from Richmond to Jackson. 

What necessity can there be for General Banks to fall back from 
Front Royal and his positions until Fremont comes up f 

Does it not leave a gap for Jackson to pass through Front Royal 
as before f 

The President directs that your forces and Banks's shall not fall 
back from Front Royal and their present positions until further 
developments. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



June 12, 1862. — Letter to General J. C. Fremont. 

Washington, June 12, 1862. 
Major-General Fremont : 

Accounts, which we do not credit, represent that Jackson is largely 
reinforced and turning upon you. Get your forces well in hand 
and keep us well and frequently advised; and if you find yourself 
really pressed by a superior force of the enemy, fall back cautiously 
toward or to Winchester, and we will have in due time Banks in 
position to sustain you. Do not fall back upon Harrisonburg unless 
upon tolerably clear necessity. We understand Jackson is on the 
other side of the Shenandoah from you, and hence cannot in any 
event press you into any necessity of a precipitate withdrawal. 

A. Lincoln. 

P. S. Yours, preferring Mount Jackson to Harrisonburg, is just 
received. On this point use your discretion, reraeml)ering that our 
object is to give such protection as you can to western Virginia. 
Many thanks to yourself, officers, and men for the gallant battle of 
last Sunday. A. L. 



180 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



June 13, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

Fellow-citizens of the Souse of Representatives : I herewith transmit 
a memorial addressed and presented to me in behalf of the State of 
New York, in favor of enlarging the locks of the Erie and Oswego 
canals. While I have not given, nor have leisure to give, the sub- 
ject a careful examination, its great importance is obvious and 
unquestionable. The large amount of valuable statistical informa- 
tion which is collated and presented in the memorial will greatly 
facilitate the mature consideration of the subject, which I respect- 
fully ask for it at your hands. 

Abraham Lencoln. 

Washington, June 13, 1862. 



June 13, 1862. — Letter to General J. C. Fremont. 

Washington, June 13, 1862. 
Major-General Fremont : 

We cannot afford to keep your force and Banks's and McDowell's 
engaged in keeping Jackson south of Strasburg and Front Royal. 
You fought Jackson alone and worsted him. He can have no sub- 
stantial reinforcements so long as a battle is pending at Richmond. 
Surely you and Banks in supporting distance are capable of keeping 
him from returning to Winchester. But if Sigel be sent forward to 
you, and McDowell (as he must) be put to other work, Jackson will 
break through at Front Royal again. He is already on the right 
side of the Shenandoah to do it, and on the wrong side of it to attack 
you. The orders already sent you and Banks place you and him in 
the proper positions for the work assigned you. Jackson cannot 
move his whole force on either of you before the other can learn of 
it and go to his assistance. He cannot divide his force, sending part 
against each of you, because he will be too weak for either. Please 
do as I directed in the order of the 8th and my despatch of yesterday, 
the 12th, and neither you nor Banks will be overwhelmed by Jackson. 
By proper scout lookouts, and beacons of smoke by day and fires by 
night, you can always have timely notice of the enemy's approach. 
I know not as to you, but by some this has been too much neglected. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 15, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. 

War Department, Washington City, D. C, June 15, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan. 

My dear Sir : The night between your two late battles of Satur- 
day and Sunday I went earnestly to work to find a way of putting 
General Wool's force under your control without wounding any 
one's feelings. But, after all. General Dix was a little hurt at being 
taken from an independent command and put in a dependent one. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 181 

I could not help this without giving up the principal object of the 
move. So soon as you can (which I do not expect is yet), I wish 
you to give me the benefit of your suggestions as to how an inde- 
pendent command can be given him without detriment. 

The Secretary of War has turned over to me your despatch about 
sending McDowell to you by water, instead of by laud. I now fear 
he cannot get to you either way in time. Shields's division has got 
so terribly out of shape, out at elbows, and out at toes, that it will 
require a long time to get it in again. I expect to see McDowell 
within a day or two, when I will again talk with him about the mode 
of moving. McCall's division has nearly or quite reached you by 
now. This, with what you get from General Wool's old eonnnand, 
and the new regiments sent you, must give you an increase since the 
late battles of over twenty thousand. Doubtless the battles and other 
causes have decreased you half as much in the same time ; but then 
the enemy have lost as many in the same way. I believe I would 
come and see you were it not that I fear my presence might divert 
you and the army from more important matters. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



June 15, 1862. — Letter to General J. C. Fremont. 

War Department, Washington City, D. C, June 15, 1862. 
Major-General Fremont. 

3Ii/ dear Sir: Your letter of the 12th by Colonel Zagonyi is just 
received. In answer to the principal part of it, I repeat the substance 
of an order of the 8th and one or two telegraphic despatches sent 
you since. 

We have no indefinite power of sending reinforcements ; so that we 
are compelled rather to consider the proper disposal of the forces we 
have than of those we could wish to have. We may be able to send 
you some dribs by degrees, but I do not believe we can do more. 
As you alone beat Jackson last Sunday, I argue that you are stronger 
than he is to-day, unless he has been reinforced; and that he cannot 
have been materially reinforced, because such reinforcement could 
only have come from Richmond, and he is much more likely to go to 
Richmond than Richmond is to come to him. Neither is very likely. 
I think Jackson's game — his assigned work — now is to magnify 
the accounts of his numbers and reports of his movements, and thus 
by constant alarms keep three or four times as many of our troops 
away from Richmond as his own force amounts to. Thus he helps 
his friends at Richmond three or four times as much as if he were 
there. Our game is not to allow this. Accordingly, by the order of 
the 8th, I directed you to halt at Harrisonburg, rest your force, and 
get it well in hand, the objects being to guard against Jackson's re- 
turning by the same route to the upper Potomac, over which you 
have just driven him out, and at the same time give some protec- 
tion against a raid into West Virginia. Already I have given you 
discretion to occupy Mount Jackson instead, if, on full considera- 



182 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

tion, you think best. I do not believe Jackson will attack yon, but 
certainly he cannot attack you by surprise ; and if he comes upon 
you in superior force, you have but to notify us, fall back cautiously, 
and Banks will join you in due time. But while we know not 
whether Jackson will move at all, or by what route, we cannot 
safely put you and Banks both on the Strasburg line, and leave no 
force on the Front Royal line — the very line upon which he prose- 
cuted his late raid. The true policy is to place one of you on one 
line and the other on the other, in such positions that you can unite 
once you actually find Jackson moving upon it. And this is pre- 
cisely what we are doing. This protects that part of our frontier, 
so to speak, and liberates McDowell to go to the assistance of Mc- 
Clellan. I have arranged this, and am very unwilling to have it de- 
ranged. While you have only asked for Sigel, I have spoken only 
of Banks, and this because Sigel's force is now the principal part of 
Banks's force. 

About transferring General Schenck's command, the purchase of 
supplies, and the promotion and appointment of officers, mentioned 
in your letter, I will consult with the Secretary of War to-morrow. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

June 16, 1862. — Letter to GtENERAL J. C. Fri^mont. 

Washington, June 16, 1862. 
Major-General FriemoT^t, Mount Jackson, Virginia : 

Your despatch of yesterday, reminding me of a supposed under- 
standing that I would furnish you a corps of 35,000 men, and ask- 
ing of me the "fulfilment of this understanding," is received. I am 
ready to come to a fair settlement of accounts with you on the ful- 
filment of understandings. 

Early in March last, when I assigned you to the command of the 
Mountain Department, I did tell you I would give you all the force 
I could, and that I hoped to make it reach 35,000. You at the same 
time told me that within a reasonable time you would seize the rail- 
road at or east of Knoxville, Tenn., if you could. There was then in 
the department a force supposed to be 25,000, the exact number as 
well known to you as to me. After looking about two or three days, 
you called and distinctly told me that if I would add the Blenker 
division to the force already in the department, you would undertake 
the job. The Blenker division contained 10,000, and at the expense 
of great dissatisfaction to General McClellan I took it from his army 
and gave it to you. My promise was literally fulfilled, I have 
given you all I could, and I have given you very nearly, if not 
quite, 35,000. 

Now for yours. On the 23d of May, largely over two months after- 
ward, you were at Franklin, Va., not within 300 miles of Knoxville, 
nor within 80 miles of any part of the railroad east of it, and not 
moving forward, but telegraphing here that you could not move for 
lack of everything. Now, do not misunderstand me. I do not say 
you have not done all you could. I presume you met unexpected 



I 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 183 

difficulties; aud I beg you to believe that as surely as you have 
done your best, so have I. I have not the power now to fill up 
your corps to 35,000. I am not demanding of you to do the work 
of 35,000. I am only asking of you to stand cautiously on the 
defensive, get your force in order, and give such protection as you 
can to the valley of the Shenandoah and to western Vii-ginia. 
Have you received the orders, and will you act upon them f 

A. Lincoln. 



June 16, 1862. — Letter to General C. Schurz. 

Washington, June 16, 1862. 
Brigadier-General Schurz, Mount Jackson, Virginia : 

Your long letter is received. The information you give is 
valuable. You say it is fortunate that Fremont did not intercept 
Jackson; that Jackson had the superior force, and would have over- 
whelmed him. If this is so, how happened it that Fremont fairly 
fought and routed him on the 8th 1 Or is the account that he did 
fight and route him false and fabricated f Both General Fremont 
and you speak of Jackson having beaten Shields. By our accounts 
he did not beat Shields. He had no engagement with Shields. He 
did meet and drive back with disaster about 2000 of Shields's ad- 
vance till they were met by an additional brigade of Shields's, when 
Jackson himself turned and retreated. Shields himself and more 
than half his force were not nearer than twenty miles to any of it. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 17, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Representatives : The resolution of the House of 
Representatives of the 9th instant, asking whether any legislation is 
necessary in order to give effect to the provisions of the act of April 
16, 1862, providing for the reorganization of the medical department 
of the army, was referred to the Secretary of War, whose report 
thereon is hereby communicated. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington City, June 17, 1862. 



June 17, 1862. — Telegr.ui from Secretary Stanton to 
General F. Sigel. 

Washington, June 17, 1862. 
General Sigel, Winchester : 

The forces at Front Royal are there by order of the President. 
When he desires their position to be changed, the order will be 
given by him. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



184 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



June 17, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to 
General J. C. Fremont, 

"Washington, June 17, 1862. 
Major-General Fremont, Mount Jackson : 

It is reported here that you understand the President's order to 
you as requiring you to remain at Mount Jackson. The President 
directs me to say that he does wish you to hold your position at 
Mount Jackson if you can safely do so ; but, if pressed beyond your 
strength, that you will then fall back toward Strasburg, for support 
from General JBanks. General Banks is now here, and will see you 
immediately upon his return to his command. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



June 18, 1862. — Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. 

Washington, June 18, 1862, 
Major-General Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi: 

It would be of both interest and value to us here to know how the 
expedition toward East Tennessee is progressing, if in your judg- 
ment you can give us the information with safety. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 18, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

War Department, Washington, D. C, June 18, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan : 

Yours of to-day, making it probable that Jackson has been rein- 
forced by about 10,000 from Richmond, is corroborated by a despatch 
from General King at Fredericksburg, saying a Frenchman, just 
arrived from Richmond by way of Gordon sville, met 10,000 to 15,000 
passing through the latter place to join Jackson. 

If this is true, it is as good as a reinforcement to you of an equal 
force, I could better dispose of things if I could know about what 
day you can attack Richmond, and would be glad to be informed, 
if you think you can inform me with safety. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 19, 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington, June 19, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan : 

Yours of last night just received, and for which I thank you. 

If large reinforcements are going from Richmond to Jackson, it 
proves one of two things : either that they are very strong at Rich- 
mond, or do not mean to defend the place desperately. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 185 

On reflection, I do not see how reinforcements from llicliniond to 
Jackson could be in (xordonsville, as reported by the Frenchman 
and your deserters. Have not all been sent to deceive? 

A. Lincoln. 



June 20, 18G2. — Telegraivi to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington City, June 20, 18G2. 
Major-General McClellan : 

We have this morning sent you a despatch of General Sigel cor- 
roborative of the proposition that Jackson is beinjj; reinforced from 
Richmond. This may be reality, and yet may only be contrivance 
for deception, and to determine which is perplexing. If we knew it 
was not true, we could send you some more force ; but as the case 
stands we do not think we safely can. Still, we will watch the signs 
and do so if possible. 

In regard to a contemplated execution of Captains Spriggs and 
Triplett the government has no information whatever, but will 
inquire and advise you. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 21, 1862. — Telegrajvi to General G. B. McClellan. 

(Washington, June 21, 18G2. 6 p. m. 
Major-General George B. McClellan: 

Your despatch of yesterday (2 p. M.) was received this morning. 
If it would not divert too much of your time and attention from the 
army under your immediate command, I would be glad to have your 
views as to the present state of military affairs throughout the wliole 
country, as you say you would be glad to give them. I would rather 
it should be by letter than by telegraph, because of the better chance 
of secrecy. As to the numbers and positions of the troops not under 
your command in Virginia and elsewhere, even if I could do it with 
accuracy, which I cannot, I would rather not transmit either by tel- 
egraph or letter, because of the chances of its reaching the enemy. 
I would be very glad to talk with you, but you cannot leave your 
camp, and I cannot well leave here. 

A. Lincoln, President. 

June 22, 1862.— Telegraim to General N. P. Banks. 

War Department, June 22, 1862. 
Major-General Banks, Middletown: 

I am very glad you are looking well to the west for a movement 
of the enemy in that direction, You know my anxiety on that point. 
All was quiet at General McClellan's headquarters at two o'clock 
to-day. 

A. Lincoln. 



^- 



186 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



June 23, 1862.— Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : The bill which has passed the 
House of Representatives and the Senate, entitled " An act to repeal 
that part of an act of Congress which prohibits the circulation of bank- 
notes of a less denomination than five dollars in the District of Co- 
lumbia," has received my attentive consideration, and I now return 
it to the Senate, in which it originated, with the following objections : 

1. The bill proposes to repeal the existing legislation prohibiting 
the circulation of bank-notes of a less denomination than five dollars 
within the District of Columbia, without permitting the issuing of 
such bills by banks not now legally authorized to issue them. In my 
judgment, it will be found impracticable, in the present condition 
of the currency, to make such a discrimination. The banks have 
generally suspended specie payments ; and a legal sanction given to 
the circulation of the irredeemable notes of one class of them will 
almost certainly be so extended, in practical operation, as to include 
those of all classes, whether authorized or unauthorized. If this 
view be correct, the currency of the District, should this act become 
a law, wiU certainly and greatly deteriorate, to the serious injury of 
honest trade and honest labor. 

2. This bill seems to contemplate no end which cannot be other- 
wise more certainly and beneficially attained. During the existing 
war it is peculiarly the duty of the National Government to secure 
to the people a sound circulating medium. This duty has been, 
under existing circumstances, satisfactorily performed, in part at 
least, by authorizing the issue of United States notes, receivable for 
all government dues except customs, and made a legal tender for all 
debts, public and private, except interest on public debt. The object 
of the bill submitted to me — namely, that of providing a small note 
currency during the present suspension — can be fuUy accomplished 
by authorizing the issue — as part of any new emission of United 
States notes made necessary by the circumstances of the country — 
of notes of a similar character, but of less denomination, than five 
dollars. Such an issue would answer all the beneficial purposes of 
the bill, would save a considerable amount to the treasury in inter- 
est, would greatly facilitate payments to soldiers and other creditors 
of small sums, and would furnish to the people a currency as safe 
as their own government. 

Entertaining these objections to the bill, I feel myself constrained 
to withhold from it my approval, and return it for the further con- 
sideration and action of Congress. Abraham Lincoln. 

June 23, 1862. 



June 24, 1862. — Letter from General Scott to the President. 

West Point, June 24, 1862. 
The President, having stated to me, orally, the present numbers 
and positions of our forces in front of the rebel armies south and 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 187 

southwest of the Potomac, has done me the honor to ask my views 
in writing as to the further dispositions now to be made of the for- 
mer, and particuhirly of the army under McDowell, toward the 
suppression of the rebellion. 

Premising that, although the statements of the President were 
quite full and most distinct and lucid, yet from my distance from 
the scenes of operations, and not having recently followed them up 
with closeness, many details are still wanting to give professional 
value to my suggestions, I shall, nevertheless, with great deference 
proceed to offer such as most readily occur to me, each of which 
has been anticipated by the President. 

I consider the numbers and positions of Fremont and Banks ade- 
quate to the protection of Washington against any force the enemy 
can bring by the way of the upper Potomac, and the troops at 
Manassas Junction, with the garrisons of the forts on the Poto- 
mac and of Washington, equally adequate to its j)rotection on the 
south. 

The force at Fredericksburg seems entirely out of position, and it 
cannot be called up directly and in time by McClellan, from the want 
of railroad transportation, or an adequate supply train moved by 
animals. 

If, however, there be a suflScient number of vessels at hand, that 
force might reach the head of York River, by water, in time to aid 
in the operations against Richmond; or, in the very improbable case 
of disaster there, to serve as a valuable reinforcement to McClellan. 

The defeat of the rebels at Richmond, or their forced retreat thence, 
combined wdth our previous victories, would be a viritual end of the 
rebellion, and soon restore entire Virginia to the Union. 

The remaining important points to be occupied by us are Mobile, 
Charleston, Chattanooga. These must soon come into our hands. 

McDowell's force at Manassas might be ordered to Richmond 
by the Potomac and York rivers, and be replaced at Manassas 
by King's brigade, if there be adequate transports at or near 
Alexandria. Most respectfully submitted, 

WiNFiELD Scott. 



June 26, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington, June 26, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan : 

Your three despatches of yesterday in relation to the affair, ending 
with the statement that you completely succeeded in making your 
point, are very gratifying. 

The latter one of 6.15 P. M., suggesting the probability of your 
being overwhelmed by 200,000, and talking of where the responsi- 
bility will belong, pains me very much. I give you all I can. and 
act on the presumption that you will do the best you can with what 
you have, while you continue, ungenerously I think, to assume that 



188 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

I could give you more if I would. I have omitted and shall omit no 
opportunity to send you reinforcements whenever I possibly can. 

A. Lincoln. 

P. S. G-eneral Pope thinks if you fall back it would be much bet- 
ter toward York River than toward the James. As Pope now has 
charge of the capital, please confer with him through the telegraph. 



June 26, 18G2.— Order Constituting the Ariviy of Virginia. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, June 26, 1862. 

Ordered — 1st. The forces under Major-Generals Fremont, Banks, 
and McDowell, including the troops now under Brigadier-General 
Sturgis at Washington, shall be consolidated and form one army, 
to be called the Army of Virginia. 

2d. The command of the Ai-my of Virginia is specially assigned 
to Major-General John Pope, as commanding general. The troops 
of the Mountain Department, heretofore under command of General 
Fremont, shall constitute the First Army Corps, under the command 
of General Fremont; the troops of the Shenandoah Department, 
now under General Banks, shall constitute the Second Army Corps, 
and be commanded by him ; the troops under the command of Gen- 
eral McDowell, except those within the fortifications and city of 
Washington, shall form the Third Army Corps, and be under his 
command. 

3d. The Army of Virginia shall operate in such manner as, while 
protecting western Virginia and the national capital from danger 
or insult, it shall in the speediest manner attack and overcome the 
rebel forces under Jackson and Ewell, threaten the enemy in the 
direction of Charlottesville, and render the most effective aid to re- 
lieve General McClellan and capture Richmond. 

4th. When the Army of the Potomac and the Army of Virginia 
shall be in position to communicate and directly cooperate at or 
before Richmond, the chief command, while so operating together, 
shall be governed, as in like cases, by the Rules and Articles of War. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 26, 1862.— Letter to J. W. Crisfield. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 26, 1862. 
Hon. John W. Crisfield. 

My dear Sir: I have been considering the appeal made by your- 
self and Senator Pearce in behalf of Judge Carmichael. His charge 
to the Grand Jury was left with me by the senator, and on reading 
it I must confess I was not very favorably impressed toward the 
judge. The object of the charge, I understand, was to procure 
prosecution and punishment of some men for arresting or doing 
violence to some secessionists — that is, the judge was trying to 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 189 

help a little by giving the protection of law to those who were en- 
deavoring to overthrow the sujn'erae law — trying if he could ftnd 
a safe place for certain men to stand on the Constitution, whilst 
they should stab it in another place. 

But possibly I am mistaken. 

The Secretary of War and I have agreed that if the judge will 
take the oath of allegiance usually taken in such cases, he may be 
discharged. Please ascertain and inform me whether he will do it. 
Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



June 28, 1862. — Telegrajvi from Secretary Stanton to 
General H. W. Halleck. 

War Department, June 28, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck : 

The enemy have concentrated in such force at Richmond as to 
render it absolutely necessary, in the opinion of the President, for 
you immediately to detach 25,000 of your force and forward it by 
the nearest and quickest route by way of Baltimore and Washington 
to Richmond. It is believed that the quickest route would be by 
way of Columbus, Ky., and up the Ohio River. But in detaching 
your force the President directs that it be done in such a way as to 
enable you to hold your ground and not interfere with the move- 
ment against Chattanooga and East Tennessee. This condition 
being observed, the forces to be detached and the routes they are to 
be sent are left to your own judgment. 

The direction to send these forces immediately is rendered impera- 
tive by a serious reverse suffered by General McClellan before Rich- 
mond yesterday, the full extent of which is not yet known. 

You will acknowledge the receipt of this despatch, stating the 
day and hour it is received, and inform me what your action will 
be^ so that we may take measures to aid in river and railroad 
transportation. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



June 28, 1862. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. 

Washington, June 28, 1862. 
General Burnside : 

I think you had better go, with any reinforcements you can spare, 
to General McClellan. ^ Lincoln 

War Department, June 28, 1862. 
Major-General Burnside, Newbern : 

We have intelligence that General McClellan has been attacked 
in large force and compelled to fall back toward the James River. 



190 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

We are not advised of his exact condition, but the President directs 
that you shall send him all the reinforcements from your command 
to the James River that you can safely do without abandoning your 
own position. Let it be infantry entirely, as he said yesterday that 
he had cavalry enough. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



June 28, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

War Department, Washington City, June 28, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan : 

Save your army, at all events. Will send reinforcements as fast 
as we can, Of course they cannot reach you to-day, to-morrow, or 
next day. I have not said you were ungenerous for saying you 
needed reinforcements. I thought you were ungenerous in assum- 
ing that I did not send them as fast as I could. I feel any misfor- 
tune to you and your army quite as keenly as you feel it yourself. 
If you have had a di'awn battle, or a repulse, it is the price we pay 
for the enemy not being in Washington. We protected Washing- 
ton, and the enemy concentrated on you. Had we stripped Wash- 
ington, he would have been upon us before the troops could have 
gotten to you. Less than a week ago you notified us that reinforce- 
ments were leaving Richmond to come in front of us. It is the 
nature of the case, and neither you nor the government is to blame. 
Please tell at once the present condition and aspect of things. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 28, 1862, — Letter to Secretary Seward. 

Executive Mansion, June 28, 1862. 
Hon. W. H. Seward. 

My dear Sir: My view of the present condition of the war is 
about as follows : 

The evacuation of Corinth and our delay by the flood in the 
Chickahominy have enabled the enemy to concentrate too much force 
in Richmond for McClellan to successfully attack. In fact there 
soon will be no substantial rebel force anywhere else. But if we 
send all the force from here to McClellan, the enemy will, before we 
can know of it, send a force from Richmond and take Washington. 
Or if a large part of the western army be brought here to McClellan, 
they will let us have Richmond, and retake Tennessee, Kentucky, 
Missouri, etc. What should be done is to hold what we have in the 
West, open the Mississippi, and take Chattanooga and East Ten- 
nessee without more. A reasonable force should in every event be 
kept about Washington for its protection. Then let the country 
give us a hundred thousand new troops in the shortest possible 
time, which, added to McClellan directly or indirectly, will take Rich- 
mond without endangering any other place which we now hold, and 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 191 

will substantially end the war. I expect to maintain this contest 
until successful, or till I die, or am conquered, or my term expires, 
or Conj^ress or the country forsake me ; and I would publicly appeal 
to the country for this new force were it not that I fear a j^enei-al 
l)anic and stampede would follow, so hard it is to have a thing un- 
derstood as it really is. I think the new force should be all, or 
nearly all, infantry, principally because such can be raised most 
cheaply and quicldy. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



June 28, 1862. — Telegram to General J. A. Dix. 

War Department, Washington, D. C, June 28, 1862. 
General Dix: 

Communication with McClellan by White House is cut off. 
Strain every nerve to open communication with him by James 
River, or any other way you can. Report to me. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 28, 1862. — Telegrajm to Flag-Opficer L. M. Goldsborough. 

Washington, D. C, June 28, 1862. 
Flag-Officer Goldsborough, Fort Monroe: 

Enemy has cut McClellan's communication with White House, 
and is driving Stoneman back on that point. Do what you can for 
him with gunboats at or near that place. McClellan's main force 
is between the Chickahominy and the James. Also do what you can 
to communicate with him and support him there. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 29, 1862. — Telegram to Secretary Seward. 

War Department, June 29, 1862. 6 p. m. 
Hon. Williajvi H. Seward, Astor House, New York: 

Not much more than when you left. Fulton of ^'Baltimore 
American " is now with us. He left White House at 11 a. m. 
yesterday. He conversed fully with a paymaster who was with 
Porter's force during the fight of Friday and fell back to nearer 
McClellan's quarters just a little sooner than Porter did, seeing 
the whole of it; stayed on the Richmond side of the Chickahominy 
over night, and left for White House at 5 a. m. Saturday. He 
says Porter retired in perfect order under protection of the guns 
arranged for the purpose, under orders and not from necessity; 
and with all other of our forces, except what was left on ])urpose 
to go to White House, was safely in pontoons over the Chicka- 
liominy before morning, and that there was heavy firing on the 
Richmond side, begun at five and ceased at 7 a. m. Saturday. On 
the whole, I think we have had the better of it up to that point of 



192 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

time. What has happened since we still know not, as we have no 
communication with General McClellan. A despatch from Colonel 
Ingalls shows that he thinks McClellan is fighting with the enemy 
at Richmond to-day, and will be to-morrow. We have no means 
of knowing upon what Colonel Ingalls founds his opinion. All 
confirmed about saving all property. Not a single unwounded 
straggler came back to White House from the field, and the number 
of wounded reaching there up to 11 a. m. Saturday was not large. 

A. Lincoln. 

To what the President has above stated I will only add one or two points 
that may be satisfactory for you to know. 

First. All the sick and wounded were safely removed from White House j 
not a man left behind. 

Second. A despatch from Bumside shows that he is in condition to afford 
efficient support, and is probably doing so. 

Third. The despatch from Colonel Ingalls impresses me with the convic- 
tion that the movement was made by General McClellan to concentrate on 
Richmond, and was successful to the latest point of which we have any 
information. 

Fourth. Mr. Fidton says that on Friday night, between twelve and one 
o'clock, General McCleUan telegraphed Commodore Goldsborough that the 
result of the movement was satisfactory to him. 

Fifth. From these and the facts stated by the President, my inference is 
that General McClellan will probably be in Richmond within two days. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

June 30, 1862. — Telegram to Secretary Seward. 

War Department, June 30, 1862. 
Hon. Wm. H. Seward, New York : 

We are yet without communication with Greneral McClellan, and 
this absence of news is our point of anxiety. Up to the latest point 
to which we are posted, he effected everything in such exact accor- 
dance with his plan, contingently announced to us before the battle 
begau, that we feel justified to hope that he has not failed since. He 
had a severe engagement in getting the part of his army on this 
side of the Chickahominy over to the other side, in which the enemy 
lost certainly as much as we did. We are not dissatisfied with this, 
only that the loss of enemies does not compensate for the loss of 
friends. The enemy cannot come below White House ; certainly is 
not there now, and probably has abandoned the whole line. Dix's 
pickets are at New Kent Court House. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 30, 1862. — Call for Troops. 

New York, June 30, 1862. 
To the Governors of the several States : The capture of New Orleans, 
Norfolk, and Corinth by the national forces has enabled the in- 
surgents to concentrate a large force at and about Richmond, which 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEllS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 193 

place we must take with the least possible delay ; in fact, there will 
soon be no formidable insiirji^ent force except at Richmond. With 
so large an army there, the enemy can threaten ns on the Potomac 
and elsewhere. Until we have reestablished the national anthority, 
all these places must be held, and we must keep a respectable force 
in fi'ont of Washington. But this, from the diminished strength of 
our army by sickness and casualties, renders an addition to it neces- 
sary in order to close the struggle which has been prosecuted for the 
last three months with energy and success. Rather than hazard 
the misapprehension of our military condition and of groundless 
alarm by a call for troops by proclamation, I have deemed it best to 
address you in this forui. To accomplish the object stated, we re- 
([uire, without delay, 150,000 men, including those recently called 
for l)y the Secretary of War. Thus reinforced, our gallant army 
will be enabled to realize the hopes and expectations of the govern- 
ment and the people. ^ Lincoln 

June 30, 1862. — Telegram to General J. A. Dix. 

War Department, Washington City, June 30, 1862. 
Major- General Dix, Fort Monroe : 

Is it not probable the enemy have abandoned the line between 
White House and McCIellan's rear? He could have but little 
object to maintain it, and nothing to subsist upon. Would not 
Stoneman better move up and see about it ? I think a telegraphic 
communication can at once be opened to White House from Wil- 
liamsburg. The wires must be up still. a Lincoln 

June 30, 1862.— Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. 

War Department, June 30, 1862. 3 p. m. 
Major-General Halleck, Corinth : 

Your telegram of this date just received. The Chattanooga expe- 
dition must not on any account be given up. The President re- 
gards that and the movement against East Tennessee as one of the 
most important movements of the war, and its occupation nearly as 
important as the capture of Richmond. He is not pleased with the 
tardiness of the movement toward Chattanooga, and directs that no 
force be sent here if you cannot do it witliout breaking up the op- 
erations against that point and East Tennessee. Infantry only are 
needed ; our cavalry and artillery are strong enough. The first re- 
ports from Richmond were more discouraging than the truth war- 
ranted. If the advantage is not on our side, it is balanced. General 
McClellan has moved his whole force on the line of the James River, 
and is supported there l)y our gunboats ; but he must be largely 
strengthened before adv^ancing, and hence the call on you, which I 
am glad you answered so promptly. Let me know to what point on 
the river you will send your forces, so as to provide immediately for 
transportation. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

Vol. IL-13. 



194 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



Washington, D. C, June 30, 1862. 
Major-GtENERAL Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi : 

Would be very glad of 25,000 infantry ; no artillery or cavalry ; 
but please do not send a man if it endangers any place you deem 
important to hold, or if it forces you to give up or weaken or delay 
the expedition against Chattanooga. To take and hold the railroad 
at or east of Cleveland, in East Tennessee, I think fully as impor- 
tant as the taking and holding of Richmond. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 1, 1862.— Call for 300,000 Volunteers. 

June 28, 1862. 
The undersigned, governors of States of the Union, impressed with the 
belief that the citizens of the States which they respectively represent are 
of one accord in the hearty desire that the recent successes of the Federal 
arms may be followed up by measures which must insure the speedy res- 
toration of the Union, and believing that, in view of the present state of the 
important miUtary movements now in progress, and the reduced condition 
of our effective forces in the field, resulting from the usual and unavoid- 
able casualties in the service, the time has an-ived for prompt and vigorous 
measures to be adopted by the people in support of the great interests com- 
mitted to yoiu" charge, respectfully request, if it meets with your entire 
approval, that you at once call upon the several States for such number of 
men as may be required to fill up aU military organizations now in the field, 
and add to the armies heretofore organized such additional number of men 
as may, in your judgment, be necessary to gaiTison and hold all the numei-- 
ous cities and mihtary positions that have been captured by our armies, 
and to speedily crush the rebelhon that still exists in several of the South- 
ern States, thus practicaUy restoring to the civilized world our great and 
good government. AU believe that the decisive moment is near at hand, 
and to that end the people of the United States are desirous to aid promptly 
in furnishing aU reinforcements that you may deem needful to sustain our 
government. 

Israel Washburn, Jr., Governor of Maine. 

H. S. Berry, Governor of New Hampshire. 

Frederick Holbrook, Governor of Vermont. 

William A. Buckingham, Governor of Connecticut. 

E. D. Morgan, Governor of New York. 
Charles S. Olden, Governor of New Jersey. 
A. G. CuRTiN, Governor of Pennsylvania. 

A. W. Bradford, Governor of Maryland, 

F. H. PiERPOiNT, Governor of Virginia. 
Austin Blair, Governor of Michigan. 

J. B. Temple, President Mihtary Board of Kentucky. 
Andrew Johnson, Governor of Tennessee. 
H. R. Gajsible, Governor of Missouri. 
0. P. Morton, Governor of Indiana. 
David Todd, Governor of Ohio. 
Alexander Ramsey, Governor of Minnesota. 
Richard Yates, Governor of lUinois. 
Edward Salomon, Governor of Wisconsin. 
The President. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 195 



Executive Mansion, Washington, July 1, 1862. 
Qentlemen : Fully concurring in the wisdom of the views expressed 
to me in so patriotic a manner by you, in the communication of the 
twenty-eighth day of June, I have decided to call into the service au 
additional force of 300,000 men. I suggest and recommend that 
the troops should be chiefly of infantry. The quota of your State 

would be . I trust that they may be enrolled without delay, 

so as to bring this unnecessary and injurious civil war to a speedy 
and satisfactory conclusion. An order fixing the quotas of the re- 
spective States will be issued by the War Department to-morrow. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



July 1, 1862. — Proclamation Concerning Taxes in Rebellious 

States. 

By the President of the United States of Ajmerica: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, in and by the second section of an act of Congress 
passed on the seventh day of June, a. d. 1862, entitled ''An act for 
the collection of direct taxes in insurrectionary districts within the 
United States, and for other purposes," it is made the duty of the 
President to declare, on or before the first day of July then next 
following, by his proclamation, in what States and parts of States 
insurrection exists : 

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
of the United States of America, do hereby declare and proclaim 
that the States of South Carolina, Florida, Georgia, Alabama, 
Louisiana, Texas, Mississippi, Arkansas, Tennessee, North Carolina, 
and the State of Virginia (except the following counties : Hancock, 
Brooke, Ohio, Marshall, Wetzel, Marion, Monongalia, Preston, Tay- 
lor, Pleasants, Tyler, Ritchie, Doddridge, Harrison, Wood, Jackson, 
Wirt, Roane, Calhoun, Gilmer, Barbour, Tucker, Lewis, Braxton, 
Upshur, Randolph, Mason, Putnam, Kanawha, Clay, Nicholas, 
Cabell, Wayne, Boone, Logan, Wyoming, Webster, Fayette, and 
Raleigh), are now in insurrection and rebellion, and by reason thereof 
the civil authority of the United States is obstructed so that the 
provisions of the ''Act to provide increased revenue from imports, 
to pay the interest on the j)ublic debt, and for other purposes," ap- 
proved August fifth, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, cannot be 
peaceably executed ; and that the taxes legally chargeable upon real 
estate, under the act last aforesaid, lying within the States and parts 
of States as aforesaid, together with a penalty of fifty per centum of 
said taxes, shall be a lien upon the tracts or lots of the same, severally 
charged, till paid. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 



196 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

Done at the city of Washington, this first day of Jnly, 
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
[l. s.] sixty-two, and of the independence of the Uoaited States 
of America the eight^^'-sixth. 

Abrahaim Lincoln. 
By the President : F. W. Seward, Acting Secretary of State. 



July 1, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I most cordially rec- 
ommend that Captain Andrew H. Foote, of the United States Navy, 
receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his eminent services in 
organizing the flotilla on the western waters, and for his gallantry 
at Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, Island Number Ten, and at various 
other places, whilst in command of the naval forces, embracing a 
period of nearly ten months. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, D. C, July 1, 1862. 



July 1, 1862. — Telegram to General McClellan. 

Washington, July 1, 1862. 3.30 p. m. 
Major-General George B. McClellan : 

It is impossible to reinforce you for your present emergency. If 
we had a million of men, we could not get them to you in time. We 
have not the men to send. If you are not strong enough to face the 
enemy, you must find a place of security, and wait, rest, and repair. 
Maintain your ground if you can, but save the army at all events, 
even if yoii fall back to Fort Monroe. We still have strength enough 
in the country, and will bring it out. 

A, Lincoln. 



July 2, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Morgan. 

War Department, July 2, 1862. 
Governor E. D. Morgan, Albany, New York, 
It was thought safest to mark high enough. It is 300,000. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 2, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. 

War Department, Washington, D. C, July 2, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan : 

Your despatch of Tuesday morning induces me to hope your army 
is having some rest. In this hope allow me to reason with you a 
moment. When you ask for 50,000 men to be promptly sent you, 
you surely labor under some gross mistake of fact. Recently you 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 197 

sent papers showing your disposal of forces made last spring for 
the defense of Washington, and advising a return to that plan. I 
find it included in and about Washington 75,000 men. Now, please 
be assured I have not men enough to fill that very plan by 15,000. 
All of Fremont's in the valley, all of Banks's, all of McDowell's not 
with you, and all in Washington, taken together, do not exceed, if 
tliey reach, G0,000. With Wool and Dix added to those mentioned, 
I have not, outside of your army, 75,000 men east of the mountains. 
Thus the idea of sending you 50,000, or any other considerable 
force, promptly, is simply absurd. If, in your frequent mention of 
responsibility, you have the impression that I blame you for not 
doing more than you can, please be relieved of such impression. I 
only beg that in like manner you will not ask impossibilities of me. 
If you think you are not strong enough to take Richmond just now, 
I do not ask you to try just now. Save the army, material and 
personal, and I will strengthen it for the offensive again as fast as 
I can. The governors of eighteen States offer me a new levy of 
300,000, which I accept. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 2, 1862,— Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. 

Washington, D. C, July 2, 1862. 
JMajor-General Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi: 

Your several despatches of yesterday to Secretary of War and my- 
self received. I did say, and now repeat, I would be^ exceedingly glad 
for some reinforcements from you. Still do not send a man if in 
your judgment it will endanger any point you deem important to 
hold, or will force you to give up or weaken or delay the Chatta- 
nooga expedition. 

Please tell me could you not make me a flying visit for consulta- 
tion without endangering the service in your department. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 2, 1862. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States: I herewith return to your hon- 
oraljle body, in which it originated, an act entitled "An act to pro- 
vide for additional medical officers of the volunteer service," without 
my approval. 

My reason for so doing is that I have approved an act of the same 
title passed by Congress after the passage of the one first mentioned, 
for the express purpose of correcting errors in and supei-seding the 
same, as I am informed. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Executive Mansion, July 2, 1862. 



198 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



July 3, 1862. — Circular Letter to the Governors. 

{Private and Confidential.) 

War Department, July 3, 1862. 10.30 a. m. 
Governor Washburn, Maine [and other governors]. 

I should not want the half of 300,000 new troops if I could have 
them now. If I had 50,000 additional troops here now, I believe 
I could substantially close the war in two weeks. But time is every- 
thing, and if I get 50,000 new men in a month, I shall have lost 
20,000 old ones during the same month, having gained only 30,000, 
with the difference between old and new troops still against me. 
The quicker you send, the fewer you will have to send. Time is 
everything. Please act in view of this. The enemy having given 
up Corinth, it is not wonderful that he is thereby enabled to check 
us for a time at Richmond. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



July 3, 1862. — Letter to General McClellan. 

War Department, Washington, D. C, July 3, 1862. 
Major-General George B, McClellan : 

Yours of 5.30 yesterday is just received. I am satisfied that your- 
self, officers, and men have done the best you could. All accounts 
say better fighting was never done. Ten thousand thanks for it. 

On the 28th we sent General Burnside an order to send all the 
force he could spare to you. We then learned that you had re- 
quested him to go to Goldsborough ; upon which we said to him our 
order was intended for your benefit, and we did not wish to be in 
conflict with your views. 

We hope you will have help from him soon. To-day we have 
ordered General Hunter to send you all he can spare. At last ad- 
vices General Halleck thinks he cannot send reinforcements without 
endangering all he has gained. 

A. Lincoln, President. 



July 3, 1862. — Secretary Stanton to General Butler. 

War Department, Washington City, July 3, 1862. 
Major-General B. F, Butler, New Orleans : 

I wrote you last under date of the 29th ultimo, and have now to 
say that your despatch of the 18th ultimo, with the accompanying 
report of General Phelps concerning certain fugitive negroes that 
have come to his pickets, has been considered by the President. 

He is of opinion that under the law of Congress they cannot be 
sent back to their masters ; that in common humanity they must not 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 199 

be permitted to suffer for want of food, shelter, or other necessaries 
of life ; that to this end they should be provided for by the quarter- 
niastei"'s and commissary's departments ; and that those who are 
capable of labor should be set to work and paid reasonable wages. 

In directing this to be done, the President does not mean, at pres- 
ent, to settle any general rule in respect to slaves or slavery, but 
simply to provide for the particular case under th(} circumstances in 
which it is now presented. 

I am. General, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



July 4, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. 

War Department, Washington City, D. C, July 4, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan : 

I understand your position as stated in your letter and by General 
Marcy. To reinforce you so as to enable you to resume the offensive 
within a month, or even six weeks, is impossible. In addition to that 
arrived and now arriving from the Potomac (about 10,000 men, I 
suppose, and about 10,000 I hope you will have from Burnside very 
soon, and about 5000 from Hunter a little later), I do not see how I 
can send you another man within a month. Under these circum- 
stances the defensive for the present must be your only care. Save 
the army — first, where you are, if you can ; secondly, by removal, if 
you must. You, on the ground, must be the judge as to which you 
will attempt, and of the means for effecting it. I but give it as my 
opinion that with the aid of the gunboats and the reinforcements 
mentioned above, you can hold your present position — provided, and 
so long as, you can keep the James River open below you. If j^ou 
are not tolerably confident you can keep the James River open, you 
had better remove as soon as possible. I do not remember that 
you have expressed any apprehension as to the danger of having 
your communication cut on the river below you, yet I do not sup- 
pose it can have escaped your attention. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

P. S. If at any time you feel able to take the offensive, you are 
not restrained from doing so. A. L. 



July 4, 1862.— Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. 

War Department, July 4, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi: 

You do not know how much you would oblige us if, without 
abandoning any of your positions or plans, you could promptly send 



200 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

US even 10,000 infantry. Can you not ? Some part of the Corinth 
army is certainly fighting McClellan in front of Richmond. Prisoners 
are in our hands from the late Corinth army. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 4, 1862.— Telegeajvi to General J. A. Dix. 

Washington City, July 4, 1862. 
Major- General Dix, Fort Monroe: 

Send forward the despatch to Colonel Hawkins and this also. 
Om- order and General McClellan's to General Burnside being the 
same, of course we wish it executed as promptly as possible. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 5, 1862.— Telegram to General McClellan. 

Washington, July 5, 1862. 9 a. m. 
Major-General George B. McClellan: 

A thousand thanks for the relief your two despatches of 12 and 
1 p. M. yesterday gave me. Be assured the heroism and skill of 
yourself and officers and men is, and forever will be, appreciated. 
If you can hold your present position, we shall hive the enemy yet. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 6, 1862.— Letter to General H. W. Halleck. 

War Department, Washington City, D. C, July 6, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi. 

My dear Sir: This introduces Governor William Sprague, of 
Ehode Island. He is now governor for the third time, and sena- 
tor-elect of the United States. 

I know the object of his visit to you. He has my cheerful con- 
sent to go, but not my direction. He wishes to get you and part of 
your force, one or both, to come here. You already know I should 
be exceedingly glad of this if, in your judgment, it could be without 
endangering positions and operations in the southwest; and I now 
repeat w^hat I have more than once said by telegraph, ''Do not 
come or send a man if, in your judgment, it will endanger any 
point you deem important to hold, or endangers or delays the Chat- 
tanooga expedition." 

Still, please give my friend. Governor Sprague, a full and fair 
hearing. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 201 

July 9, 1862.— Memorandum of Questions and Answers in 
Interviews between the President and General Mc- 
Clellan and other Officers during a Visit to the Army 
OF the Potomac at Harrison's Landing, Virginia. 

Memorandum from General McClellan's Headquarters, 

July 9, 1862. 

General McClellan, July 8, 1862. 

What amount of force have you now ? 

About 80,000. Can't vary much ; certainly 75,000. 
What is likely to be your condition as to health in this camp ? 

Better than in any encampment since landing at Fort Monroe. 
Where is the enemy now *? 

From fom- to five miles from us, on all the roads — I think nearly 
the whole army— both Hills, Long-street, Jackson, Magruder, 
Huger. 
If you desired, could you remove the army safely ? 

It would be a delicate and very difficult matter. 
Cavalry about 5000. 

General Sumner, July 9, 1802. 

What is the whole amount of your corps with you now"? 

About 16,000. 
What is the aggTegate of yoiu- killed, wounded, and missing, from the 
attack on the 26th ultimo till now ? 
1175. 
In your present encampment what is the present and prospective condi- 
tion as to health "? 

As good as any part of eastern Virginia. 
Where and in what condition do you beheve the enemy to be now? 

I think they have retired "from our front. Were much damaged, 
especially in their best troops, in the late action from the superior- 
ity of our arms. 
If it were desired to get the army away, could it be safely effected ? 

I think we could, but I think we give up the cause if we do it. 
Is the army secure in its present position ? 
Perfectly so, in my judgment. 

General Heintzelman, July 9, 1862. 

What is the whole amount of your corps now with you ? 

15,000 for duty. 
What is the aggregate of your killed, wounded, and missing, from the 
attack on the 26th ultimo till now ? 

Not large. 745, 
In your present encampment what is the present and prospective condi- 
tion as to health? 

Excellent for health, and present health improving. 
Where and in what condition do you believe the enemy to now be ? 

Don't think they are in force in our vicinity. 
If it were desired to "get the army away from here, could it be safely 
effected ? 

Perhaps we could ; but think it would be ruinous to the countiy. 
Is the army secure in its present position '? 

I think it is safe. 



202 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



General Keyes, July 9, 1862. 

What is the whole amount of your corps with you now? 

About 12,500. 
What is the aggi'egate of your killed, wounded, and missing, from the 
attack on the 26th till now ? 

Less than 500. 
In your present encampment what is the present and prospective condi- 
tion as to health ? 

A little improved, but think camp is getting worse. 
Where, and in what condition, do you beUeve the enemy to now be ? 

Think he has withdi-awn, and think preparing to go to Washington. 
If it were desired to get the army away, could it be safely effected ? 

I think it could, if done quickly. 
Is the army in its present position secure ? 

With help of gunboats can hold position. 

General Porter. 

What is the amount of vour corps now with you ? 

About 23,000. Fully 20,000 fit for duty. 
Wliat is the aggregate of your killed, wounded, and missing, from the 
attack on the 26th ultimo untU now ? 

Over 5000. 
In your present encampment what is the present and prospective condi- 
tion as to liealth ? 

Very good. 
Where and in what condition do you believe the enemy now to be *? 

BeUeve he is mainly near Richmond. He feels he dare not attack 
us here. 
If it were desired to get the army away from here, could it be safely effected ? 

Impossible. Move the army and ruin the country. 
Is the army secure in its present position ? 

Perfectly so. Not only, but we are ready to begin moving forward. 

General Franklin. 

What is the whole amount of your corps now with you ? 

About 15,000. 
What is the aggregate of your killed, wounded, and missing, from the 
attack on the 26th ultimo till now ? 

Don't think whole will exceed 3000 men. 
In your present encampment what is the present and prospective condi- 
tion as to health ? 

Not good. 
Where and in what condition do you believe the enemy now to be "? 

I learn he has withdrawn from om* front, and think that is probable. 
If it were desired to get the army away from here, could it be safely effected ? 

I think we could, and think we better — think Rappahannock true 
line. 
Is the army secure m its present position *? 

Unless we can be closer, it is. 

General Sumner 1,175 

General Heintzelman 745 

General Keyes 500 

Fitz-J. Porter 5,000 

Franklin 3,000 

10,420 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 203 

July 11, 1862.— Order making Halleck General-in-Chief. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 11, 1862. 

Ordered, That Major-General Henry W. Halleck be assigned to 

corainand the whole laud forces of the Uuited States, as general-in- 

chief, and that he repair to this capital so soon as he can with safety 

to the positions and operations within the department now under 

^'^ '^^'S'- A. Lincoln. 

July 11, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I recommend that the 
thanks of Congress be given to the following officers of the United 
States Navy : 

Captain John L. Lardner, for meritorious conduct at the battle of 
Port Royal, and distinguished services on the coast of the United 
States against the enemy. 

Captain Charles Henry Davis, for distinguished services in con- 
flict with the enemy at Fort Pillow, at Memphis, and for successful 
operations at other points in the waters of the Mississippi River. 

Commander John A. Dahlgren, for distinguished services in the 
line of his profession, improvements in ordnance, and zealous and 
efQcient labors in the ordnance branch of the service. 

Commander Stephen C. Rowan, for distinguished services in the 
waters of North Carolina, and particularly in the capture of New- 
bern, being in chief command of the naval forces. 

Commander David D. Porter, for distinguished services in the con- 
ception and preparation of the means used for the capture of the 
forts below New Orleans, and for highly meritorious conduct in the 
management of the mortar flotilla during the bombardment of 
Forts Jackson and St. Philip. 

Captain Silas H. Stringham, now on the retired list, for distin- 
guished services in the capture of Forts Hatteras and Clark. 

Washington, D. C, July 11, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. 



July 11, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. 

War Department, July 11, 1862. 
Hon. Andrew Johnson. 

My dear Sir : Yours of yesterday is received. Do you not, my 
good friend, perceive that what you ask is simply to put you in coni- 
mand in the West? I do not suppose you desire this. You only 
wish to control in your own localities ; but this you must know may 
derange all other posts. Can you not, and will you not, have a full 
conference with General Halleck? Telegraph him, and meet him at 
such place as he and you can agree upon. I telegraph him to meet 
you and confer fully with you. j^^ Lincoln. 



204 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

July 11, 1862.— Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. 

War Department, July 11, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck, Corinth : 

Governor Johnson, at Nashville, is in great trouble and anxiety 
about a raid into Kentucky. The governor is a true and a valuable 
man — indispensable to us in Tennessee. Will you please get in 
communication with him, and have a full conference with him be- 
fore you leave for here 1 I have telegraphed him on the subject. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 12, 1862.— Appeal to Favor Compensated Emancipation, 
read by the President to Border-State Representatives. 

Oentlemen : After the adjournment of Congress, now very near, I 
shall have no opportunity of seeing you for several months. Be- 
lieving that you of the border States hold more power for good than 
any other equal number of menibers, I feel it a duty which I cannot 
justifiably waive to make this appeal to you. I intend no reproach 
or complaint when I assure you that, in my opinion, if you all had 
voted for the resolution in the gradual-emancipation message of last 
March, the war would now be substantially ended. And the plan 
therein proposed is yet one of the most potent and swift means of 
ending it. Let the States which are in rebellion see definitely and 
certainly that in no event will the States you represent ever join 
their proposed confederacy, and they cannot much longer maintain 
the contest. But you cannot divest them of their hope to ultimately 
have you with them so long as you show a determination to per- 
petuate the institution within your own States. Beat them at elec- 
tions, as you have overwhelmingly done, and, nothing daunted, they 
still claim you as their own. You and I know w^hat the lever of their 
power is. 'Break that lever before their faces, and they can shake 
you no more forever. Most of you have treated me with kindness 
and consideration, and I trust you will not now think I improperly 
touch what is exclusively yom* own, when, for the sake of the whole 
country, I ask. Can you, for your States, do better than to take the 
course'l urge ? Discarding punctilio and maxims adapted tomoreman- 
ageable times, and looking only to the unprecedentedly stern facts 
of om- case, can you do better in any possible event ? You prefer that 
the constitutional relation of the States to the nation shall be prac- 
tically restored without disturbance of the institution ; and if this 
were done, my whole duty in this respect, under the Constitution and 
my oath of office, would "be performed. But it is not done, and we 
are trying to accomplish it by war. The incidents of the war cannot 
be avoided. If the war continues long, as it must if the object be not 
sooner attained, the institution in your States will be extinguished 
by mere friction and abrasion — by the mere incidents of the war. 
It wdU be gone, and you will have nothing valuable in lieu of it. 
Much of its value is gone already. How much better for you and 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 205 

for your people to take tlie step wliieli at onee sliortens tlu; war and 
secures substantial compensation for that which is sure to be wholly 
lost in any other event ! How much better to thus save the money 
which else we sink forever in the war ! How much l)etter to do it 
while we can, lest the war ere long render us pecuniarily unable to do 
it ! How much better for you as seller, and the nation as Ijuyer, to 
sell out and buy out that without which the war could never have 
been, than to sink both the thing to be sold and the price of it in cut- 
ting one anoth-er's throats ? I do not speak of emancipation at once, 
but of a decision at once to emancipate gradually. Koom in South 
America for colonization can be ol)tained cheaply and in al)undance, 
and when numljcrs shall be large enough to be company and encour- 
agement for one another, the freed people wdll not be so reluctant 
to go. 

I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned — one which 
threatens division among those who, united, are none too strong. 
An instance of it is known to you. General Hunter is an honest man. 
He was, and I hope still is, my friend. I valued him none the less 
for his agreeing with me in the general wish that all men every- 
where could be free. He proclaimed all men free within certain. 
States, and I repudiated the proclamation. He expected more good 
and less harm from the measure than I could believe would follow. 
Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offense, to many 
whose support the country cannot afford to lose. And this is not 
the end of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me, and is 
increasing. By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, 
much more, can relieve the country, in this important point. Upon 
these considerations I have again begged your attention to the mes- 
sage of Marcli last. Before leaving the capital, consider and discuss 
it among yourselves. You are patriots and statesmen, and as such 
I pray you consider this proposition, and at the least commend it to 
the consideration of your States and people. As you w^ould pei'pet- 
uate popular government for the best people in the world, I beseech 
you that you do in no wise omit this. Our common country is in 
great perd, demanding the loftiest views and boldest action to bring 
it speedy relief. Once relieved, its form of government is saved to 
the world, its beloved history and cherished memories are vindicated, 
and its happy future fully assured and rendered inconceivably grand. 
To you, more than to any others, the privilege is given to assure 
that happiness and swell that grandeur, and to link your own names 
therewith forever. 



July 12, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Representatives : I transmit the report of the Sec- 
retary of State upon the subject of the resolution of the House of 
Representatives of the 9th ultimo, requesting information in regard 
to the relations between the United States and foreign powers. 

Abrahajm LiNCOIjN. 

Washington, July 12, 18G2. 



206 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



July 13, 1862. — Letter to General G-. B. McClellan. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 13, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan. 

My dear Sir: I am told that over 160,000 men have goue into 
your army on the Peninsula. When I was with you the other day 
we made out 86,500 remaining, leaving 73,500 to be accounted for. 
I believe 23,500 ^dll cover all the killed, wounded, and missing in 
all your battles and skirmishes, leaving 50,000 who have left other- 
wise. Not more than 5000 of these have died, leaving 45,000 of 
your army still alive and not with it. I believe half or two thirds 
of them are fit for duty to-day. Have you any more perfect know- 
ledge of this than I have 1 If I am right, and you had these men 
with you, you could go into Richmond in the next three days. How 
can tliey be got to you, and how can they be prevented from getting 
away in such numbers for the future ? 

A. Lincoln. 



July 13, 1862. — Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. 

War Department, July 13, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi: 
They are having a stampede in Kentucky. Please look to it. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 13, 1862. — Telegram to General Boyle. 

Washington, July 13, 1862. 
General J. T. Boyle, Louisville, Kentucky : 

Your several despatches received. You should call on General 
Halleck. Telegraph him at once. I have telegraphed him that you 
are in trouble. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 13, 1862. — Telegram to General Boyle, 

War Department, July 13, 1862. 
General J. T. Boyle, Louisville, Kentucky : 

We cannot venture to order troops from General Buell. We 
know not what condition he is in. He may be attacked himself. 
You must call on General Halleck, who commands, and whose busi- 
ness it is to understand and care for the whole field. If you cannot 
telegraph to him, send a messenger to him. A despatch has this 
moment come from Halleck at Tuseumbia, Alabama. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 207 



July 14, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : Here- 
with is a draft of a bill to conipeiisate any State which may abolish 
slavery within its limits, the passage of which, substantially as pre- 
sented, I respectfully and earnestly recommend. 

July 14 1862 Abrahaivi Lincoln. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America, in Congress asseni])led, That whenever 
the President of the United States shall l)e satisfied that any State 
shall have lawfully abolished slavery within and throughout such 
State, either immediately or gradually, it shaU be the duty of the 
President, assisted by the Secretary of the Treasury, to prepare and 
deliver to such State an amount of six per cent, interest-bearing 

bonds of the United States equal to the aggregate value, at 

dollars per head, of all the slaves within such State as reported by 
the census of the year one thousand eight hundred and sixty ; the 
whole amount for any one State to l^e delivered at once if the abol- 
ishment be immediate, or in equal annual instalments if it be 
gradual, interest to begin running on each bond at the time of its 
delivery, and not before. 

And be it further enacted. That if any State, having so received 
any such bonds, shall at any time afterward l)y law reintroduce or 
tolerate slavery \\dthin its limits, contrary to the act of abolishment 
upon which such bonds shall have been received, said bonds so re- 
ceived by said State shall at once be null and void, in whosesoever 
hands they may be, and such State shall refund to the United States 
all interest which may have been paid on such bonds. 



July 14, 1862.— Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. 

War Department, July 14, 1862. 
Major-General Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi: 

I am very anxious — almost impatient — to have you here. Have 
due regard to what you leave behind. When can you reach here f 

A. Lincoln. 



July 14, 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

War Department, Washington City, July 14, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan : 

General Burnside's force is at Newqiort News, ready to move, on 
short notice, one way or the other, Avhen ordered. 

A. Lincoln. 



208 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



July 14, 1862. — Letter to J. W. White and Others. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 14, 1862. 

Messrs. James W. White, Robert H. McCurdy, 

and F. S. Winston, Committee. 
Gentlemen: Your letter conveying to me the invitation of several 
loyal and patriotic bodies in New York to attend a mass-meeting 
in that city on Tuesday, the 15th instant, is received. While it 
would be very agreeable to me to thus meet the friends of the coun- 
try, I am sure I could add nothing to the purpose or the wisdom with 
which they will perform their duty; and the near adjournment of 
Congress makes it indispensalde for me to remain here. Thanking 
you and those you represent for the iu\dtation and the kind terms 
in which you have communicated it, I remain 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



July 14, 1862. — Note to Secretary Chase. 

Hon. Secretary of the Treasury : 

Might not Mr. Bouligny be appointed surveyor of the port of New 
Orleans? If there be noobjection, please send nomination. 

A. Lincoln. 

July 14, 1862. 



July 15, 1862. — Letter to Solomon Foot. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 15, 1862. 
Hon. Solomon Foot, 

President pro tempore of the Senate. 
Sir : Please inform the Senate that I shall be obliged if they will 
postpone the adjournment at least one day beyond the time which I 
understand to be now fixed for it. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



July 15, 1862.— Letter to Oalusha A. Grow. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 15, 1862. 
Hon. Galusha A. Grow, 

Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
Sir : Please inform the House of Representatives that I shall be 
obliged if they will postpone the adTjournment at least one day 
beyond the time which I understand to be now fixed for it. 

Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 209 



July 17, 1862.— Message to Congress. 

Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : I have 
inadvertently omitted so l()n<>' to inform you that, in March last, 
Mr. C'ornelius Vanderbilt, of New York, gratuitously presented to 
the United States the oeean-steamer Vanderhdt, by many consid- 
ered the finest steamer in the world. She has ever since been, and 
still is, doino^ valuable service to the government. For the pa- 
triotic act in making- this magnificent and valuable present to the 
country, I recoimnend that some suitable acknowledgment be made. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

July 17, 1862. 

July 17, 1862.— Message to Congress. 

Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : Con- 
sidering the bill for "An act to suppress insuiTection, to punish 
treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate the property of rebels, 
and for other purposes," and the joint resolution explanatoiy of 
said act, as being substantially one, I have approved and signed 
both. 

Before I was informed of the passage of the resolution, I had pre- 
pared the draft of a message stating objections to the bill becoming 
a law, a copy of which di'af t is herewith transmitted. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

July 17, 1862. 

{Cojjy.) 

Fellow-citizens of the House of Representatives : I herewith" return 
to your honorable body, in which it originated, the bill for an act 
entitled ''An act to suppj-ess treason and rebellion, to seize and con- 
fiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes," together with 
my objections to its becoming a law. 

There is much in the bill to which I perceive no objection. It is 
wholly prospective ; and it touches neither person nor property of 
any loyal citizen, in which particulars it is just and proper. 

The first and second sections provide for the conviction and pun- 
ishment of persons who shall be guilty of treason, and persons who 
shall "incite, set on foot, assist, or engage in any rebellion or in- 
surrection against the authority of the United States, or the laws 
thereof, or shall give aid and comfort thereto, or shall engage in or 
give aid and comfort to any such existing rebellion or insurrection." 
By fair construction, persons within these sections are not to be 
punished without regular trials in duly constituted courts under the 
forms and all the substantial provisions of law and of the Consti- 
tution applica])le to their several cases. To this I perceive no ob- 
jection, especially as such persons would be within the general 
pardoning power, and also the special provision for pardon and 
amnesty contained in this act. 

It is also provided that the slaves of persons convicted under these 
Vol.. II.— 14. 



210 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

sections shall be free. I think there is an unfortunate form of ex- 
pression, rather than a substantial objection, in this. It is startling 
to say that Congress can free a slave within a State, and yet if 
it were said the ownership of the slave had first been transferred 
to the nation, and that Congress had then liberated him, the diffi- 
culty would at once vanish. And this is the real case. The traitor 
against the General Government forfeits his slave at least as justly 
as he does any other property ; and he forfeits both to the govern- 
ment against which he offends. The government, so far as there 
can be ownership, thus owus the forfeited slaves, and the question 
for Congress in regard to them is, '' Shall they be made free or be 
sold to new masters'?" I perceive no objection to Congress decid- 
ing in advance that they shall be free. To the high honor of Ken- 
tucky, as I am informed, she has been the owner of some slaves by 
escheat, and she sold none, but liberated all. I hope the same is 
true of some other States. Indeed, I do not believe it would be 
physically possible for the General Government to return persons 
so circumstanced to actual slavery. I believe there would be physi- 
cal resistance to it which could neither be turned aside by argument 
nor driven away by force. In this view I have no objection to this 
feature of the bill. Another matter involved in these two sections 
and running through other parts of the act will be noticed hereafter. 

I perceive no objection to the third and fourth sections. 

So far as I wish to notice the fifth and sixth sections, they may be 
considered together. That the enforcement of these sections would 
do no injustice to the persons embraced within them is clear. That 
those who make a causeless war should be compelled to pay the 
cost of it is too obviously just to be called in question. To give 
governmental protection to the property of persons who have aban- 
doned it, and gone on a crusade to overthrow that same government, 
is absurd, if considered in the mere light of justice. The severest 
justice may not always be the best policy. The principle of seizing 
and appropriating the property of the persons embraced within 
these sections is certainly not very objectionable; but a justly dis- 
criminating application of it would be very difficult, and to a great 
extent impossible. And would it not be wise to place a power of 
remission somewhere, so that these persons may know they have 
something to lose by persisting, and something to save by desisting ! 
I am not sure whether such power of remission is or is not within 
section thirteen. 

Without any special act of Congress, I think our military com- 
manders, when, in military phrase, "they are within the enemy's 
country," should, in an orderly manner, seize and use whatever of 
real or personal property may be necessary or convenient for their 
commands ; at the same time preserving in some way the evidence of 
what they do. 

What I have said in regard to slaves while commenting on the 
first and second sections, is applicable to the ninth, with the differ- 
ence that no provision is made in the whole act for determining 
whether a particular individual slave does or does not fall within the 
classes defined in that section. He is to be free upon certain condi- 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 211 

tions ; but whether those conditions do or do not pertain to him, no 
mode of ascertaining is provided. This could be easily supplied. 

To the tenth section I make no objection. The oath therein re- 
quired seems to be proper, and the remainder of the section is sub- 
stantially identical with a law already existing. 

The eleventh section simply assumes to confer discretionary powers 
npon the Executive. Without this law I have no hesitation to go as 
far in the direction indicated as I may at any time deem expedient. 
And I am ready to say now, I think it is proper for our military 
commanders to employ as laborers as many persons of African 
descent as can be nsed to advantage. 

The twelfth and thirteenth sections are something better than un- 
objectionable ; and the fourteenth is entirely proper if all other parts 
of the act shall stand. 

That to which I chiefly object pervades most parts of the act, but 
more distinctly appears in the first, second, seventh, and eighth sec- 
tions. It is the sum of those provisions which results in the divest- 
ing of title forever. 

For the causes of treason and the ingredients of treason not 
amounting to the full crime, it declares forfeiture extending beyond 
the lives of the guilty parties ; whereas the Constitution of the United 
States declares that " no attainder of treason shall work corruption 
of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted." 
True, there seems to be no formal attainder in this case ; still, I 
think the greater punishment cannot be constitutionally inflicted in 
a different form for the same offense. 

With great respect I am constrained to say I think this feature of 
the act is unconstitutional. It would not be difficult to modify it. 

I may remark that this provision of the Constitution, put in 
language borrowed from Great Britain, applies only in this country, 
as I understand, to real or landed estate. 

Again, this act, by proceedings in rem, forfeits property for the 
ingredients of treason, without a conviction of the supposed criminal, 
or a personal hearing given him in any proceeding. That we may 
not touch property lying within oiu* reach because we cannot give 
personal notice to an owner who is absent endeavoring to destroy 
the government is certainly not very satisfactory. Still, the owner 
may not be thus engaged ; and I think a reasonable time should be 
provided for such parties to appear and have personal hearings. 
Similar provisions are not uncommon in connection with proceed- 
ings in rem. 

For the reasons stated I return the bill to the House in which it 
originated. 



July 18, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 18, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

Ml/ dear Sir: Mr. Senator Doolittle informs me that the Wiscon- 
sin delegation have unanimously recommended persons for assessors 



212 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

and collectors tlirougliout their State, and that the paper showing 
tills is filed with you. If so, I am in favor of adopting" their " slate " 
at once, and so disposing of one State. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



July 21, 1862. — Telegram to General Gr. B. McClellan. 

War Department, Washington City, D. C, July 21, 1862. 
Major-GtEneral McClellan : 

This is Monday. I hope to be able to tell you on Thursday what 

is to be done with Burnside. . ^ 

A. Lincoln. 

July 22, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executrt: Mansion, Washington, July 22, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Sir : I think it will be better to do nothing now which can be 
construed into a demand for troops in addition to the three hundi'ed 
thousand for which we have recently called. We do not need more, 
nor, indeed, so many, if we could have the smaller number very 
soon. It is a very important consideration, too, that one recruited 
into an old regiment is nearly or quite equal in value to two in a 
new one. We can scarcely afford to forego any plan within our 
power which may facilitate the filling of the old regiments with 
recruits. If, on consideration, you are of opinion that this object 
can be advanced by causing the militia of the several States to be 
enrolled, and by drafts therefrom, you are at liberty to take the 
proper steps and do so, provided that any number of recruits so 
obtained from any State within the next three months shall, if 
practicable, l)e an abatement of the quota of volunteers from such 
State under the recent call. Yom's truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

July 22, 1862. — Order Authorizing Employment of 
" Contrabands." 

War Department, Washington, July 22, 1862. 

First. Ordered that military commanders within the States of 
Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, 
Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas, in an orderly manner seize and use 
any property, real or personal, which may be necessary or convenient 
for their several commands, for supplies, or for other military pur- 
poses ; and that while property may be destroyed for proper military 
objects, none shall be destroyed in wantonness or malice. 

Second. That military and naval commanders shall employ as la- 
borers, within and from said States, so many persons of African 
descent as can be advantageously used for military or naval pur- 
poses, giving them reasonable wages for their labor. • 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 213 

Third. That, as to both property and persons of African descent, 
accounts shall be kept sufficiently accurate and in detail to show- 
quantities and amounts, and from whom both property and such 
persons shall have come, as a basis upon which compensation can 
be made in proper cases ; and the several departments of this gov- 
ernment shall attend to and perform their appropriate parts toward 
the execution of these orders. 

By order of the President : 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

July 22, 1862. — Emancipation Proclamation as First 
Submitted to the Cabinet. 

In pursuance of the sixth section of the act of Congress entitled 
"An act to suppress insurrection and to punish treason and rebellion, 
to seize and confiscate property of rebels, and for other pm-poses," 
approved July 17, 18G2, and which act and the joint resolution ex- 
planatory thereof are herewith published, I, A))raliam Lincoln, Presi- 
dent of the United States, do hereby proclaim to and warn all persons 
within the contemplation of said sixth section to cease participating 
in, aiding, countenancing, or abetting the existing rebellion, or any 
rebellion, against the Government of the United States, and to return 
to their proper allegiance to the United States, on pain of the for- 
feitures and seizures as within and by said sixth section provided. 

And I hereby make known that it is my purpose, upon the next 
meeting of Congress, to again recommend the adoption of a practical 
measure for tendering pecuniary aid to the free choice or rejection 
of any and all States which may then be recognizing and practically 
sustaining the authority of the United States, and which may then 
have voluntarily adopted, or tliereafter may voluntarily adopt, grad- 
ual abolishment of slavery within such State or States ; that the 
object is to practically restore, thenceforward to be maintained, the 
constitutional relation between the General Government and each 
and all the States wherein that relation is now suspended or dis- 
turbed; and that for this object the w^ar, as it has boon, will be pros- 
ecuted. And as a fit and necessary military measure for effecting 
this object, I, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the 
United States, do order and declare that on the first day of January, 
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, 
all persons held as slaves within any State or States wherein the con- 
stitutional authority of the United States shall not then be practically 
recognized, submitted to, and maintained, shall then, thenceforward, 
and forever be free. 

July 24, 1862. — Letter to Jaimes Dixon. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 24, 1862. 
Hon. Senator Dixon. 

My dear Sir : The bearer of this, Mr. Bronson Murray, now resi- 
dent in the -fourth district of Connecticut, wishes to be collector 



214 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

for that district. He is my acquaintance and friend of some years' 
standing, whom I would like to oblige, but I should not like to 
appoint him against the wish of yourself and other Union friends 
there. 

Please give the case such attention as you reasonably can, and 
write me. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

July 25, 1862.— Proclamation. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

In pursuance of the sixth section of the act of Congress entitled 
'^ An act to suppress insurrection and to punish treason and rebel- 
lion, to seize and confiscate the property of rebels, and for other 
purposes," approved July 17, 1862, and which act, and the joint res- 
olution explanatory thereof, are herewith published, I, Abraham 
Lincoln, President of the United States, do hereby proclaim to and 
warn all persons within the contemplation of said sixth section to 
cease participating in, aiding, countenancing, or abetting the exist- 
ing rebellion, or any rebellion, against the Government of the 
United States, and to return to their proper allegiance to the United 
States, on pain of the forfeitures and seizures as within and by said 
sixth section provided. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused 
the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-fifth day of 
r 1 July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
[L. S.J gixty-two, and of the independence of the United States the 
eighty-seventh. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



July 26, 1862. — Letter to Reverdy Johnson. 

{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 26, 1862. 
Hon. Reverdy Johnson. 

My dear Sir : Yours of the 16th, by the hand of Governor Shep- 
ley, is received. It seems the Union feeling in Louisiana is being 
crushed out by the course of General Phelps. Please pardon me 
for believing that is a false pretense. The people of Louisiana — 
all intelligent people everywhere — know full well that I never had 
a wish to touch the foundations of their society, or any right of 
theirs. With perfect knowledge of this they forced a necessity upon 
me to send armies among them, and it is their own fault, not mine, 
that they are annoyed by the presence of General Phelps. They 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 215 

also know the remedy — know how to be cured of General Phelps. 
Remove the necessity of his presence. And might it not be well for 
them to consider whether they have not already had time enough to 
do this? If they can conceive of anything worse than General 
Phelps within my power, would they not better be looking out for 
it f They very well know the way to avert all this is simply to take 
their place in the Union upon the old terms. If they will not do 
this, should they not receive harder blows rather than ligliter ones? 
You are ready to say I apply to friends what is due only to enemies. 
I distrust the wisdom if not the sincerity of friends who Avould hold 
my hands while my enemies stab me. This appeal of professed 
friends has paralyzed me more in this struggle than any other one 
thing. You remember telling me, the day after the Baltimore mob 
in April, 1861, that it would crush all Union feeling in Maryland for 
me to attempt bringing troops over Maryland soil to Washington. 
I brought the troops notwithstanding, and yet there was Union feel- 
ing enough left to elect a legislature the next autumn, which in turn 
elected a very excellent Union United States senator ! I am a 
patient man — always willing to forgive on the Christian terms of 
repentance, and also to give ample time for repentance. Still, I 
must save this government, if possible. What I cannot do, of 
course I will not do ; but it may as well be understood, once for all, 
that I shall not surrender this game leaving any available card 
unplayed. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



July 28, 1862. — Letter to Cuthbert Bullitt. 

(Private.) 

Washington, D. C, July 28, 1862. 
Cuthbert Bullitt, Esq., New Orleans, Louisiana. 

Sir : The copy of a letter addressed to yourself by Mr. Thomas J. 
Durant has been shown to me. The writer appears to be an able, 
a dispassionate, and an entirely sincere man. The first part of the 
letter is devoted to an effort to show that the secession ordinance 
of Louisiana was adopted against the will of a majority of the 
people. This is probably true, and in that fact may be found some 
instruction. Why did they allow the ordinance to go into effect? 
Why did they not assert themselves f Why stand passive and allow 
themselves to be trodden down by a minority ? Why did they not 
hold popular meetings and have a convention of their own to ex- 
press and enforce the true sentiment of the State? If preorgani- 
zation was against them then, why not do this now that the United 
States army is present to protect them? The j)'^i"<ilysis — the dead 
palsy — of the government in this whole struggle is, that this class 
of men will do nothing for the government, nothing for themselves, 
except demanding that the government shall not strike its open 
enemies, lest they be struck by accident ! 

Mr. Durant complains that in various ways the relation of mas- 



216 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

ter and slave is disturbed by the presence of oiu'^rmy, and he con- 
siders it particularly vexatious that this, in part, is done under cover 
of an act of Congress, while constitutional guaranties are suspended 
on the plea of military necessity. The truth is, that what is done 
and omitted about slaVes is done and omitted on the same military 
necessity. It is a military necessity to have men and money ; and 
we can get neither in sufficient numbers or amounts if we keep from 
or drive from our lines slaves coming to them. Mr. Durant cannot 
be ignorant of the pressure in this direction, nor of my efforts to 
hold it within bounds till he and such as he shall have time to help 
themselves. 

I am not posted to speak understandingly on all the police regu- 
lations of which Mr. Durant complains. If experience shows any 
one of them to be wrong, let them be set right. I think I can per- 
ceive in the freedom of trade which Mr. Durant urges that he 
would relieve both friends and enemies from the pressure of the 
blockade. By this he would serve the enemy more effectively than 
the enemy is able to serve himself. I do not say or believe that -to 
serve the" enemy is the purpose of Mr. Durant, or that he is con- 
scious of any purpose other than national and patriotic ones. Still, 
if there were a class of men who, having no choice of sides in the 
contest, were anxious only to have quiet and comfort for themselves 
while it rages, and to fall in with the v-ictorious side at the end of 
it without loss to themselves, their ad\dce as to the mode of conduct- 
ing the contest woidd be precisely such as his is. He speaks of no 
duty — apparently thinks of none — resting upon Union men. He 
even thinks it injurious to the Union cause that they should be re- 
strained in trade and passage without taking sides. They are to 
touch neither a sail nor a pump, but to be merely passengers — 
deadheads at that — to be carried snug and dry throughout the 
storm, and safely landed right side up. Nay, more : even a mutineer 
is to go imtouched, lest these sacred passengers receive an accidental 
wound. Of course the rebellion will never be suppressed in Louisi- 
ana if the professed Union men there will neither help to do it nor 
permit the government to do it without their help. Now, I think the 
true remedy is very different from what is suggested by Mr. Diirant. 
It does not' lie in rounding the rough angles of the war, but in re- 
moving the necessity for the war. The people of Louisiana who 
wish protection to person and property have but to reach forth their 
hands and take it. Let them in good faith reinaugurate the national 
authority, and set up a State government confc^rming thereto under 
the Constitution. They know how to do it, and can have the protec- 
tion of the army while doing it. The army will be withdrawn so 
soon as such State government can dispense with its presence ; and 
the people of the State can then, upon the old constitutional terms, 
govern themselves to their own liking. This is very simple and easy. 

If they will not do this — if they prefer to hazard all for the sake 
of destroying the government, it is for them to consider whether 
it is probable I will surrender the government to save them from 
losing all. If they decline what I suggest, you scarcely need to 
ask what I will do. What would you do in my position ? Would 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 217 

you drop the war where it is '1 Or would you prosecute it in future 
with elder-stalk squirts charged with rose-water ? Would you deal 
lighter blows rather thau heavier ones ? Would you give up the 
contest, leaving any available means unapplied? I am in no boast- 
ful mood. I shall not do more than I can, and I shall do all I can, 
to save the government, which is my sworn duty as well as my per- 
sonal inclination. I shall do nothing in malice. What I deal with 
is too vast for malicious dealing. Yom's truly, 

. A. Lincoln. 



July 30, 18G2. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 30, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

*S'//' ; These gentlemen desire some order to facilitate recruiting 
in the city of New York. I think you may safely give them such 
as they desire, making it subject to the approval of the governor 
of the State. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



July 31, 1862. — Letter to August Belmont. 

July 31, 1862. 
[August Belmont, Esq.] 

Dear Sir: You send to IVlr. W an extract from a letter written 

at New Orleans the 9th instant, which is shown to me. You do not 
give the writer's name ; but plainly he is a man of ability, and prob- 
ably of some note. He says : " The time has arrived when Mr. Lin- 
coln must take a decisive course. Trying to please everybody, he 
will satisfy nobody. A vacillating policy in matters of importance 
is the very worst. Now is the time, if ever, for honest men who love 
their country to rally to its support. Why will not the North say 
officially that it wishes for the restoration of the Union as it was?" 

And so, it seems, this is the point on which the writer thinks 
I have no policy. Why will he not read and understand what I 
have said? 

The substance of the very declaration he desires is in the inau- 
gural, in each of the two regular messages to Congress, and in many, 
if not all, the minor documents issued by the Executive since the 
inauguration. 

Broken eggs cannot be mended; but Louisiana has nothing to 
do now but to take her place in the Union as it was, barring the 
already broken eggs. The sooner she does so, the smaller will be 
the amount of that which will be past mending. This government 
cannot much longer play a game in which it stakes all, and its 
enemies stake nothing. Those enemies must understand that they, 
cannot experiment for ten years trying to destroy the government, 
and if they fail still come bnek into the Union unhurt. If they 



218 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

expect in any contingency to ever have the Union as it was, I join 
with the writer in saying, ''Now is the time." 

How much better it would have been for the writer to have gone 
at this, under the protection of the army at New Orleans, than to 
have sat down in a closet writing complaining letters northward ! 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



July 31, 1862. — Letter to J. A. Wright. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 31, 1862. 
Hon. Joseph A. Wright. 

My dear Sir: Our mutual friends R. W. Thompson and John 
P. Usher assure me that they believe you, more certainly than any 
other man, can carry the Terre Haute district for the Union cause. 
Please try. The effort shall not go unappreciated so far as I am 
concerned. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 4, 1862. — Letter to Count Gasparin. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 4, 1862. 
To Count A. de Gasparin. 

Bear Sir: Your very acceptable letter, dated Orbe, Canton de 
Vaud, Switzerland, 18th of July, 1862, is received. The moral effect 
was the worst of the affair before Richmond, and that has run its 
course downward. We are now at a stand, and shall soon be rising 
again, as we hope. I believe it is true that, in men and material, 
the enemy suffered more than we in that series of conflicts, while it 
is certain he is less able to bear it. 

With us every soldier is a man of character, and must be treated 
with more consideration than is customary in Europe. Hence our 
great army, for slighter causes than could have prevailed there, has 
dwindled rapidly, bringing the necessity for a new call earlier than 
was anticipated. We shall easily obtain the new levy, however. 
Be not alarmed if you shall learn that we shall have resorted to 
a draft for part of this. It seems strange even to me, but it is true, 
that the government is now pressed to this course by a popular 
demand. Thousands who wish not to personally enter the service, 
are nevertheless anxious to pay and send substitutes, provided they 
can have assurance that unwilling persons, similarly situated, will 
be compelled to do likewise. Besides this, volunteers mostly choose 
to enter newly forming regiments, while drafted men can be sent 
to fill up the old ones, wherein man for man they are quite doubly 
as valuable. 

You ask, '' Why is it that the North with her great armies so often 
is found with inferiority of numbers face to face with the armies of 
the South?" While I painfully know the fact, a military man — which 
I am not — would better answer the question. The fact, I know, has 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 219 

not been overlooked; and I suppose the cause of its continuance lies 
mainly in the other facts that the enemy holds the interior and we 
the exterior lines ; and that we operate where the people convey in- 
formation to the enemy, while he operates where they convey none 
to us. 

I have received the volume and letter which you did me the honor 
of addressing to me, and for which please accept my sincere thanks. 
You are much admired in America for the ability of your writings, 
and much loved for your generosity to ns and your devotion to 
liberal principles generally. 

You are quite right as to the importance to ns, for its bearing upon 
Europe, that we should achieve military successes, and the same is 
true for us at home as well as abroad. Yet it seems unreasonable 
that a series of successes, extending through half a year, and clear- 
ing more than 100,000 square miles of country, should help us so 
little, while a single half defeat should hurt us so much. But let us 
be patient. 

I am very happy to know that my course has not conflicted with 
your judgment of propriety and policy. I can only say that I have 
acted upon my best convictions, without selfishness or malice, and 
that by the help of God I shall continue to do so. 

Please be assured of my highest respect and esteem. 

A. Lincoln. 



August 6, 1862. — Address at a Union Meeting in Washington. 

Fellow-citizens : I believe there is no precedent for my appearing 
before you on this occasion, but it is also true that there is no pre- 
cedent for your being here yourselves; and I offer, in justification 
of myself and of you, that upon examination I have found nothing 
in the Constitution against it. I, however, have an impression that 
there are younger gentlemen who will entertain you better, and 
better address your understanding, than I will or could ; and there- 
fore I propose to detain you but a moment longer. 

I am very little inclined on any occasion to say anything unless I 
hope to produce some good by it. The only thing I think of just 
now not likely to be better said by some one else, is a matter in which 
we have heard some other persons blamed for what I did myself. 
There has been a very wide-spread attempt to have a quarrel be- 
tween General McClellan and the Secretary of War. Now, I occupy 
a position that enables me to observe that these two gentlemen are 
not nearly so deep in the quarrel as some pretending to be their 
friends. General McClellan's attitude is such that, in the very sel- 
fishness of his nature, he cannot but wish to be successful, and I 
hope he will; and the Secretary of War is in precisely the same 
situation. If the military commanders in the field cannot be suc- 
cessful, not only the Secretary of War, but myself, — for the time 
being the master of them both, — cannot but be failures. I know 
General McClellan wishes to be successful, and I know he does 
not wish it any more than the Secretary of War for him, and both 



220 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

of them together no more tliau I wish it. Sometimes we have a dis- 
pute about how many men General MeClellan has had, and" those 
who woukl disparage him say that he has had a very large number, 
and those who would disparage the Secretary of War insist that 
General MeClellan has had a very small number. The basis for 
this is, there is always a wide difference, and on this occasion per- 
haps a wider one than usual, between the grand total on McClellan's 
rolls and the men actually fit for duty; and those who would dispar- 
age him talk of the grand total on paper, and those who would dis- 
parage the Secretary of War talk of those at present fit for duty. 
General MeClellan has sometimes asked for things that the Secretary 
of War did not give him. General MeClellan is not to blame for 
asking for what he wanted and needed, and the Secretary of War 
is not to blame for not giving when he had none to give. And 1 
say here, as far as I know, the Secretary of War has withheld no 
one thing at any time in my power to give him. I have no accusa- 
tion against him. I believe he is a brave and able man, and I stand 
here, as justice requires me to do, to take upon myself what has 
been charged on the Secretary of War, as withholding from him. 

I have talked longer than I expected to do, and now I avail myself 
of my privilege of saying no more. 



August 7, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, August 7, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

3[y dear Sir : I have signed and herewith [return] the papers sent 
yesterday for Vermont, New Hampshire, and Michigan, except in 
the three cases of departure from the congressional recommenda- 
tions, which, with the brief, I hold to examine a little. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

August -8, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 8, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

Sir : I have signed the paper forming the districts for Rhode 
Island and Connecticut, and herewith return it. Also two of the 
commissions for Connecticut ; the others are fiercely contested. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

August 9, 1862.— Letter to J. M. Clay. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 9, 1862. 
Mr. John M. Clay. 

My dear Sir : The snuff-box you sent, with the accompanying note, 
was received yesterday. Thanks for this memento of your great 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 221 

and patriotic father. Thanks also for the assurance that, in these 
days of dereliction, you remain true to his principles. In the con- 
current sentiment of your venerable mother, so long the partner of 
his bosom and his honors, and lingering now where he was but for 
the call to rejoin him where he is, I recognize his voice, speaking, as 
it ever spoke, for the Union, the Constitution, and the freedom of 
mankind. Your obedient servant, * Lincoln 



August 11, 1862. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. 

Washington, August 11, 1862. 
Major-General Burnside : 

Has King's division, in part or in whole, joined Pope yet? 

A. Lincoln. 

August 12, 1862. — Telegram to General S. R. Curtis. 

Washington, D. C, August 12, 1862. 
Major-General Curtis, St. Louis, Missouri : 

Would the completion of the railroad some distance farther in the 
direction of Springfield, Mo., be of any military advantage to you ? 
Please answer. ^ Lincoln. 

August 12, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 12, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan. 

My dear Sir : It seems that several young lieutenants, of whom 
Charles L. Noggle and George A. Rowley are two, have been cash- 
iered by court martial for misconduct at the battle of June 27th. 
The records in the cases of the two named are now before me. I 
suppose that the law and the nature of the service required it ; but 
these cases seem hard. I inclose the copy of an informal letter by 
the judge-advocate in regard to them generally. I shall be obliged 
if you and the regimental officers can, consistently with your sense 
of duty to the service, act upon the suggestions of the judge-advo- 
cate's letter. I am very unwilling for these young men to be ruined 
for so slight causes. Yours truly, . j y^.p^^ ^, 

August 12, 1862.— Letter to C. M. Clay. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 12, 1862. 
Hon. Cassius M. Clay. 

Mij dear Sir : I learn that you would not disUke returning to 
Russia as minister plenipotentiary. You were not recalled for any 



222 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

fault of yours, but, as I understood, it was done at your own request. 
Of course there is no personal objection to your reappointment. 
Still, General Cameron cannot be recalled except at his request. 

Some conversation passing between him and myself renders it 
due that he should not resign without free notice of my intention 
to appoint you. If he resign with such full knowledge and under- 
standing, I shall be quite willing, and even gratified, to again send 
you to Russia. Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 12, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 12, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of War: 

Mrs. Baird tells me that she is a widow ; that her two sons and 
only support joined the army, where one of them still is; that her 
other son, Isaac P. Baird, is a private in the Seventy-second Penn- 
sylvania Volunteers — Baxter's Fire Zouaves, Company K; that he 
is now under guard with his regiment on a charge of desertion ; that 
he was under arrest for desertion, so that he could not take the 
benefit of returning under the proclamation on that subject. Please 
have it ascertained if this is correct, and if it is, let him be discharged 
from arrest and go to duty. I think, too, he should have his pay for 
duty actually performed. Loss of pay falls so hard upon poor 
families. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 14, 1862. — Address on Colonization to a Deputation 

OF Colored Men. 

Washington, Thursday, August 14, 1862. 

This afternoon the President of the United States gave an audience 
to a committee of colored men at the White House. They were 
introduced by Rev. J. Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigration. E. M. 
Thomas, the chairman, remarked that they were there by invita- 
tion to hear what the Executive had to say to them. 

Having all been seated, the President, after a few preliminary 
observations, informed them that a sum of money had been appro- 
priated by Congress, and placed at his disposition, for the purpose 
of aiding the colonization in some country of the people, or a portion 
of them, of African descent, thereby making it his duty, as it had 
for a long time been his inclination, to favor that cause. And why, 
he asked, should the people of your race be colonized, and where? 
Why should they leave this country? This is, perhaps, the first 
question for proper consideration. You and we are different races. 
We have between us a broader difference than exists between almost 
any other two races. Whether it is right or wrong I need not dis- 
cuss ; but this physical difference is a great disadvantage to us both, 
as I think. Your race suffer very greatly, many of them, by liv- 






LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 223 

ing among us, while ours suffer from your presence. In a word, 
we suffer on each side. If this is admitted, it affords a reason, 
at least, why we should be separated. You here are freemen, I 
suppose ? 

A voice: Yes, sir. 

The President: Perhaps you have long been free, or all your 
lives. Your race is suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong 
inflicted on any people. But even when you cease to be slaves, you 
are yet far removed from being placed on an equality with the white 
race. You are cut off from many of tlie advantages which the other 
race enjoys. The aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with the 
best when free, but on this broad continent not a single man of 
your race is made the equal of a single man of ours. Go where you 
are treated the best, and the ban is still upon you. I do not propose 
to discuss this, but to present it as a fact with which we have to 
deal. I cannot alter it if I would. It is a fact about which we all 
think and feel alike, I and you. We look to our condition. Owing 
to the existence of the two races on this continent, I need not recount 
to you the effects upon white men, growing out of the institution of 
slavery. 

I believe in its general evil effects on the white race. See our pres- 
ent condition — the country engaged in war — our white men cutting 
one another's throats — none knowing how far it will extend — and 
then consider what we know to be the truth. But for your race 
among us there could not be war, although many men engaged on 
either side do not care for you one way or the other. Neverthe- 
less, I repeat, without the institution of slavery, and the colored race 
as a basis, the war could not have an existence. It is better for us 
both, therefore, to be separated. I know that there are free men 
among you who, even if they could better their condition, are not as 
much inclined to go out of the country as those who, being slaves, 
could obtain their freedom on this condition. I suppose one of the 
principal difficulties in the way of colonization is that the free colored 
man cannot see that his comfort would be advanced by it. You may 
believe that you can live in Washing-ton, or elsewhere in the United 
States, the remainder of your life as easily, perhaps more so, than 
you can in any foreign country; and hence you may come to the 
conclusion that you have nothing to do with the idea of going to a 
foreign country. 

This is (I speak in no unkind sense) an extremely selfish view of 
the case. You ought to do something to help those who are not so 
fortunate as yourselves. There is an unwillingness on the part of our 
people, harsh as it may be, for you free colored people to remain 
with us. Now, if you could give a start to the white people, you 
would open a wide door for many to be made free. If we deal with 
those who are not free at the beginning, and whose intellects are 
clouded by slavery, we have very poor material to start with. If 
intelligent colored men, such as are before me, would move in this 
matter, much might be aecom])lished. It is exceedingly important 
that we have men at the beginning capable of thinking as white 
men, and not those who have been systematically oppressed. There 



224 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

is niiicli to encourage you. For the sake of your race you should 
sacrifice something of your present comfort for the purpose of being 
as grand in that respect as the white people. It is a cheering thought 
throughout life, that something can be done to ameliorate the condi- 
tion of those who have been subject to the hard usages of the world. 
It is difficult to make a man miserable while he feels he is worthy 
of himself and claims kindred to the great God who made him. In 
the American Revolutionary war sacrifices were made by men en- 
gaged in it, but they were cheered by the future. General Washing- 
ton himself endured greater physical hardships than if he had 
remained a British subject, yet he was a happy man' because he was 
engaged in benefiting his race, in doing something for the children 
of his neighbors, having none of his own. 

The colony of Liberia has been in existence a long time. In a 
certain sense it is a success. The old President of Liberia, Roberts, 
has just been with me — the first time I ever saw him. He says they 
have within the bounds of that colony between three and four hun- 
dred thousand people, or more than in some of our old States, such as 
Rhode Island or Delaware, or in some of our newer States, and less 
than in some of our larger ones. They are not all American colonists 
or their descendants. Something less than 12,000 have been sent 
thither from this country. Many of the original settlers have died ; 
yet, like people elsewhere, their offspring outnumber those deceased. 
The question is, if the colored people are persuaded to go anywhere, 
why not there? 

One reason for unwillingness to do so is that some of you would 
rather remain within reach of the country of your nativity. I do 
not know how much attachment you may have toward our race. It 
does not strike me that you have the greatest reason to love them. 
But still you are attached to them, at all events. 

The place I am thinking about for a colony is in Central America. 
It is nearer to us than Liberia — not much more than one fourth as 
far as Liberia, and within seven days' run by steamers. Unlike 
Liberia, it is a great line of travel — it is a highway. The country 
is a very excellent one for any people, and with great natural re- 
sources and advantages, and especially because of the similarity of 
climate with your native soil, thus being suited to your physical con- 
dition. The particular place I have in view is to be a great highway 
from the Atlantic or Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean, and this 
particular place has all the advantages for a colony. On both sides 
there are harbors — among the finest in the world. Again, there is 
evidence of very rich coal-mines. A certain amount of coal is valu- 
able in any country. Why I attach so much importance to coal is, 
it will afford an opportunity to the inhabitants for immediate em- 
ployment till they get ready to settle permanently in their homes. 
If you take colonists where there is no good landing, there is a bad 
show; and so where there is nothing to cultivate and of which to 
make a farm. But if something is started so that you can get your 
daily bread as soon as you reach there, it is a great advantage. 
Coal land is the best thing I know of with which to commence an 
enterprise. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 225 

To return — you have been talked to upon this subject, and told 
that a speculation is intended by "i^entlenien who have an interest 
in the country, including the coal-mines. We have been mistaken 
all our lives if we do not know whites, as well as blacks, look to 
their self-interest. Unless among those deficient of intellect, every- 
body you trade with makes something. You meet with these things 
here and everywhere. If such persons have what will be an advan- 
tage to them, the question is, whether it cannot be made of advan- 
tage to you'? You are intelligent, and know that success does not so 
much depend on external help as on self-reliance. Much, therefore, 
depends upon yourselves. As to the coal-mines, I think I see the 
means available for your self-reliance. I shall, if I get a sufficient 
number of you engaged, have provision made that you sliall not 
be wronged. If you will engage in the enterprise, I will spend 
some of the money intrusted to me. I am not sure you will succeed. 
The government may lose the money ; but we cannot succeed unless 
we try ; and we think, with care, we can succeed. The political 
affairs in Central America are not in quite as satisfactory a condi- 
tion as I wish. There are contending factions in that quarter ; but, 
it is true, all the factions are agreed alike on the subject of colo- 
nization, and want it, and are more generous than we are here. 

To your colored race they have no objection. I would endeavor 
to have you made the equals, and have the best assurance that 
you should be, the equals of the best. 

The practical thing I want to ascertain is, whether I can get a 
number of able-bodied men, with their wives and children, who are 
willing to go when I present evidence of encouragement and pro- 
tection. Could I get a hundred tolerably intelligent men, with their 
wives and children, and able to '' cut their own fodder," so to speak ! 
Can I have fifty'? If I could find twenty-five able-bodied men, with 
a mixture of women and children, — good things in the family rela- 
tion, I think, — I could make a successful commencement. I 
want you to let me know whether this can be done or not. This 
is the practical part of my wish to see you. These are subjects 
of very great importance — worthy of a month's study, instead of 
a speech delivered in an hour. I ask you, then, to consider seri- 
ously, not pertaining to yourselves merely, nor for your race and 
ours for the present time, but as one of the things, if successfully 
managed, for the good of mankind — not confined to the present 
generation, but as 

From age to age descends the lay 

To millions yet to be. 
Till far its echoes roll away 

Into eternity. 

The above is merely given as the substance of the President's 
remarks. 

The chairman of the delegation briefly replied that they would 
hold a consultation, and in a short time give an answer. 

The President said: Take your full time — no hurry at all. 

The delegation then withdrew. 
Vol. II.— 15. 



226 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

August 14, 1862. — Note to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 14, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

Sir : I have signed aud herewith return the tax commissions for 
Connecticut, except two, in which I substituted Henry Hammond for 
Rufus S. Mather, and David F. Hollister for Frederick S. Wildman. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

August 14, 1862. — Note to Secretary Chase. 

ExECUTi\^ Mansion, Washington, August 14, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

Sir : I have signed and herewith send the New Jersey tax com- 
missions, so far as laid before me. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 16, 1862. — Letter to Gt. P. Fisher. 

Executfvt: Mansion, Washington, August 16, 1862. 
Hon. George P. Fisher. 

311/ dear Sir : I was painfully surprised by your letter, handed 
me by the Postmaster-General, because the Secretary of War, who 
saw you after I did, had assured me that you and accompanying 
friends were fully satisfied with what he had undertaken to do. 
Since receiving your letter I have seen him again, and he again as- 
sures me that such was his understanding. I went over your eight 
points with him to see which lie accepted, aud which he rejected. 

He rejects that about postponing drafting till the 15th of Sep- 
tember. 

He accepts that about the Third Delaware Regiment. 

He accepts that about Colonel Grimshaw's regiment. 

He accepts that about the battery of artillery, if it be the battery 
heretofore authorized. 

He accepts that about the battalion of cavalry. 

He accepts that about forces remaining in the State. 

He rejects that about drafting being made under the marshal of 
the district. He thinks he could not be justified to thus snub the 
governor, who is apparently doing right ; but he will at once check 
anything which may be apparently wrong. 

He accepts that about appointing officers by the War Depart- 
ment, unless some serious and now vmforeseen obstacle shall be 
presented. 

I do hope you will be able to get along upon this. The secretary 
feels very sure that Judge Gilpin thinks you can. I mean this as 
a private letter, but I am quite willing for you to show it to Judge 
Gilpin. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 227 

I do hope you will not indulge a thought which will admit of your 
saying the administration turns you over to the fury of your enemies. 

You certainly know I wish you success as much as you can wish 
it yourself. Your friend, as ever, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 18, 1862. — Note of Introduction. 

The Secretary of the Treasury and the Commissioner of Internal 
Revenue will please see Mr. Talcott, one of the best men there is, 
and, if any difference, one they would like better than they do me. 

A 4. 1 o 1 one A. Lincoln. 

August 18, 1862. 

August 19, 1862. — Memorandum. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 19, 1862. 
To-day Hon. Mr. Steele, of New York, comes and expresses great 
anxiety that William Martin may be appointed collector in the dis- 
trict including Ulster County. He says Mr. Martin is a Republican, 
but one to whom he (Mr. Steele) is under personal obligations. 
Mr. Steele fully explains about indictments. 



r 



August 22, 1862, — Letter to Horace Greeley. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 22, 1862. 
Hon. Horace Greeley. 

Dea)' Sir: I have just read yours of the 19th, addressed to myself 
through the New York '' Tribune." If there be in it any statements 
or assumptions of fact which I may know to be erroneous, I do not, 
now and here, controvert them. If there be in it any inferences which 
I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not, now and here, argue 
against them. If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dicta- 
torial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend whose heart I 
have always supposed to be right. 

As to the policy I " seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not 
meant to leave any one in doubt. 

I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under 
the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored, 
the nearer the Union will be " the Union as it was." If there be 
those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same 
time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who 
would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy 
slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object in this 
struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy 
slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would 
do it ; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it ; 
and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I 
would also do that. What I do about slavery aud the colored race, 



^ 



228 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

I do because I believe it helps to save the Union ; and what I for- 
bear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the 
Union. \ I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing 
hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing 
more will help the cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown 
to be errors, and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear 
to be true views. 

I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official 
duty; and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal 
wish that all men everywhere could be free. 

Yours, A. Lincoln. ; 

-7 

August 27, 1862. — Memorandum. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 27, 1862. 

To-day Hon. F. A. Conkling asks that Marshal B. Blake be col- 
lector in the Sixth District, instead of the Seventh as recom- 
mended. The Sixth is Mr. Conkling's, and Mr. Blake resides in the 
Sixth and not in the Seventh. On something I said to Mr. Conk- 
ling, he did not get up recommendation of Mr. Blake. 

Says both are good men — Blake has never had anything. Orton 
has an office of $1200 in same district. Is for Blake. Says Orton 
could go to Seventh. 

August 27, 1862. — Letter to W. Talcott. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 27, 1862. 
Hon. Washington Talcott. 

3Iy dear Sir : I have determined to appoint you collector. I now 
have a very special request to make of you, which is, that you will 
make no war upon Mr. Washburne^ who is also my friend, and of 
longer standing than yourself. I will even be obliged if you can do 
something for him if occasion presents. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

August 27, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Eamsey. 

Executive Mansion, August 27, 1862. 
G-OVERNOR Ramsey, St. Paul, Minnesota : 

Yours received. Attend to the Indians. If the draft cannot pro- 
ceed, of course it will not proceed. Necessity knows no law. The 
government cannot extend the time. j^ Lincoln 

August 27, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington City, August 27, 1862. 4 p.m. 
Major-General McClellan, Alexandria, Virginia : 

What news from the front ? A. Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 229 

August 29, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington, August 29, 1862. 2.30 p. m. 
Major-General McClellan : 
What news from directiou of Manassas Junction? What gen- 

^^^">'"^ A. Lincoln. 

August 29, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington, August 29, 1862. 4.10 p. m. 
Major-General McClellan : 

Yours of to-day just received. I think your first alternative — to 
wit, " to concentrate all our available forces to open communication 
with Pope" — is the right one, but I wish not to control. That I now 
leave to General Halleck, aided by your counsels. » j tnpot n 

August 31, 1862. — Telegram to General J. T. Boyle, 

War Department, August 31, 1862. 
General Boyle, LouisviUe, Kentucky: 

What force and what the numbers of it which General Nelson 
had in the engagement near Richmond yesterday °? a t jxpot m 

September 3, 1862. — Order to General H. W. Halleck. 

Washington, D. C, September 3, 1862. 
Ordered, that the general-in-chief, Major-General Halleck, imme- 
diately commence, and proceed with all possible despatch, to or- 
ganize an army, for active operations, from all the material within 
and coming within his control, independent of the forces he may 
deem necessary for the defense of Washington when such active 
army shall take the field. 
By order of the President : 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

[Indorsement.] 
Copy delivered to Major-General Halleck, September 3, 1862, at 
^^ ^- ^^' E. D. ToWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

September 4, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 4, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Sir : There are special reasons, as I suppose, why James Bowen 
of New York should be appointed a brigadier-general. Please hear 
tlie particulars from Governor Seward. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



230 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

September 7, 1862.— Telegram to General H. G. Wright. 

War Department, Washington, D. C, September 7, 1862. 
General Wright, Cincinnati, Ohio : 

Do you know to any certainty where General Bragg is f May he 
not be in Virginia"? ^ Lincoln. 

September 7, 1862. — Telegram to General J. T. Boyle. 

War Department, Washington, D. C, September 7, 1862. 
General Boyle, Louisville, Kentucky : 
Where is General Bragg ? What do you know on the subject ? 

A. Lincoln. 

September 7, 1862. — Telegram to General J. E. Wool. 

War Department, Washington, D. C, September 7, 1862. 
Major-General Wool, Baltimore : 

What about Harper's Ferry? Do you know anything about it? 
How certain is your information about Bragg being in tlie valley of 
the Shenandoah? A.Lincoln. 

September 8, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington, D. C, September 8, 1862. 5 p. m. 
Major-General McClellan, Rockville, Maryland: 

How does it look now ? » t ^^.^^^ ^^ 

ii.. IdNCOLN. 

September 8, 1862. — Telegram to General D. C. Buell. 

War Department, Washington, 

September 8, 1862. 7.20 P. M. 
General Buell : 

What degree of certainty have you that Bragg, with his command, 
is not now in the valley of the Shenandoah, Virginia ? 

A, Lincoln. 

September 9, 1862. — Telegram to T. Webster. 

Washington, September 9, 1862. 
Thomas Webster, Philadelphia : 

Your despatch received, and referred to General Halleck, who must 
control the questions presented. While I am not surprised at your 
anxiety, I do not think you are in any danger. If half our troops 
were in Philadelphia, the enemy could take it, because he would not 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 231 

fear to leave the other lialf in his rear ; but with the whole of them 
here, he dares not leave them in his rear. 

A. Lincoln. 

September 10, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

War Department, Washington City, 

September 10, 1862. 10.15 a. m. 
Major-General McClellan, RockviUe, Maryland: 
How does it look now ? 

A. Lincoln. 

September 11, 1862. — Letter to Governor Curtin. 

War Department, Washington, D. C, September 11, 1862. 
His Excellency Andrew G. Curtin, 

Governor of Pennsylvania, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. 
Sir: The application made to me by your adjutant-general for 
authority to call out the militia of the State of Pennsylvania has 
received careful consideration. It is my anxious desire to afford, as 
far as possible, the means and power of the Federal Government to 
protect the State of Pennsylvania from invasion by the rebel forces; 
and since, in your judgment, the militia of the State are required, 
and have been called upon by you, to organize for home defense and 
protection, I sanction the call that you have made, and will receive 
them into the service and pay of the United States to the extent they 
can be armed, equipped, and usefully employed. The arms and 
equipments now belonging to the General Government will be 
needed for the troops called out for the national armies, so that 
arms can only be furnished for the quota of militia furnished by 
the draft of nine months' men, heretofore ordered. But as arms 
may be supplied by the militia under your call, these, with the 
30,000 in your arsenal, will probably be sufficient for the purpose 
contemplated by your call. You will be authorized to provide such 
equipments as may be required, according to the regulations of the 
United States service, which, upon being turned over to the United 
States Quartermaster's Department, will be paid for at regulation 
prices, or the rates allowed by the department for such articles. 
Railroad transportation will also be paid for, as in other cases. 
Such general officers will be supplied as the exigencies of the ser- 
vice will permit. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

September 11, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Curtin. 

Washington, September 11, 1862. 12 m. 
Hon. Andrew G. Curtin : 

Please tell me at once what is your latest news from or toward 
Hagerstown, or of the enemy's movements in any direction. 

A. Lincoln. 



232 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



September 11, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Executive Mansion, Washington City, 

September 11, 1862. 6 P. M. 
Major-General McClellan : 

This is explanatory. If Porter, Heintzelman, and Si gel were sent 
you, it would sweep everything from the other side of the river, be- 
cause the new troops have been distributed among them, as I under- 
stand. Porter reports himself 21,000 strong, which can only be by 
the addition of new troops. He is ordered to-night to join you as 
quickly as possible. I am for sending you all that can be spared, 
and I hope others can follow Porter very soon. 

A. Lincoln. 

September 12, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington City, D. C, September 12, 1862. 4 a. m. 

Major-General McClellan, Clarksburg, Maryland : 

How does it look now ? 

A. Lincoln. 

September 12, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Curtin. 

War Department, Washington, D. C, 

September 12, 1862. 10.35 a. m. 
Hon. Andrew G. Curtin, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania : 

Your despatch asking for 80,000 disciplined troops to be sent to 
Pennsylvania is received. Please consider we have not to exceed 
80,000 disciplined troops, properly so called, this side of the moun- 
tains; and most of them, with many of the new regiments, are now 
close in the rear of the enemy supposed to be invading Pennsyl- 
vania. Start half of them to Harrisburg, and the enemy will turn 
upon and beat the remaining half, and then reach Harrisburg be- 
fore the part going there, and beat it too when it comes. The best 
possible security for Pennsylvania is putting the strongest force 
possible in rear of the enemy. 

A. Lincoln. 

September 12, 1862. — Telegram to General H. G. Wright. 

United States Military Telegraph, 

Washington, September 12, 1862. 

Ma.jor-General Wright, Cincinnati, Ohio : 

I am being appealed to from Louisville against your withdrawing 
troops from that place. While I cannot pretend to judge of the pro- 
priety of what you are doing, you would much oblige me by fur- 
nishing me a rational answer to make to the governor and others at 

I^«"i«^ille- A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 233 

September 12, 1862. — Telegram to General J. T. Boyle. 

Washington, September 12, 1862. 
Major-General Boyle, Louisville, Kentucky : 

Your despatch of last evening received. Where is the enemy which 
you dread in Louisville ? How near to j^ou? What is General Gil- 
bert's opinion f With all possible respect for you, 1 must think 
General Wright's military opinion is the better. He is as much re- 
sponsible for Louisville as for Cincinnati. General Halleck tele- 
graphed him on this very subject yesterday, and I telegraph him 
now ; but for us here to control him there on the ground would be 
a babel of confusion which would be utterly ruinous. Where do 
you understand Buell to be, and what is he doing? 

A. Lincoln. 



September 12, 1862. — Telegram to A. Henry. 

War Department, Washington, D. C, 

September 12, 1862. 
Hon. Alexander Henry, Philadelphia : 

Yours of to-day received. General Halleck has made the best pro- 
vision he can for generals in Pennsylvania. Please do not be of- 
fended when I assure you that in my confident belief Philadelphia 
is in no danger. Governor Curtin has just telegraphed me : 

I have advices that Jackson is crossing the Potomac at Williamsport, and 
probably the whole rebel army will be drawn from Maryland. 

At all events, Philadelphia is more than 150 miles from Hagers- 
towu, and could not be reached by the rebel army in ten days, if no 
hindrance was interposed. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 12, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington City, D. C, September 12, 1862. 5.45 p. m. 
Major-General McClellan : 
Governor Curtin telegraphs me : 

I have advices that Jackson is crossing the Potomac at Williamsport, and 
probably the whole rebel army will be drawn from Maryland. 

Receiving nothing from Harper's Ferry or Martinsburg to-day, 
and positive infin-mation from Wheeling that the line is cut, cor- 
roborates the idea that the enemy is reerossing the Potomac. Please 
do not let him get oif without being hurt. 

A. Lincoln. 



234 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

September 13, 1862.— Reply to a Committee from the Reli- 
gious Denominations of Chicago, asking the President to 
ISSUE A Proclamation of Emancipation. 

The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I have 
thought much for weeks past, and I may even say for months. I 
am approached with the most opposite opinions and advice, and 
that by religious men who are equally certain that they represent 
the divine will. I am sure that either the one or the other class is 
mistaken in that belief, and perhaps in some respects both. I hope 
it will not be irreverent for me to say that if it is probable that God 
would reveal his will to others on a point so connected with my 
duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it directly to me ; for, 
unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my ear- 
nest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter. And if I 
can learn what it is, I will do it. These are not, however, the days 
of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to ex- 
pect a direct revelation. I must study the plain physical facts of 
the case, ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be 
wise and right. 

The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance, 
the other day four gentlemen of standing and intelligence from 
New York called as a delegation on business connected with the war ; 
but, before leaving, two of them earnestly beset me to proclaim gen- 
eral emancipation, upon which the other two at once attacked them. 
You know also that the last session of Congress had a decided major- 
ity of antislavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy. And 
the same is true of the religious people. Why, the rebel soldiers are 
praying with a great deal more earnestness, I fear, than our own 
troops, and expecting God to favor their side ; for one of our soldiers 
who had been taken prisoner told Senator Wilson a few days since 
that he met with nothing so discouraging as the evident sincerity of 
those he was among in their prayers. But we will talk over the 
merits of the case. 

What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, 
especially as we are now situated "? I do not want to issue a document 
that the whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like 
the Pope's bull against the comet. Would m,y word free the slaves, 
when I cannot even enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? Is 
there a single court, or magistrate, or individual that would be in- 
fluenced by it there ? And what reason is there to think it would 
have any greater effect upon the slaves than the late law of Con- 
gress, which I approved, and which offers protection and freedom 
to the slaves of rebel masters who come within our lines ? Yet I 
cannot learn that that law has caused a single slave to come over to 
us. And suppose they could be induced by a proclamation of free- 
dom from me to throw themselves upon us, what should we do with 
them ? How can we feed and care for such a multitude ? General 
Butler wrote me a few days since that he was issuing more rations 
to the slaves who have rushed to him than to all the white troops 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 235 

under his command. They eat, and that is all; though it is true 
General Butler is feeding the whites also by the thousand, for it 
nearly amounts to a famine there. If, now, the pressure of the war 
should call off our forces from New Orleans to defend some other 
point, what is to prevent the masters from reducing the blacks to 
slavery again ? For I am told that whenever the rebels take any black 
prisoners, free or slave, they immediately auction them off. They 
did so with those they took from a boat that was aground in the 
Tennessee River a few days ago. And then I am very ungenerously 
attacked for it ! For instance, when, after the late battles at and I 
near Bull Run, an expedition went out from Washington under a', 
flag of truce to bury the dead and bring in the wounded, and the/ 
rebels seized the blacks who went along to help, and sent them into 
slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the government would 
probably do nothing about it. What could I do ? 

Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good 
would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? 
Understand, I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional 
grounds ; for, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time 
of war I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best 
subdue the enemy ; nor do I ui'ge objections of a moral nature, in 
view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the 
South. I view this matter as a practical war measure, to be decided 
on according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the 
suppression of the rebellion. 

I admit that slavery is the root of the rebellion, or at least its sine 
qua non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to 
act, but they would have been impotent without slavery as their in- 
strument. I will also concede that emancipation would help us in 
Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more 
than ambition. I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the 
North, though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent 
imagine. Still, some additional strength would be added in that 
way to the war, and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the rebels 
by drawing off their laborers, which is of great importance ; but I 
am not so sure we could do much with the blacks. If we were to arm 
them, I fear that in a few weeks the arms Avould be in the hands of 
the rebels; and, indeed, thus far we have not had arms enough to 
equip our white troops. I will mention another thing, though it meet 
only your scorn and contempt. There are fifty thousand bayonets 
in the Union armies from the border slave States. It would be a 
serious matter if, in consequence of a proclamation such as you de- 
sire, they should go over to the rebels. I do not think they all 
would — not so many, indeed, as a year ago, or as six months ago — 
not so many to-day as yesterday. Every day increases their Union 
feeling. They are also getting their pride enlisted, and want to 
beat the rebels. Let me say one thing more : I think you should 
admit that we already have an important principle to rally and unite 
the people, in the fact that constitutional government is at stake. 
This is a fundamental idea going down about as deep as anything. 

Do not misunaerstand me because I have mentioned these objec- 



236 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN" 

tions. They indicate tbe difSculties that have thus far prevented my 
action in some such way as you desh'e. I have not decided against 
a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under 
advisement ; and I can assure you that the subject is on my mind, 
by day and nig'ht, more than any other. Whatever shall appear to 
be Grod's will, I will do. I trust that in the freedom with which I 
have canvassed your views I have not in any respect injured your 
feelings. 



September 14, 1862. — Telegram to Gteneral H. G. Wright. 

War Department, Washington, D. C, September 14, 1862. 
General Wright, Cincinnati, Ohio: 

Thanks for your despatch. Can you not pursue the retreating 
enemy, and relieve Cumberland Gap? ^ Lincoln 

September 15, 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

War Department, Washington, September 15, 1862. 2.45 p. m. 
Major-General McClellan : 

Your despatch of to-day received. God bless you, and all with 
you. Destroy the rebel army if possible. ^ Lincoln 

September 15, 1862. — Telegram to J. K. Dubois. 

Washington, D. C, September 15, 1862. 3 p. m. 
Hon. J, K. Dubois, Springfield, Illinois : 

I now consider it safe to say that General McClellan has gained a 
great victory over the great rebel army in Maryland, between Fred- 
ericktown and Hagerstown. He is now pursuing the flying foe. 

A. Lincoln. 

September 16, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Curtin. 

Washington, D. C, September 16, 1862. Noon. 
Governor Curtin, Harrisburg: 

What do you hear from General McClellan's army? We have 
nothing from him to-day. j^ Lincoln. 

September 16, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Curtin. 

Washington, D. C, September 16, 1862. 2.35 p. m. 
Governor Curtin : 

Since telegraphing you, despatch came from General McClellan, 
dated seven o'clock this morning. Nothing of importance happened 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 237 

with him yesterday. This moniiiig he was up with the enemy at 
yharpsburg, aud was waiting for heavy fog to rise. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 22, 1862. — Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, 
and commander-in-chief of the army and navy thereof, do hereby 
proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be 
prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional 
relation between the United States and each of the States, and the 
people thereof, in which States that relation is or may be suspended 
or disturbed. 

That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to 
again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering 
pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, 
so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against 
the United States, and which States may then have volnntarily 
adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual 
abolishment of slavery within their respective limits ; and that the 
eifort to colonize persons of African descent with their consent upon 
this continent or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of 
the governments existing there, will be continued. 

That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves 
within any State or designated part of a State the people whereof 
shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, 
thenceforward, and forever free ; and the Executive Government of 
the United States, including the military and naval authority there- 
of, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, tind will 
do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any 
efforts they may make for their actual freedom. 

That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by 
proclamation designate the States and parts of States, if anv, in 
which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion 
against the United States ; and the fact that any State, or the people 
thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Con- 
gress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections 
wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have 
participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, 
be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, 
are not then in rebellion against the United States. 

That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress entitled ''An 
act to make an additional article of war," approved March 13, 1862, 
and which act is in the words and figure following : 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Uuitt'd 
States of America in Congress assembled. That hereafter the following shall 



238 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

be promulgated as an additional article of war, for the government of the 
army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such : 

Article — . All officers or persons in the military or naval service of 
the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under 
their respective commands for the purpose of retiu-ning fugitives from ser- 
vice or labor who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service 
or labor is claimed to be due ; and any officer who shall be found gvdlty by 
a court martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service. 

Sec. 2. And be it fui-ther enacted. That this act shall take effect from 
and after its passage. 

Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled '^An act to sup- 
press insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and confis- 
cate property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved July 17, 
1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following: 

Sec. 9. And be it further enacted. That all slaves of persons who shall 
hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the Government of the United 
States, or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from 
such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army ; and all slaves 
captured from such persons or deserted by them, and coming under the 
control of the Government of the United States ; and all slaves of such per- 
sons found on [or] being within any place occupied by rebel forces and 
afterwards occupied by Ithe forces of the United States, shall be deemed 
captives of war, and shall be forever free of their servitude, and not again 
held as slaves. 

Sec 10. And be it further enacted, That no slave escaping into any 
State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other State, shall be 
delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for 
crime, or some offense against the laws, unless the person claiming said 
fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the labor or service 
of such fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, and has not borne 
arms against the United States in the present rebellion, nor in any way 
given aid and comfort thereto ; and no person engaged in the military or 
naval service of the United States shall, under any pretense whatever, 
assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any person to the service 
or labor of any other person, or sm-render up anj^ such person to the 
claimant, on pain of being dismissed from the service. 

And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the 
military and naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and 
enforce, within their respective spheres of service, the act and sec- 
tions above recited. 

And the Executive will in due time recommend that all citizens of 
the United States who shall have remained loyal thereto throughout 
the rebellion shall (upon the restoration of the constitutional relation 
between the United States and their respective States and people, if 
that relation shall have been suspended or disturbed) be compensated 
for all losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-second day 
of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
[l. s.] hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence of the 
United States the eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 239 

September 24, 1862. — Proclamation Suspending the Writ of 

Habeas Corpus. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas it has become necessary to call into service not only 
volunteers, but also portions of the militia of the States by draft, 
in order to suppress the insurrection existing in the United States, 
and disloyal persons are not adequately restrained by the ordinary 
processes of law from hindering this measure, and from giving aid 
and comfort in various ways to the insuTreetiou : 

Now, therefore, l)e it ordered — - .^ 

First. That during the existing insurrection, and as a necessary 
measure for suppressing the same, all rebels and insurgents, their 
aiders and abettors within the United States, and aU persons dis- 
couraging volunteer enlistments, resisting militia drafts, or guilty 
of any disloyal practice affording aid and comfort to rebels against 
the authority of the United States, shall be subject to martial law, 
and liable to trial and punishment by courts martial or military 
commissions. 

Second. That the writ of habeas corpus is suspended in respect 
to all persons arrested, or who are now, or hereafter during the 
rebellion shall be, imprisoned in any fort, camp, arsenal, military 
prison, or other place of confinement, by any military authority, 
or by the sentence of any court martial or military commission. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-fourth day 
of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
[l. s.] hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence of the 
United States the eighty-seventh. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : Williajm H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



September 24, 1862, — Letter Introducing Edward Everett. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 24, 1862. 

Wlwm it May Concern: Hon. Edward Everett goes to Europe 
shortly. His reputation and the present condition of our country 
are such that his visit there is sure to attract notice, and may be 
misconstrued. 1 therefore think fit to say that he bears no mission 
from this government ; and yet no gentleman is better able to cor- 
rect misunderstandings in the minds of foreigners in regard to 
American affairs. 

While I commend him to the consideration of those whom he may 
meet, I am quite conscious that he could better introduce me than I 
him in Europe. 

Abraham LdsCOln. 



240 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



September 24, 1862. — Reply to Serenade. 

I appear before you to do little more than acknowledge the 
courtesy you pay me, and to thank you for it. I have not been dis- 
tinctly informed why it is that on this occasion you appear to do 
me this honor, though I suppose it is because of the proclamation. 
What I did, I did after a very full deliberation, and under a very 
heavy and solemn sense of responsibility. I can only trust in God 
I have made no mistake. I shall make no attempt on this occasion 
to sustain what I have done or said by any comment. It is now for 
the country and the world to pass judgment and, maybe, take action 
upon it. 

I will say no more upon this subject. In my position I am 
environed with diflficulties. Yet they are scarcely so great as the 
difficulties of those who upon the battle-field are endeavoring to 
purchase with their blood and their lives the future happiness and 
prosperity of this country. Let us never forget them. On tlie 
fourteenth and seventeenth days of this present month there have 
been battles bravely, skilfully, and successfully fought. We do not 
yet know the particulars. Let us be sure that, in giving praise to 
certain individuals, we do no injustice to others. I only ask you, at 
the conclusion of these few remarks, to give three hearty cheers for 
all good and brave officers and men who fought those successful 
battles. 



September 25, 1862.— Letter to John Ross concerning the 
Loyalty of the Cherokee Nation of Indians. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 25, 1862. 
John Ross, Principal Chief of the Cherokee Nation. 

Sir: Your letter of the 16th instant was received two days ago. 
In the multitude of cares claiming my constant attention, I have 
been unable to examine and determine the exact treaty relations 
between the United States and the Cherokee Nation. Neither have 
I been able to investigate and determine the exact state of facts 
claimed by you as constituting a failure of treaty obligations on our 
part, and excusing the Cherokee Nation for mating a treaty with a 
portion of the people of the United States in open rebellion against 
the government thereof. 

This letter, therefore, must not be understood to decide anything 
upon these questions. I shall, however, cause a careful investiga- 
tion of them to be made. Meanwhile the Cherokee people re- 
maining practically loyal to the Federal Union will receive all the 
protection which can be given them consistently with the duty of 
the government to the whole country. I sincerely hope the Chero- 
kee Nation may not again be overrun by the enemy, and I shall do 
aU I consistently can to prevent it. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAJVI LINCOLN 241 

September 26, 1862. — Record upon which Major John J. Key 
was dismissed from the military service of the uxited 

States. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 26, 1862. 
Major John J. Key. 

Sir : I am informed that in answer to the question, " Why was 
not the rebel army bagged immediately after the battle near Sharps- 
burfj ? " propounded to you by Major Levi C. Turner, judge-advocate, 
etc., you answered, "That is not the game. The object is that nei- 
ther army shall get much advantage of the other, that both shall be 
kept in the field till they are exhausted, when we will make a com- 
promise and save slavery." I shall be very happy if you will, within 
twenty-four hours from the receipt of tliis, prove to me by Major 
Turner that you did not, either literally or in substance, make the 
answer stated. Yours, 

A. Lincoln. 

This is indorsed as follows : 

Copy delivered to Major Key at 10.25 A. M., September 27, 1862. 

John Hay. 

At about eleven o'clock a. m., September 27, 1862, Major Key 
and Major Turner appear before me. Major Turner says: "As I re- 
member it, the conversation was : I asked the question why we did 
not bag them after the battle of Sharpsburg. Major Key's reply 
was, ' That was not the game ; that we should tire the rebels out and 
ourselves. That that was the only way the Union could be preserved. 
We must come together fraternally, and slavery be saved.'" On cross- 
examination Major Turner says he has frequently heard Major Key 
converse in regard to the present troubles, and never heard him utter 
a sentiment unfavorable to the maintenance of the Union. He has 
never uttered anything which he (Major T.) would call disloyalty. 
The particular conversation detailed was a private one. 

A. Lincoln. 
Indorsed on the above is : 

In my view it is wholly inadmissible for any gentleman holding 
a military commission from the United States to utter such senti- 
ments as Major Key is within proved to have done. Therefore let 
Major John J. Key be forthwith dismissed from the military service 
of the United States. 

A. Lincoln. 



Executive Mansion, Washington, November 24, 1862. 
Major John J. Key. 

Dear Sir ; A bundle of letters, including one from yourself, was 
early last week handed me by General Halleck, as I understood at 
your request. 
Vol. II.— 16. 



242 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

I sincerely sympathize with you in the death of your brave and 
noble sou. 

In regard to my dismissal of yourself from the military service, 
it seems to me you misunderstand me. I did not charge, or intend 
to charge, you with disloyalty. 

I had been brought to fear that there was a class of officers in the 
army, not very inconsiderable in numbers, who were playing a game 
to not beat the enemy when they could, on some peculiar notion as 
to the proper way of saving the Union ; and when you were proved 
to me, in your own presence, to have avowed yourself in favor of 
that "■ game," and did not attempt to controvert the proof, I dis- 
missed you as an example and a warning to that supposed class. 

I bear you no ill will, and I I'egret that I could not have the ex- 
ample without wounding you personally. But can I now, in view 
of the public interest, restore you to the service, by which the army 
would understand that I indorse and approve that game myself? 
If there was any doubt of your having made the avowal, the ease 
would be different. But when it was proved to me, in your pres- 
ence, you did not deny or attempt to deny it, but confirmed it, in my 
mind, by attempting to sustain the position by argument. 

I am reaUy sorry for the pain the case gives j^ou ; but I do not 
see how, consistently with duty, I can change it. Yours, etc., 

A. Lincoln. 
[Indorsement.] 

The within, as appears, was written some time ago. On full re- 
consideration, I cannot find suflBcient ground to change the conclu- 
sion therein arrived at. 

A. Lincoln. 

December 27, 1862. 



September 28, 1862. — Letter to Hannibal Hamlin. 

[Strictly private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 28, 1862. 
Hon. Hannibal Hamlin. 

3[y dear Sir : Your kind letter of the 25th is just received. It 
is known to some that while I hope something from the procla- 
mation, my expectations are not as sanguine as are those of some 
friends. The time for its effect southward has not come ; but north- 
ward the effect should be instantaneous. 

It is six days old, and while commendation in newspapers and by 
distinguished individuals is all that a vain man could wish, the 
stocks have declined, and troops come forward more slowly than 
ever. This, looked soberly in the face, is not very satisfactory. We 
have fewer troops in the field at the end of the six days than we had 
at the beginning — the attrition among the old outnumbering the 
addition by the new. The North responds to the proclamation suf- 
ficiently in breath ; but breath alone kills no rebels. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 243 

I wish I could write more cheerfully ; nor do I thauk you the less 
for the kindness of your letter. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



September [28?], 1862. — Reply to an Address by Mrs. Gurney. 

I am glad of this interview, and glad to know that I have your 
sympathy and prayers. We are indeed going through a great trial 
— a fiery trial. In the very responsible position in which I happen 
to be placed, being a humble instrument in the hands of our Heav- 
enly Father, as I am, and as we all are, to work out his great pur- 
poses, I have desired that all my works and acts may be according 
to his will, and that it might be so, I have sought his aid ; but if, af- 
ter endeavoring to do my best in the light which he affords me, I 
find my efforts fail, I must believe that for some purpose unknown to 
me, he wills it otherwise. If I had had my way, this war would never 
have been commenced. If I had been allowed my way, this war 
would have been ended before this ; but we find it still continues, 
and we must believe that he permits it for some wise purpose of 
his own, mysterious and unknown to us; and though with our 
limited understandings we may not be able to comprehend it, yet 
we cannot but believe that he who made the world stiE governs it. 



September 29, 1862. — Letter to Governor Stanley. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 29, 1862. 
Hon. Edward Stanley. 

My dear Sir : Your note, informing me that you will leave for 
North Carolina soon, is received. Your conduct as military gover- 
nor of that State, as reported to me by General Burnside, and as I 
have heard it personally from yourself, has my entire approbation ; 
and it is with great satisfaction that I learn you are now to return 
in the same capacity, with the approbation of the War Department. 

I shall be much gratified if you can find it practicable to have 
congressional elections held in that State before January. It is my 
sincere wish that North Carolina may again govern herself conforma- 
bly to the Constitution of the United States. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



September [30?], 1862. — Meditation on the Divine Will. 

The will of God prevails. In great contests each party claims to 
act in accordance with the will of God. Both may be, and one must 
be, wrong. God cannot be for and against the same thing at the 
same time. In the present civil war it is quite possible that God's 
purpose is something different from the purpose of either party ; 
and yet the human instrumentalities, working just as they do, are 
of the best adaptation to effect his purpose. I am almost ready to 



244 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

say that this is probably true ; that God wills this contest, and wills 
that it shall not end yet. By his mere great power on the minds of 
the now contestants, he could have either saved or destroyed the 
Union without a human contest. Yet the contest began. And, hav- 
ing begun, he could give the final victory to either side any day. 
Yet the contest proceeds. 



October 6, 1862. — Telegram from General Halleck to 
General G. B. McClellan. 

Washington, D. C, October 6, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan : 

I am instructed to telegraph you as follows : The President directs 
that you cross the Potomac and give battle to the enemy, or drive 
him south. Your army mvist move now, while the roads are good. 
If you cross the river between the enemy and Washington, and 
cover the latter by your operation, you can be reinforced with 
30,000 men. If you move up the valley of the Shenandoah, not more 
than 12,000 or 15,000 can be sent to you. The President advises the 
interior line between Washington and the enemy, but does not or- 
der it. He is very desirous that your army move as soon as possi- 
ble. You will immediately report what line you adopt, and when 
you intend to cross the river ; also to what point the reinforcements 
are to be sent. It is necessary that the plan of your operations be 
positively determined on before orders are given for building bridges 
and repairing railroads. I am directed to add that the Secretary of 
War and the general-in-chief fully concur with the President in 
these instructions. 

H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. 



Octobers, 1862.— Letter to T. H. Clay. 

War Department, October 8, 1862. 
Thomas H. Clay, Cincinnati, Ohio : 

You cannot have reflected seriously when you ask that I shall or- 
der General Morgan's command to Kentucky as a favor because 
they have marched from Cumberland Gap. The precedent estab- 
lished by it would evidently break up the whole army. BuelPs old 
troops, now in pursuit of Bragg, have done more hard marching re- 
cently ; and, in fact, if you include marching and fighting, there are 
scarcely any old troops east or west of the mountains that have not 
done as hard service. I sincerely wish war was an easier and pleas- 
anter business than it is ; but it does not admit of holidays. On 
Morgan's command, where it is now sent, as I understand, depends 
the question whether the enemy will get to the Ohio River in 
another place. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 245 

October 8, 18G2. — Telegram to G-eneral U. S. Grant. 

Washington, D. C, October 8, 1862. 
Major-General Grant : 

I congratulate you and all concerned in your recent battles and 
victories. How does it all sum up ? I especially regret the death 
of General Hackleman, and am very anxious to know the condi- 
tion of General Oglesby, who is an intimate personal friend. 

A. Lincoln. 

October 10, 1862. — Letter to General S. R. Curtis. 

Executive Mansion, October 10, 1862. 
Major-General Curtis, St Louis, Missouri : 

I believe some Cherokee Indian regiments, with some white forces 
operating with them, now at or near Fort Scott, are within your de- 
partment and under your command. John Ross, principal chief of 
the Cherokees, is now here an exile, and he wishes to know, and so 
do I, whether the force above mentioned could not occupy the Chero- 
kee country consistently with the public service. 

Please consider and answer. A. Lincoln. 

October 11, 1862. — Telegram to General J. T. Boyle. 

War Department, October 11, 1862. 4 p. m. 
General Boyle, Louisville, Kentucky : 
Please send any news you have from General Buell to-day. 

A. Lincoln. 



October 12, 1862. — Telegram to General J. T. Boyle. 

War Department, October 12, 1862. 4.10 p. m. 
General Boyle, Louisville, Kentucky: 

We are very anxious to hear from General Buell's army. We 
have heard nothing since day before yesterday. Have you any- 
thing ? 

A. Lincoln, 

October 13, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, October 13, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan. 

My dear Sir: You remember my speaking to you of what I called 
your over-cautiousness. Are you not over-cautious when you as- 
sume that you cannot do what the enemy is constantly doing? 
Should you not claim to be at least his equal in prowess, and act 



246 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

upon the claim ? As I understand, you telegi'aphed General Halleck 
that you cannot subsist your army at Winchester unless the rail- 
road from Harper's Ferry to that point be put in working order. 
But the enemy does now subsist his army at Winchester, at a dis- 
tance nearly twice as great from railroad transportation as you 
would have to do without the railroad last named. He now wagons 
from Culpeper Court House, which is just about twice as far as you 
would have to do from Harper's Ferry. He is certainly not more 
than half as well provided with wagons as you are. I certainly 
should be pleased for you to have the advantage of the railroad 
from Harpei-'s Ferry to Winchester, but it wastes all the remainder 
of autumn to give it to you, and in fact ignores the question of time, 
which cannot and must not be ignored. Again, one of the standard 
maxims of war, as you know, is to " operate upon the enemy's com- 
munications as much as possible without exposing your own." You 
seem to act as if this applies against yen, but cannot apply in your 
favor. Change positions with the enemy, and think you not he 
would break your communication with Richmond within the next 
twenty -four hours? You dread his going into Pennsylvania; but if 
he does so in full force, he gives up his communications to you 
absolutely, and you have nothing to do but to follow and ruin him. 
If he does so with less than full force, fall upon and beat what 
is left behind all the easier. Exclusive of the water-line, you are 
now nearer Richmond than the enemy is by the route that you can 
and he must take. Why can you not reach there before him, unless 
you admit that he is more than your equal on a march 1 His route 
is the arc of a circle, while yours is the chord. The roads are as 
good on yours as on his. You know I desired, but did not order, 
you to cross the Potomac below, instead of above, the Shenandoah 
and Blue Ridge. My idea was that this would at once menace the 
enemy's communications, which I would seize if he would permit. 

If he should move northward, I would follow him closely, holding 
his communications. If he should prevent our seizing his com- 
munications and move toward Richmond, I would press closely 
to him, fight him if a favorable opportunity should present, and 
at least try to beat him to Richmond on the inside track. I say 
''try"; if we never try, we shall never succeed. If he makes a stand 
at Winchester, moving neither north nor south, I would fight him 
there, on the idea that if we cannot beat him when he bears the 
wastage of coming to us, we never can when we bear the wastage 
of going to him. This proposition is a simple truth, and is too im- 
portant to be lost sight of for a moment. In coming to us he ten- 
ders us an advantage which we should not waive. We should not so 
operate as to merely drive him away. As we must beat him some- 
where or fail finally, we can do it, if at all, easier near to us than far 
away. If we cannot beat the enemy where he now is, we never can, 
he again being within the intrenchments of Richmond. ^ 

Recurring to the idea of going to Richmond on the inside track, 
the facility of supplying from the side away from the enemy is 
remarkable, as it were, by the different spokes of a wheel extending 
from the hub toward the rim, and this whether you move directly 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 247 

by the chord or on the iuside arc, hugging the Bhie Ridge more 
ch>sely. The chord-line, as you see, carries you by Aldie, Hay Mar- 
ket, and Fredericksburg; and you see how turnpikes, railroads, and 
finally the Potomac, by Aquia Creek, meet you at all points from 
"Washington ; the same, only the lines lengthened a little, if you 
press closer to the Blue Ridge part of the way. 

The gaps through the Blue Ridge I understand to be about the 
following distances from Harper's Ferry, to wit: Vestal's, 5 miles; 
Gregory's, 13; Snicker's, 18; Ashby's, 28; Manassas, 38; Chester, 
45 ; and Thornton's, 53. I should think it preferable to take the 
route nearest the enemy, disabling him to make an important move 
without your knowledge, and compelling him to keep his forces 
together for dread of you. The gaps would enable you to attack if 
you should wish. For a great part of the way you would be practi- 
cally between the enemy and both Washington and Richmond, en- 
abling us to spare you the gTcatest number of troops from here. 
When at length running for Richmond ahead of him enables him 
to move this way, if he does so, turn and attack him in rear. But 
I think he should be engaged long before such point is reached. It 
is all easy if ovir troops march as well as the enemy, and it is un- 
manly to say they cannot do it. This letter is in no sense an order. 

Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



October 14, 1862.— Letter to General B. F. Butler and Others. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 14, 1862. 
Major-General Butler, Governor Shepley, and All having 

Military and Naval Authority under the United States 

within the State of Louisiana: 

The bearer of this, Hon. John E. Bouligny, a citizen of Louisi- 
ana, goes to that State seeking to have such of the people thereof 
as desire to avoid the unsatisfactory prospect before them, and to 
have peace again upon the old terms under the Constitution of 
the United States, manifest such desire by elections of members 
to the Congress of the United States particularly, and perhaps 
a legislature, State officers, and United States senators friendly to 
their object. I shall be glad for you, and each of you, to aid him 
and all others acting for this object as much as possible. In all 
available ways give the people a chance to express their wishes at 
these elections. Follow forms of law as far as convenient, but at 
all events get the expression of the largest number of the people 
possible. All see how such action will connect with and affect the 
proclamation of September 22. Of course the men elected should 
be gentlemen of character, willing to swear support to the Consti- 
tution, as of old, and known to be above reasonable suspicion of 
duplicity. Yours very respectfully, 

A. Lincoln. 



248 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

[Indorsement.] 

Similar letter to General Grant, Governor Johnson, and others 
in Tennessee, dated October 21, 1862. And to Steele, Phelps, and 
others in Arkansas, November 18, 1862, 



October 18, 1862, — Letter to the Surgeon-General. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 18, 1862. 
Surgeon-General. 

Sir : A Baltimore committee called on me this morning saying 
that city is full of straggling soldiers, half sick, half well, who pro- 
fess to have been turned from the hospitals with no definite direc- 
tions where to go. Is this true? Are men turned from the hospitals 
without knowing where to go ? Yours truly, a Lincoln 



October 19, 1862. — Telegram from General Halleck to General 

D. C. Buell. 

War Department, Washington, October 19, 1862. 1.33 p. m. 
Major-General Buell, Mount Vernon, Kentucky : 

Your telegram of the 17th was received this morning, and has 
been laid before the President, who concurs in the views ex- 
pressed in my telegram to you yesterday. The capture of East 
Tennessee should be the main object of your campaign. You say 
it is the heart of the enemy's resources ; make it the heart of yours. 
Your army can live there if the enemy's can. You must in a great 
measure live upon the country, paying for your supplies where 
proper, and levying contributions where necessary. I am directed 
by the President to say to you that your army must enter East 
Tennessee this fall, and that it ought to move there while the roads 
are passable. Once between the enemy and Nashville, there will be 
no serious difficulty in reopening your communications with that 
place. He does not understand why we cannot march as the enemy 
marches, live as he lives, and fight as he fights, unless we admit the 
inferiority of our troops and of our generals. Once hold the valley 
of the upper Tennessee, and the operations of guerrillas in that 
State and Kentucky will soon cease. 

H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. 

October 20, 1862. — Executive Order Establishing 
A Provisional Court in Louisiana. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, October 20, 1862. 
The insurrection which has for some time prevailed in several of 
the States of this Union, including Louisiana, having temporarily 
subverted and swept away the civil institutions of that State, in- 
cluding the judiciary and the judicial authorities of the Union, so 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 249 

that it has become necessary to hold the State in military occupa- 
tion, and it being indispensably necessary that there shall be some 
judicial tribunal existing there capable of administering justice, I 
have therefore thought it proper to appoint, and I do hereby con- 
stitute, a provisional court, which shall be a court of record for the 
State of Louisiana ; and I do hereby appoint Charles A. Peabody, of 
New York, to be a provisional judge to hold said court, with authority 
to hear, try, and determine all causes, civil and criminal, including 
causes in law, equity, revenue, and admiralty, and particularly all such 
powers and jurisdiction as belong to the district and circuit courts 
of the United States, conforming his proceedings so far as possible 
to the course of proceedings and practice which has been ciistomary 
in the courts of the United States and Louisiana, his judgment to be 
final and conclusive. And I do hereby authorize and empower the 
said judge to make and establish such rales and regulations as may 
be necessary for the exercise of his jurisdiction, and empower the 
said judge to appoint a prosecuting attorney, marshal, and clerk of 
the said court, who shall perform the functions of attorney, mar- 
shal, and clerk according to such proceedings and practice as be- 
fore-mentioned, and such rules and regulations as may be made and 
established by said judge. These appointments are to continue 
during the pleasure of the President, not extending beyond the 
military occupation of the city of New Orleans or the restoration of 
the civil authority in that city and in the State of Louisiana. These 
officers shall be paid out of the contingent fund of the War Depart- 
ment compensation as follows: The judge at the rate of $3500 per 
annum ; the prosecuting attorney, including the fees, at the rate of 
$3000 per annum ; the marshal, including the fees, at the rate of 
$3000 per annum ; and the clerk, including the fees, at the rate 
of $2500 per annum ; such compensations to be certified by the 
Secretary of War. * A copy of this order, certified by the Secretary 
of War, and delivered to such judge, shall be deemed and held to be 
a sufficient commission. 

Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States. 



October 21, 1862. — Telegram from General Halleck to 
General McClellan. 

Washington, October 21, 18G2. 3 p. m. 
Major-General George B. McClellan : 

Your telegram of 12 M. has been submitted to the President. He 
directs me to say that he has no change to make in his order of the 
Gth instant. If you have not been and are not now in condition to 
obey it, you will be able to show such want of ability. The Presi- 
dent does not expect impossibilities, but he is very anxious that all 
this good weather should not be wasted in inactivity. Telegraph 
when you will move, and on what lines you propose to march. 

H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. 



250 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



October 24 [25 ?], 1862.— Telegram to General Q. B. McClellan. 

War Department, Washington City, 

October 24 [25 !], 1862. 
Major-Gbneral McClellan : 

I have just read your despatch about sore-ton gued and fatigued 
horses. Will you pardon me for asking what the horses of your 
army have done since the battle of Antietam that fatigues anything I 

A. Lincoln. 



October 25, 1862. — Memorandum. 

Write Canisius that in view of our own aspirants we cannot 'find 
a place for a military officer of high rank from abroad. 

Better send the account of the explosive material to Captain 
Dahlgren. 



October 25, 1862. 



A. L. 



October 26, 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, 

October 26, 1862. 11.30 A. M. 
Major-General McClellan: 

Yours, in reply to mine about horses, received. Of course you 
know the facts better than I; still, two considerations remain. 
Stuart's cavalry outmarched ours, having certainly done more 
marked service on the Peninsula and everywhere since. Secondly, 
will not a movement of our army be a relief to the cavalry, com- 
pelling the enemy to concentrate instead of foraging in squads 
everywhere ? But I am so rejoiced to learn from your despatch to 
General Halleck that you begin crossing the river this morning. 

A. Lincoln. 



October 27, 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan, 

Executive Mansion, Washington, 

October 27, 1862. 12.10 P. M. 
Major-General McClellan : 

Yours of yesterday received. Most certainly I intend no injustice 
to any, and if I have^ done any I deeply regret it. To be told, after 
more than five weeks' total inaction of the army, and during which 
period we have sent to the army every fresh horse we possibly 
could, amounting in the whole to 7918, that the cavalry horses were 
too much fatigued to move, presents a very cheerless, almost hope- 
less, prospect for the future, and it may have forced something of 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 251 

impatience in my despatch. If not recruited and rested then, when 
could they ever be? I suppose the river is rising, and I am glad to 
believe you are crossing. 

A. LiNCOLX. 



October 27, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, 
October 27, 1862. 3.25 p. m. 
Major- General McClellan : 

Your despatch of 3 P. m. to-day, in regard to filling up old regi- 
ments with drafted men, is received, and the request therein shall be 
complied with as far as practicable. 

And now I ask a distinct answer to the question. Is it your pur- 
pose not to go into action again until the men now being drafted in 
the States are incorporated into the old regiments ? 

A. Lincoln. 

October 31, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. 

War Department, October 31, 1862. 
Gov. Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tenn., via Louisville, Ky. : 

Yours of the 29th received. I shall take it to General HaUeck, but 
I already know it will be very inconvenient to take General Morgan's 
command from where it now is. I am glad to hear you speak hope- 
fully for Tennessee. I sincerely hope Rosecrans may find it possible 
to do something for her. David Nelson, son of the M. C. of your 
State, regrets his father's final defection, and asks me for a situa- 
tion. Do you know him ! Could he be of service to you or to Ten- 
nessee in any capacity iu which I could send him ? 

A. Lincoln. 



November 1, 1862. — Memorandum. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 1, 1862. 
To Whom it May Concern: Captain Derriekson, with his company, 
has been for some time keeping guard at my residence, now at the 
Soldiers' Retreat. He and his company are very agreeable to me, 
and while it is deemed proper for any guard to remain, none would 
be more satisfactory than Captain Derriekson and his company. 

A. Lincoln. 

November 5, 1862. — Letter to Colonel W. R. Morrison. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 5, 1862. 
Colonel William R. Morrison, Waterloo, Illinois : 

Your letter of September 23 is this moment received. While your 
words of kindness are very grateful, your suspicions that I intend 



252 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

you injustice are very painful to me. I assure you such suspicions 
are groundless. I cannot even conjecture what juniors of yours 
you suppose I contemplate promoting over you. True, seniority has 
not been my rule in this connection; but in considering military 
merit, the world has abundant evidence that I disregard politics. 

A. Lincoln. 

November 5, 1862. — Order Relieving General G. B. McClellan 
AND Making Other Changes. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 5, 1862. 

By direction of the President, it is ordered that Major-General 
McClellan be relieved from the command of the Army of the 
Potomac, and that Major-General Burnside take the command of 
that army. Also that Major-General Hunter take command of the 
corps in said army which is now commanded by General Burnside. 
That Major-General Fitz-John Porter be relieved from command of 
the corps he now commands in said army, and that Major-General 
Hooker take command of said corps. 

The general-in -chief is authorized, in [his] discretion, to issue an 
order substantially as the above, forthwith, or so soon as he may 
deem proper. ^_ Lincoln. 



November 7, 1862. — Military Order. 

Executive Mansion, November 7, 3862. 
Ordered, That Brigadier-General Ellet report to. Rear- Admiral 
Porter for instructions, and act under his direction until otherwise 
ordered by the War Department. a Lincoln 

November 7, 1862. — Note to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 7, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

Dear Sir : Please send me the latest ^' Picayune " and '' True 
Delta " you can lay your hands upon. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

November 10, 1862.— Telegram to General J. Pope. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 10, 1862. 
Major-General Pope, St. Paul, Minnesota : 

Your despatch giving the names of 300 Indians condemned to 
death is received. Please forward as soon as possible the full and 
complete record of their convictions ; and if the record does not fully 
indicate the more guilty and influential of the culprits, please have 
a careful statement made on these points and forwarded to me. 
Send all by mail. A. Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 253 



November 12, 1862. — Order concerning Blockade. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 12, 1862. 
Ordered, First : that clearances issued by the Treasury Department 
for vessels or merchandise bound for tlie port of Norfolk, for the 
military necessities of the department, certified by the military com- 
mandant at Fort Monroe, shall be allowed to enter said port. 
Second : that vessels and domestic produce from Norfolk, permitted 
by the military commandant at Fort Monroe for the military pur- 
poses of his command, shall on his permit be allowed to pass from said 
port to their destination in any port not blockaded by the United 
States. A. Lincoln. 

November 13, 1862. — Order concerning the Confiscation Act. 

Executive Mansion, November 13, 1862. 

Ordered, by the President of the United States, that the Attorney- 
General be charged with the superintendence and direction of all 
proceedings to be had under the act of Congress of the 17th of July, 
1862, entitled "An act to suppress insurrection, punish treason and 
rebellion, seize and confiscate the property of rebels, and for other 
purposes," in so far as may concern the seizure, prosecution, and 
condemnation of the estate, property, and effects of rebels and trai- 
tors as mentioned and provided for in the fifth, sixth, and seventh 
sections of the said act of Congress. And the Attorney-General is 
authorized and required to give to the attorneys and marshals of 
the United States such instructions and directions as he may find 
needful and consistent touching all such seizures, prosecution, and 
condemnation; and, moreover, to authorize all such attorneys and 
marshals, wherever there may be reasonable ground to fear any 
forcible resistance to the act in the discharge of their respective 
duties in this behalf, to call upon any military officer in command of 
the forces of the United States to give to them such aid, protection, 
and support as may be necessary to enable them safely and efficiently 
to discharge their respective duties; and all such commanding offi- 
cers are required promptly to obey such call and to render the ne- 
cessary service as far as may be in their power consistently with 
their other duties. Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : Edward Bates, Attorney-General. 

November 14, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. 

War Department, November 14, 1862. 
Gov. Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : 

Your despatch of the 4th, about returning troops from western 
Virginia to Tennessee, is just received, and I have been to General 
Halleck with it. He says an order has already been made by which 
those troops have already moved, or soon will move, to Tennessee. 

A. Lincoln. 



254 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



November 15, 1862. — Order for Sabbath Observance. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 15, 1862. 
The President, commander-in-chief of the army and navy, desires 
and enjoins the orderly observance of the Sabbath by the officers and 
men in the military and naval service. The importance for man and 
beast of the prescribed weekly rest, the sacred rights of Christian 
soldiers and sailors, a becoming deference to the best sentiment of a 
Christian people, and a due regard for the Divine will, demand that 
Sunday labor in the army and navy be reduced to the measure of 
strict necessity. The discipline and character of the national forces 
should not suffer, nor the cause they defend be imperiled, by the 
profanation of the day or name of the Most High. ''At this time of 
public distress" — adopting the words of Washington in 1776 — ''men 
may find enough to do in the service of God and their country 
without abandoning themselves to vice and immorality." The first 
general order issued by the Father of his Country after the Dec- 
laration of Independence indicates the spirit in which our institu- 
tions were founded and should ever be defended. " The general 
hopes and trusts that every officer and man will endeavor to live and 
act as becomes a Christian soldier, defending the dearest rights and 
liberties of his country." 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Official : E. D. Townsend, Assistant Adjutant-General. 



November 17, 1862. — Telegram to General Blair. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 17, 1862. 
Hon. F. p. Blair : 

Your brother says you are solicitous to be ordered to join General 
McClernand. I suppose you are ordered to Helena; this means 
that you are to form part of McClernand's expedition as it moves 
down the river; and General McClernand is so informed. I will see 
General Halleck as to whether the additional force you mention can 
go with you. 

A. Lincoln. 



November 18, 1862.— Telegram to General J. A. Dix. 

Washington, D. C, November 18, 1862. 
Major-General Dix, Fort Monroe : 

Please give me your best opinion as to the number of the enemy 
now at Richmond and also at Petersburg. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 255 

November 20, 18G2. — Draft of Letter to G. Robertson — not 

SENT. 

(Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 20, 1862. 
Hon. George Robertson, 

311/ dear Sir: Your despatch of yesterday is just received. I 
believe you are ae(j[uainted with the American classics (if there l)e 
such), aud probably remember a speech of Patrick Henry in which 
he represented a certain character in the Revolutionary times as 
totally disregardinaj all questions of country, aud '^loarsely bawl- 
ing, 'Beef! beef ! l^beef ! ! !'" 

Do you not know that I may as well surrender the contest directly 
as to make any order the obvious purpose of which would be to 
return fugitive slaves 1 Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



November 21, 1862. — Letter to Governor Shepley. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 21, 1862. 
Hon. G. F. Shepley. 

Dear Sir : Dr. Kennedy, bearer of this, has some apprehension 
that Federal ofiicers not citizens of Louisiana may be set up as can- 
didates for Congress in that State. In my view there could be no 
possible object in such an election. We do not particularly need 
members of Congress from there to enable us to get along with 
legislation here. What we do want is the conclusive evidence that 
respectable citizens of Louisiana are willing to be members of Con- 
gress and to swear support to the Constitution, and that other re- 
spectable citizens there are willing to vote for them and send them. 
To send a parcel of Northern men here as representatives, elected, 
as would be understood (and perhaps really so), at the point of the 
baj'onet, would be disgusting and outrageous; and were I a mem- 
ber of Congress here, I would vote against admitting any such man 
to a seat. Yom-s very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



November 21, 1862. — Letter to Governor Shepley. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 21, 1862. 
Hon. G. F. Shepley. 

My dear Sir : Your letter of the 6th instant to the Secretary of 
War has been placed in my hands ; and I am annoyed to learn from 
it that at its date nothing had been done about congressional elec- 
tions. On the 14th of October I addressed a letter to General 
Butler, yourself, aiul others, upon this very subject, sending it 
by Hon. Mr. Bouligny. I now regret the necessity of inferring 



256 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

that you had not seen this letter up to the 6th instant. I inclose 
you a copy of it, and also a copy of another addressed to yourself 
this morning upon the same general subject, and placed in the 
hands of Dr. Kennedy. I ask attention to both. 

I wish elections for congressmen to take place in Louisiana; but 
I wish it to be a movement of the people of the districts, and not a 
movement of our military and quasi-military authorities there. I 
merely wish our authorities to give the people a chance — to protect 
them against secession interference. Gf course the election cannot 
be according to strict law. By State law there is, I suppose, no 
election day before January ; and the regular election officers will 
not act in many cases, if in any. These knots must be cut, the 
main object beiug to get an expression of the people. If they would 
fix a day and a way for themselves, all the better; but if they 
stand idle, not seeming to know what to do, do you fix these things 
for them by proclamation. And do not waste a day about it, but 
fix the election day early enough, that we can hear the result here 
by the first of January. Fix a day for an election in all the dis- 
tricts, and have it held in as many places as you can. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



November 22, 1862.— Letter to General N. P. Banks. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 22, 1862. 
Mjf dear General Banks : Early last week you left me in high 
hope with your assurance that you would be off with your expedi- 
tion at the end of that week, or early in this. It is now the end of 
this, and I have just been overwhelmed and confounded with the 
sight of a requisition made by you which, I am assured, cannot be 
filled and got off within an hour short of two months. I inclose you 
a copy of the requisition, in some hope that it is not genuine — that 
you have never seen it. My dear general, this expanding and piling 
up of impedimenta has been, so far, almost our ruin, and will be our 
final ruin if it is not abandoned. If you had the articles of this requi- 
sition upon the wharf, with the necessary animals to make them of 
any use, and forage for the animals, you could not get vessels 
together in two weeks to carry the whole, to say nothing of your 
twenty thousand men ; and, having the vessels, you could not put 
the cargoes aboard in two weeks more. And, after all, where you 
are going you have no use for them. When you parted with me 
you had no such ideas in your mind. I know you had not, or you 
could not have expected to be off so soon as you said. You must 
get back to something like the plan you had then, or your expedi- 
tion is a failure before you start. You must be off before Congress 
meets. You would be better off anywhere, and especially where 
you are going, for not having a thousand wagons doing nothing 
hut hauling forage to feed the animals that draw them, and taking 
at least two thousand men to care for the wagons and animals, who 
otherwise might be two thousand good soldiers. Now, dear general, 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 257 

do not think this is an ill-natured letter; it is the very reverse. 
The simple publication of this re<iuisitiou would ruin vou. 

Very truly your friend, j^_ Llxcoln. 



November 22, 18G2. — Draft of Letter to W. L. Vance, 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 22, 18G2. 
Mr. W. L. Vance. 

iSir : You tell me you have in your hands some two hundred and 
seventy thousand dollars of " Confederate scriii,'' which was forced 
upon Union men of Kentucky, in exchange for supplies, by the 
rebels during- their late raid into that State; and you wish govern- 
ment authority for you to take this scrip into the cotton States, 
exchange it for cotton if found practicable, and to bring the cot- 
ton out. 

While I have felt great anxiety to oblige you and your friends 
in this matter, I feel constrained to decline it. It would come to 
something, or it would come to nothing — that is, you would get 
cotton for the scrip, or you would not. If you should get none, the 
effort would have been a useless failure. If you should get any, to 
precisely that extent this government would have aided in giVing 
currency to this scrip — that is, men, seeing that the scrip would 
bring cotton, would gladly give produce for the scrip ; and hence a 
scramble for it, as for gold, would ensue. 

If your two hundred and sevent}^ thousand dollars was to be the 
sole instance, I would gladly risk it. But it would not be the begin- 
ning, or, at most, only the beginning. 

Having begun, I could not stop. What I had done for some, I 
must do for others. All that sort of scrip now in Kentucky, and much 
not yet in Kentucky, would find its way into Union hands, and be pre- 
sented under the rule. We all know how easily oaths are furnished 
when required in transactions of this sort; and the thing would be- 
come even broader yet. 

Men who have been robbed outright by the rebels, without even 
receiving scrip, would appeal (and with quite as equitable a case) to 
be permitted a means of indemnity, by leave to go in and bring out 
cotton. 

This would run till at length I should have to abandon all re- 
straint, or put a stop to what it is now much easier to not begin. 



November 24, 18G2. — Letter to Carl Schurz. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 24, 1862. 
General Carl Schurz. 

Ml/ dear Sir: I have just received and read your letter of the 20tli. 
The purport of it is that we lost the late elections and the Adminis- 
tration is failing because the war is unsuccessful, and that I must 
not flatter myself that I am not justly to blame for it, I certainly 
Vol, II.— 17. 



258 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

know that if the war fails, the Administratiou fails, and that I will 
be blamed for it, whether I deserve it or not. And I ought to be 
blamed if I could do better. You think I could do better ; therefore 
you blame me already. I think I could not do better ; therefore I 
blame you for blaming me. I understand you now to be willing to 
accept the help of men who are not Republicans, provided they have 
''heart in it." Agreed. I want no others. But who is to be the 
judge of hearts, or of "heart in it"? If I must discard my own 
judgment and take yours, I must also take that of others ; and by 
the time I should reject all I should be advised to reject, I should 
have none left, Republicans or others — not even yourself. For be 
assured, my dear sir, there are men who have " heart in it " that 
think you are performing your part as poorly as you think I am 
performing mine. I certainly have been dissatisfied with the slow- 
ness of Buell and McClellan ; but before I relieved them I had great 
fears I should not find successors to them who would do better; 
and I am sorry to add that I have seen little since to relieve those 
fears. 

I do not clearly see the prospect of any more rapid movements. 
I fear we shall at last find out that the difficulty is in our case 
rather than in particular generals. I wish to disparage no one — 
certainly not those who sympathize with me ; but I must say I need 
success more than I need sympathy, and that I have not seen the so 
much greater evidence of getting success from my sympathizers 
than from those who are denounced as the contrary. It does seem 
to me that in the field the two classes have been very much alike in 
what they have done and what they have failed to do. In sealing 
their faith with their blood. Baker and Lyon and Bohlen and 
Richardson, Repiiblicans, did all that men could do ; but did they 
any more than Kearny and Stevens and Reno and Mansfield, none 
of whom were Republicans, and some at least of whom have been 
bitterly and repeatedly denounced to me as secession sympathizers ? 
I will not perform the ungrateful task of comparing cases of failure. 

In answer to your question, '' Has it not been publicly stated in the 
newspapers, and apparently proved as a fact, that from the com- 
mencement of the war the enemy was continually supplied with in- 
formation by some of the confidential subordinates of as important 
an officer as Adjutant-General Thomas ? " I must say '• No," as far as 
my knowledge extends. And I add that if you can give any tangible 
evidence upon the subject, I will thank you to come to this city and 
do so. Very truly your friend, a. Lincoln. 



November 25,1862. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, 

November 25, 1862. 11.30 a. m. 
Major-General Burnside, Falmouth, Virginia : 

If I should be m boat off Aquia Creek at dark to-morrow (Wed- 
nesday) evening, could you, without inconvenience, meet me and 
pass an hour or two with me? A. Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 259 



November 25, 18G2. — Note to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 25, 18G2. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

Dc'ir Sir : Please remember to confer with the Secretary of the 
Interior, so as to clear the discrepancy as to amounts derived from 
sale of public lands. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



November 26, 18G2. — Letter to G. Robertson. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 26, 1862. 
Hon. George Robertson. 

Mij dear Sir : A few days since I had a despatch from you which 
I did not answer. If I were to be wounded personally, I think I 
wonld not shun it. But it is the life of the nation. I now under- 
stand the trouble is with Colonel Utley: that he has five slaves 
in bis camp, four of whom belong- to rebels, and one belonging 
to yon. If this be true, convey yours to Colonel Utley, so that he 
can make him free, and I will pay you any sum not exceeding five 
hundred dollars. Yours, etc., 

A. Lincoln. 



November 27, 1862. — Draft of Letter to General 
H. W. Halleck. 

Steamer *' Baltimore," off Aquia Creek, Virginia, 

November 27, 1862. 
Ma.jor-General Halleck. 

Sir: 1 have just had a long conference with General Burnside. 
He believes that General Lee's whole army, or nearly the whole 
of it, is in front of him, at and near Fredericksburg. General 
Bnrnside says he could take into battle now any day about 110,000 
men ; tliat his army is in good spirit, good condition, good morale, 
and that in all respects he is satisfied with officers and men ; that he 
does not want more men with him, because he could not handle 
them to advantage ; that he thinks he can cross the river in face of 
the enemy and drive him away ; but that, to use his own expression, 
it is somewhat risky. I wish the case to stand more favora])ly than 
this in two respects : First, I wish his crossing of the river to be 
nearly free from risk ; and, secondly, I wish the enemy to be pre- 
vented from falling back, accumnlating strength as he goes, into his 
intrencliinents at Richmond. I therefore propose that General 
Burnside shall not move immediately; tliat we accunndate a force 
on the south bank of the Rappahannock — at, say. Port Royal — under 
protection of one or two gunboats, as nearly up to 25,000 strong as 
we can ; at the same time another force of about the same strensrth 



260 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

as high np the Pamunkey as can be protected by gunboats. These 
being ready, let all three forces move sininltaneously : General Burn- 
side's force in its attempt to cross the river, the Rappahannock force 
moving directly up the south side of the river to his assistance, and 
ready, if found admissible, to deflect off to the turnpike bi-idge over 
the Mattapony in the direction of Richmond; the Pamunkey force 
to move as rapidly as possible up the north side of the Pamunkey, 
holding all the bridges, and especially the turnpike bridge imme- 
diately north of Hanover Court House; hurry north and seize and 
hold the Mattapony bridge before mentioned, and also, if possible, 
press higher up the streams and destroy the railroad bridges. Then 
if General Burnside succeeds in driving the enemy from Fredericks- 
burg, he (the enemy) no longer has the road to Richmond, but we 
have it, and can march into the city. Or, possibly, having forced the 
enemy from his line, we could move upon and destroy his army. 
General Burnside's main army would have the same line of supply 
and retreat as he has now provided. The Rappahannock force 
would have that river for supply, and gunboats to fall back upon; 
and the Pamunkey force would have that river for supply, and a 
line between the two rivers — Pamunkey and Mattapony — along 
which to fall back upon its gunboats. I think the plan promises 
the best results, with the least hazard, of any now conceivable. 

Note. — The above plan proposed by me was rejected by General 
Halleck and General Burnside on the ground that we could not raise 
and put in position the Pamunkey force without too much waste of 
time. ^^ L_ 



November 29, 1862. — Letter to Attorney- General Bates. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 29, 1862. 
Hon. Attorney-General. 

My dear Sir: Few things perplex me more than this question 
between Governor Gamble and the War Department, as to whether 
the peculiar force organized by the former in Missouri are State 
troops or United States troops. Now, this is either an immaterial 
or a mischievous question. First, if no more is desired than to have 
it settled what name the force is to be called b}^, it is immaterial. 
Secondly, if it is desired for more than the fixing a name, it can only 
be to get a position from which to draw practical inferences ; then it 
is mischievous. Instead of settling one dispute by deciding the ques- 
tion, I should merely furnish a nestful of eggs for hatching new 
.disputes. I believe the force is not strictly either ^' State troops" 
or " United States troops." It is of mixed character. I therefore 
think it is safer, when a practical question arises, to decide that 
-question directly, and not indirectly by deciding a general abstrac- 
tion supposed to include it, and also including a great deal more. 
Without dispute Governor Gamble appoints the officers of this 
force, and fills vacancies when they occur. The question now prac- 
tically in dispute is : Can Governor Gamble make a vacancy by 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 2tJl 

removing- an officer or accoptinj;: a resignation '? Now, while it is 
jn-oper that this question shall be settled, I do not perceive why 
either Governor Gamble or the government here should care 
which way it is settled. I am perplexed with it only because there 
seems to be pertinacity about it. It seems to me that it might 
be either way without injury to the service ; or that the offer of 
the Secretary of War to let Governor Gamble make vacancies, 
and he (the Secretary) to ratify the making of them, ought to be 
satisfactory. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



December 1, 1862. — Annual Message to Congress. 

FeUoit'-citizens of the Senate and House of Eepresenfatices : Since 
your last annual assembling another year of health and bountiful 
harvests has passed; and while it has not pleased the Almighty to 
bless us with a return of peace, we can but press on, guided" by the 
best light he gives us, trusting that in his own good time and wise 
way all will yet be well. 

the correspondence touching foreign affairs which has taken 
place during the last year is herewith submitted, in virtual com- 
pliance with a request to that effect, made by the House of Repre- 
sentatives near the close of the last session of Congress. 

If the condition of our relations with other nations is less grati- 
fying than it has usually been at former periods, it is certainly more 
satisfactory than a nation so unhappily distracted as we are might 
reasonably have apprehended. In the month of June last there 
were some grounds to expect that the maritime powers which, at 
the beginning of our domestic difficulties, so unwisely and unneces- 
sarily, as we think, recognized the insurgents as a belligerent, would 
soon recede from that position, which has proved only less injurious 
to themselves than to our own country. But the' temporary re- 
verses which afterward befell the national arms, and which were ex- 
aggerated by our own disloyal citizens abroad, have hitherto delayed 
that act of simple justice. 

The civil war, vvdiich has so radically changed, for the moment, 
the occupations and habits of the American people, has necessarily 
disturbed the social condition, and affected very deeply the prosper- 
ity of the nations with which we have carried on a commerce that 
has been steadily increasing throughout a period of half a cen- 
tury. It has, at the same time, excited political ambitions and 
apprehensions which have produced a profound agitation through- 
out the civilized world. In this unusiuil agitation we have for- 
borne from taking part in any controversy between foreign states, 
and between parties or factions in such states. We have attempted 
no propagandism, and acknowledged no revolution. But we have 
left to every nation the exclusive conduct and management of its 
own affairs. Our struggle has been, of course, contemplated by 
foreign nations with reference less to its own merits than to its 
supposed ana often exaggerated effects and consequences resulting 



262 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

to those nations themselves. Nevertheless, complaint on the part 
of this government, even if it were just, would certainly be unwise. 

The treaty with Great Britain for the suppression of the slave- 
trade has been put into operation with a good prospect of complete 
success. It is an occasion of special pleasure to acknowledge that 
the execution of it on the part of her Majesty's government has 
been marked with a jealous respect for the authority of the United 
States, and the rights of their moral and loyal citizens. 

The convention with Hanover for the abolition of the stade dues 
has been carried into full effect under the act of Congress for that 
purpose. 

A blockade of three thousand miles of sea-coast could not be 
established and vigorously enforced, in a season of great commer- 
cial activity like the present, without committing occasional mis- 
takes, and inflicting unintentional injuries upon foreign nations 
and their subjects. 

A civil war occurring in a country where foreigners reside and 
carry on trade under treaty stipulations, is necessarily fruitful of 
complaints of the violation of neutral rights. All such collisions 
tend to excite misapprehensions, and possibly to produce mutual 
reclamations between nations which have a common interest in pre- 
serving peace and friendship. In clear cases of these kinds I have, 
so far as possible, heard and redressed complaints which have been 
presented by friendly powers. There is still, however, a large and 
an augmenting number of doubtful cases upon which the govern- 
ment is unable to agree with the governments whose protection is 
demanded by the claimants. There are, moreover, many cases in 
which the United States or their citizens suffer wrongs from the 
naval or military authorities of foreign nations, which the govern- 
ments of those states are not at once prepared to redress. I have 
proposed to some of the foreign states thus interested mutual con- 
ventions to examine and adjust such complaints. This proposition 
has been made especially to Great Britain, to France, to Spain, and 
to Prussia. In each case it has been kindly received, but has not 
yet been formally adopted. 

I deem it my duty to recommend an appropriation in behalf of 
the owners of the Norwegian bark Admiral P. TordensJiioJcl, which 
vessel was, in May, 1861, prevented by the commander of the block- 
ading force off Charleston from leaving that port with cargo, not- 
withstanding a similar privilege had, shortly before, been granted 
to an English vessel. I have directed the Secretary of State to 
cause the papers in the case to be communicated to the proper com- 
mittees. 

Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of 
African descent to favor their emigration, with a view to such colo- 
nization as was contemplated in recent acts of Congress. Other 
parties at home and abroad — some from interested motives, others 
upon patriotic considerations, and still others influenced by philan- 
thropic sentiments — have suggested similar measures; while, on the 
other hand, several of the Spanish-American republics have protested 
against the sending of such colonies to their respective territories. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 263 

Under these circumstances, I have declined to move any such colony 
to any state without first obtaining the consent of its government, 
with an ag-reement on its part to receive and protect such emigrants 
in all the rights of freemen; and I have at the same time offered to 
the several states situated within the tropics, or having colonies 
there, to negotiate witli them, subject to the advice and consent of 
the Senate, to favor the voluntary emigration of persons of that class 
to their respective territories, upon conditions which shall be equal, 
just, and humane. Liberia and Hayti are as yet the only countries 
to which colonists of African descent from here could go with cer- 
tainty of being received and adopted as citizens; and I regret to say 
such persons contemplating colonization do not seem so willing to 
migrate to those countries as to some others, nor so willing as I think 
their interest demands. I believe, however, opinion among them in 
this respect is improving; and that ere long there will be an aug- 
mented and considerable migration to both these countries from the 
United States. 

The new commercial treaty between the United States and the 
Sultan of Turkey has been carried into execution. 

A commercial and consular treaty has been negotiated, subject to 
the Senate's consent, with Liberia ; and a similar negotiation is now 
pending with the republic of Hayti. A considerable improvement 
of the national commerce is expected to result from these measures. 

Our relations with Great Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, Russia, 
Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, Austria, the Netherlands, Italy, Rome, 
and the other European states, remain undisturbed. Very favorable 
relations also continue to be maintained with Turkey, Morocco, 
China, and Japan. 

During the last year there has not only been no change of our 
previous relations with the independent states of our own continent, 
but more friendly sentiments than have heretofore existed are be- 
lieved to be entertained by these neighbors, whose safety and pro- 
gress are so intimately connected with our own. This statement 
especially applies to Mexico, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Honduras, Peru, 
and Chile. 

The commission under the convention with the republic of New 
Granada closed its session without having audited and passed upon 
all the claims which were submitted to it. A proposition is pending 
to revive the convention, that it may be able to do more complete 
justice. The joint commission between the United States and the 
republic of Costa Rica has completed its labors and submitted its 
report. 

I have favored the project for connecting the United States with 
Europe by an Atlantic telegraph, and a similar project to extend the 
telegraph' from San Francisco, to connect by a Pacific telegraph with 
the line which is being extended across the Russian empire. 

The Territories of the United States, with unimportant exceptions, 
have remained undisturbed by the ci\il war, and they are exhil>it- 
ing such evidence of prosperity as justifies an expectation that some 
of them will soon be in a condition to be organized as States and be 
constitutionally admitted into the Federal Union. 



264 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

The immense mineral resources of some of those Territories onght 
to be developed as rapidly as possible. Every step in that direction 
would have a tendency to improve the revenues of the government, 
and diminish the burdens of the people. It is worthy of your serious 
consideration whether some extraordiuary measures to promote that 
end cannot be adopted. The means which suggests itself as most 
likely to be effective is a scientific exploration of the mineral re- 
gions in those Territories, with a view to the publication of its 
results at home and in foreign countries — results which cannot fail 
to be auspicious. . 

The condition of the finances will claim your most diligent con- 
sideration. The vast expenditures incident to the military and naval 
operations required for the suppression of the rebellion have hitherto 
been met with a promptitude and certainty unusual in similar cir- 
cumstances, and the pul>lic credit has been fully maintained. The 
continuance of the war, however, and the increased disbursements 
made necessary by the augmented forces now in the field, demand 
your best reflections as to the best modes of providing the necessary 
revenue without injury to business and with the least possible bur- 
dens upon labor. 

The suspension of specie payments by the banks, soon after the 
commencement of your last session, made large issues of United 
States notes unavoidable. In no other way could the payment of 
the troops, and the satisfaction of other just demands, be so eco- 
nomically or so well provided for. The judicious legislation of Con- 
gress, securing the reeeivability of these notes for loans and internal 
duties, and making them a legal tender for other debts, has made 
them a universal currency, and has satisfied, partially at least, 
and for the time, the long-felt want of a uniform circulating medium, 
saving thereby to the people immense sums in discounts and ex- 
changes. 

A return to specie payments, however, at the earliest period com- 
patible with due regard to all interests concerned, should ever be 
kept in view. Fluctuations in the value of currency are always in- 
jurious, and to reduce these fluctuations to the lowest possible point 
will always be a leading purpose in wise legislation. Convertibility — 
prompt and certain convertibility — into coin is generally acknow- 
ledged to be the liest and surest safeguard against them ; and it is 
extremely doubtful whether a circulation of United States notes, 
payable in coin, and sufficiently large for the wants of the people, 
can be permanently, usefully, and safely maintained. 

Is there, then, any other mode in which the necessary provision 
for the public wants can be made, and the great advantages of a safe 
and uniform currency secured ? 

I know of none which promises so certain results, and is at the 
same time so unobjectionable, as the organization of banking associa- 
tions under a general act of Congress well guarded in its provi- 
sions. To such associations the government might furnish circulating 
notes, on the security of United States bonds deposited in the trea- 
sury. These notes, prepared under the supervision of proper officers, 
being uniform in appearance and security, and convertible always 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF AEEAHAM LINCOLN 265 

into coin, would at once protect labor against the evils of a vicious 
currency, and facilitate coiiinierce by cheap and safe exchanf^es. 

A moderate reservation from the interest on the bonds would com- 
pensate the United States for the preparation and distril)uti()n of the 
notes and a general supervision of the system, and would lig-hten 
the burden of that part of the public debt employed as securities. 
The ])ublic credit, moreover, would be gi-eatly iiiiproved and the 
negotiation of new loans greatly facilitated by the steady market 
demand for g:(^vernnient bonds which the adoption of the proposed 
system would create. 

It is an additional recommendation of the measure, of considerable 
weight in niy jutlgment, that it would reconcile, as far as possible, 
all existing interests, by the opportunity offered to existing institu- 
tions to reorganize under the act, substituting only the secured uni- 
form national circulation for the local and various circulation, secured 
and unsecured, now issued by them. 

The receipts into the treasury from all sources, including loans 
and balance from the preceding year, for the fiscal year ending on 
the 30th June, 18G2, were $583,885,247.06; of which sum $49,050,- 
397.62 were derived from customs; $1,795,331.73 from the direct 
tax; from public lands, $152,203.77 ; from miseellaneous sources, 
$931,787.64; from loans in all forms, $529,692,460.50. The remain- 
der, $2,257,065.80, was the balance from last year. 

The disbursements during the same period were: for congressional, 
executive, and judicial purposes, $5,939,009.29; for foreign inter- 
course, $1,339,710.35; for miscellaneous expenses, including the mints, 
loans, post-oflice deficiencies, collection of revenue, and" other like 
charges, $14,129,771.50; for expenses under the Interior Depart- 
ment, $3,102,985.52; under the War Department, $394,368,407.36; 
under the Navy Department, $42,674,569.69 ; for interest on pul)lic 
debt, $13,190,324.45; and for payment of public debt, including reim- 
bursement of temporary loan, and redemptions, $96,096,922,09 — mak- 
ing an aggregate of $570,841,700.25, and leaving a balance in the 
treasury on the first day of Jidy, 1862, of $13,043,546.81. 

It should be observed that the sum of $96,096,922.09, expended for 
reimbursements and redemption of public debt, being included also 
in the loans made, may be properly deducted both" from receipts 
and expenditures, leaving the actual receipts for the year, $487,788,- 
324.97; and the expenditures, $474,744,778.16. 

Other information on the subject of the finances will be found in 
the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to whose statements 
and views I invite your most candid and considerate attention. 

The reports of the Secretaries of War and of the Navy are here- 
with transmitted. These reports, though lengthy, are scarcely more 
than brief al)stracts of the very numerous and extensive transactions 
and operations conducted through those departments. Nor could I 
give a summary of them here, upon any ])i'in('iple, which would ad- 
mit of its being much shorter than the reports themselves. I there- 
fore content mvsolf with laying the reports before you, and asking 
your attention to them. 

It gives me pleasure to report a decided improvement in the fiuan- 



266 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

cial condition of the Post Office Department, as compared with sev- 
eral preceding years. The receipts for the fiscal year 18G1 amounted 
to $8,349,296.40, which embraced the revenue from all the States of 
the Union for thi'ee quarters of that year. Notwithstanding the 
cessation of revenue from the so-called seceded States during the last 
fiscal year, the increase of the correspondence of the loyal States 
has been sufficient to produce a revenue during the same year of 
$8,299,820.90, being only $50,000 less than was derived from all the 
States of the Union during the previous year. The expenditures 
show a still more favorable result. The amount expended in 1861 
was $13,606,759.11. For the last year the amount has been reduced 
to $11,125,364.13, showing a decrease of about $2,481,000 in the 
expenditures as compared with the preceding year, and about 
$3,750,000 as compared with the fiscal year 1860. The deficiency in 
the department for the previous year was $4,551,966.98. For the 
last fiscal year it was reduced to $2,112,814.57. These favorable 
results are in part owing to the cessation of mail service in the in- 
surrectionary StateS; and in part to a careful review of all expendi- 
tures in that department in the interest of economy. The efficiency 
of the postal service, it is believed, has also been much improved. 
The Postmaster-General has also opened a correspondence, through 
the Department of State, with foreign governments, proposing a con- 
vention of postal representatives for the purpose of simplifying the 
rates of foreign postage, and to expedite the foreign mails. This 
proposition, equall}^ important to our adopted citizens and to the 
commercial interests of this country, has been favorably entertained, 
and agreed to, by all the governments from whom replies have been 
received. 

I ask the attention of Congress to the suggestions of the Postmas- 
ter-General in his report respecting the further legislation required, 
in his opinion, for the benefit of the postal service. 

The Secretary of the Interior reports as follows in regard to the 
public lands : 

The pubhe lands have ceased to be a source of revenue. From the 1st 
July, 1861, to the 30tli September, 1862, the entire cash receipts from the 
sale of lands were $137,476.20 — a sum much less than the expenses of our 
land system during the same period. The homestead law, which will take 
effect on the 1st of January next, offers such inducements to settlers that 
sales for cash cannot l)e expected to an extent sufficient to meet the ex- 
penses of the General Land Of&ce, and the cost of surveying and bringing 
the laud into market. 

The discrepancy between the sum here stated as arising from the 
sales of the public lands, and the sum derived from the same source 
as reported from the Treasury Department, arises, as I understand, 
from the fact that the periods of time, though apparently, were not 
really coincident at the beginning point — the Treasury report in- 
cluding a considerable sum now, which had previously been reported 
from the Interior — sufficiently large to greatly overreach the sum 
derived from the three months now reported upon by the Interior, 
and not by the Treasury. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 267 

The Indian tribes upon our frontiers have, during the past year, 
manifested a spirit of insubordination, and at several points have 
eiiga<''ed in o])en hostilities against the white settlements in their 
vieinity. The tribes occupying the Indian country south of Kansas 
renounced their allegiance to the United States, and entered into 
treaties with the insurgents. Those who remained loyal to the United 
States were driven from the country. The chief of the Cherokees 
has visited this city for the purpose of restoring the former relations 
of the tribe with the United States. He alleges that they were con- 
strained by superior force to enter into treaties with the insiu'gents, 
and that the LTnited States neglected to furnish the protection which 
their treaty stipulations required. 

In the month of August last the Sioux Indians in Minnesota 
attacked the settlements in. their vicinity with extreme ferocity, 
killing indiscriminately men, women, and children. This attack was 
wholly unexpected, and therefore no means of defense had been 
provided. It is estimated that not less than eight hundred persons 
were killed by the Indians, and a largo amount of property was de- 
stroyed. How this outbreak was induced is not definitely known, and 
suspicions, which may be unjust, need not to be stated. Information 
was received by the Indian bureau, from different sources, about the 
time hostilities were commenced, that a simultaneous attack was to 
be made upon the white settlements by all the tribes between the 
Mississippi River and the Rocky Mountains. The State of Minnesota 
has suffered great injury from this Indian war. A large portion of 
her territory has been depopulated, and a severe loss has been sus- 
tained by the destruction of property. The people of that State 
manifest much anxiety for the removal of the tribes beyond the 
limits of the State as a guarantee against future hostilities. The 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs will furnish full details. I submit 
for your especial consideration whether our Indian system shall not 
be remodeled. Many wise and good men have impressed me with 
the belief that this can be profitably done. 

I submit a statement of the proceedings of commissioners, which 
shows the progress that has been made in the enterprise of con- 
structing the Pacific Railroad. And this suggests the earliest com- 
pletion of this road, and also the favorable action of Congress upon 
the projects now pending before them for enlarging the capacities 
of the great canals in New York and Illinois, as being of xital and 
rapidly increasing importance to the whole nation, and especially to 
the vast interior region hereinafter to be noticed at some greater 
length. I purpose having prepared and laid before you at an early 
day some interesting and valuable statistical information upon this 
subject. The military and commercial importance of enlarging the 
Illinois and Michigan canal and im])roving the Illinois River is 
presented in the report of Colonel Webster to the Secretary of War, 
and now transmitted to Congress. I respectfully ask attention to it. 

To carry out the provisions of the act of Congress of the 15th 
of May last, I have caused the Department of Agriculture of the 
United States to be organized. The commissioner informs me 
that within the period of a few months this department has estab- 



268 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

lished an extensive system of correspondence and exchanges, both 
at home and abroad, which promises to effect highly beneficial re- 
sults in the development of a correct knowledge of recent improve- 
ments in agriculture, in the introduction of new products, and in 
the collection of the agricultural statistics of the different States. 
Also that it will soon be prepared to distribute largely seeds, cereals, 
plants, and cuttings, and has already published and liberally dif- 
fused much valuable information in anticipation of a more elaborate 
report which will in due time be furnished, embracing some valu- 
able tests in chemical science now in progress in the laboratory. 
The creation of this department w^as for the more immediate ben- 
efit of a large class of our most valuable citizens ; and I trust that 
the liberal basis upon which it has been organized will not only 
meet your approbation, but that it will realize, at no distant day, 
all the fondest anticipations of its most sanguine friends, and be- 
come the fruitful source of advantage to all our people. 

On the 22d day of September last a proclamation was issued by 
the Executive, a copy of which is herewith submitted. In accor- 
dance with the purpose expressed in the second paragraph of that 
paper, I now respectfully recall your attention to what may be 
called '' compensated emancipation." 

A nation may be said to consist of its territory, its people, and its 
laws. The territory is the only part which is of certain durability. 
" One generation passeth away, and another generation cometh, but 
the earth abideth forever." It is of the first importance to duly 
consider and estimate this ever-enduring part. That portion of the 
earth's surface which is owned and inhabited by the people of the 
United States is well adapted to be the home of one national family, 
and it is not well adapted for two or more. Its vast extent and 
its variety of climate and productions are of advantage in this age 
for one people, whatever they might have been in former ages. 
Steam, telegraphs, and intelligence have brought these to be an 
advantageous combination for one united people. 

In the inaugural address I briefly pointed out the total inade- 
quacy of disunion as a remedy for the differences between the 
people of the two sections. I did so in language which I cannot 
improve and which, therefore, I beg to repeat : 

One section of our cou.ntry believes slavery is right and ought to be 
extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be ex- 
tended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave clause 
of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave- 
trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a com- 
munity where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law 
itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in 
both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be per- 
fectly cured ; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the 
sections than before. The foreign slave-trade, now imperfectly suppressed, 
woidd be ultimately revived without restriction in one section ; while fugi- 
tive slaves, now only partially surrendered, woidd not be surrendered at all 
by the other. 

Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respec- 
tive sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. 



I 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 2G9 

A husband and wife may be divorced and e:o out of the presence and beyond 
the reach of each other ; but the different parts of our country cannot do 
this. They cannot but remain face to face ; and intercourse, either ami- 
cal)le or liostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make 
that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation 
than before ? Can ahens make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? 
Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can aniong 
friends ? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always ; and when, after 
much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the iden- 
tical old questions as to terms of intercoin-se are again upon you. 

There is no line, straight or crooked, suitiil)le for a national 
boundary upon whi(3h to divide. Trace tlironoh, from east to west, 
upon the line between the free and slave country, and we shall find 
a little more than one third of its leng^th are rivers, easy to be crossed, 
and populated, or soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides; 
while nearly all its remaining length are merely surveyors' lines, 
over which people may walk back and forth without any conscious- 
ness of their presence. No part of this line can be made any more 
difficult to pass by writing it down on paper or parchment as a 
national boundary. The fact of separation, if it comes, gives up on 
the part of the seceding section the fugitive-slave clause along with 
all other constitutional obligations upon the section seceded from, 
while I should expect no treaty stipulation would be ever made to 
take its place. 

But there is another difficulty. The great interior region, bounded 
east by the Alleghanies, uorth by the British dominions, west by the 
Rocky Mountains, and south by the line along which the culture of 
corn and cotton meets, and which includes part of Virginia, part 
of Tennessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, 
Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Territories of 
Dakota, Nebraska, and part of Colorado, already has above ten mil- 
lions of people, and will have fifty millions within fifty years if not 
prevented by any political folly or mistake. It contains more than 
one third of the country owned l)y the United States — certainly 
more than one million of square miles. Once half as populous as 
Massachusetts already is, it would have more than seventy-five mil- 
lions of people. A glance at the map shows that, territorially speak- 
ing, it is the great body of the republic. The other parts are but 
marginal borders to it, the magnificent region sloping west from 
the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific being the deei)est and also the 
richest in undeveloped resources. In the production of provisions, 
grains, grasses, and all which proceed from them, this great interior 
region is naturally one of the most important in the world. Ascer- 
tain from the statistics the small proportion of the region whicli 
has, as yet, been brought into cultivation, and also the large and 
rapidly "increasing amount of its products, and we shall be over- 
whelmed with the magnitude of the pi-ospect presented ; and yet 
this region has no sea-coast, touches no ocean anywhere. As part 
of one nation, its peo]>le now find, and may forever find, their way 
to Europe by New York, to South America and Africa by New 
Orleans, and'to Asia by San Francisco. But separate our common 



270 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

country into two nations, as designed by the present rebellion, and 
every man of this great interior region is thereby cut off from some 
one or more of these outlets — not, perhaps, by a physical barrier, 
but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations. 

And this is true wherever a dividing or boundary line may be 
fixed. Place it between the now free and slave country, or place it 
south of Kentucky or north of Ohio, and still the truth remains 
that none south of it can trade to any port or place north of it, and 
none north of it can trade to any port or place south of it, except 
upon terms dictated by a government foreign to them. These out- 
lets, east, west, and south, are indispensable to the well-being of the 
people inhabiting, and to inhabit, this vast interior region. Which 
of the three may be the best, is no proper question. All are better 
than either; and all of right belong to that people and to their suc- 
cessors forever. True to themselves, they will not ask where a line 
of separation shall be, but will vow rather that there shall be no such 
line. Nor are the marginal regions less interested in these com- 
munications to and through them to the great outside world. 
They, too, and each of them, must have access to this Eg\'pt of the 
West without paying toll at the crossing of any national boundary. 

Our national strife springs not from our permanent part, not 
from the laud we inhabit, not from our national homestead. There 
is no possible severing of this but would multiply, and not mitigate, 
evils among us. In all its adaptations and aptitudes it demands 
union and abhors separation. In fact, it would ere long force re- 
union, however much of blood and treasure the separation might 
have cost. 

Our strife pertains to ourselves — to the passing generations of 
men; and it can without convulsion be hushed forever with the pass- 
ing of one generation. 

In this view I recommend the adoption of the following resolu- 
tion and articles amendatory to the Constitution of the United 
States : 

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of both 
houses concurring). That the following articles be proposed to the 
legislatures (or conventions) of the several States as amendments to 
the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which articles 
when ratified by three fourths of the said legislatures (or conven- 
tions) to be valid as part or parts of the said Constitution, viz. : 

"Article — . 

" Every State wherein slavery now exists which shall abolish the 
same therein at any time or times before the first day of January in 
the year of our Lord one thousand and nine hundred, shall receive 
compensation from the United States as follows, to wit : 

" The President of the United States shall deliver to every such 

State bonds of the United States, bearing interest at the rate of 

per cent, per annum, to an amount equal to the aggregate sum 

of , for each slave shown to have been therein 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 271 

by the eiahtli census of the United States, said bonds to be delivered 
to such State by instahuents, or in one parcel at the completion of 
the abolishment, according'ly as the same shall have been gradual or 
at one time within such State; and interest shall begin to run upon 
any such bond only from the proper time of its delivery as aforesaid. 
Any State having received bonds as aforesaid, and afterward re- 
introducing or tolerating slavery therein, sliall refund to the United 
States the bonds so received, or the value thereof, and all interest 
paid thereon. 

"Article — . 

"All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the chances 
of the war at any time before the end of the rebellion, shall be forever 
free; but all owners of such who shall not have been disloyal shall 
be compensated for them at the same rates as are provided for States 
adopting abolishment of slavery, but in such way that no slave shall 
be twice accounted for. 

"Article — . 

"Congi'ess may appropriate money and otherwise provide for 
colonizing free colored persons, with their own consent, at anyplace 
or places without the United States." 

I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed articles at some length. 
Without slavery the rebellion could never have existed; without 
slavery it could not continue. 

Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of senti- 
ment and of policy in regard to slavery and the African race amongst 
us. Some would perpetuate slavery; some would abolish it suddenly, 
and without compensation; some would abolish it gradually, and 
with compensation; some would remove the freed people from us, 
and some would retain them with us; and there are yet other minor 
diversities. Because of these diversities we waste much strength in 
struggles among ourselves. By mutual concession we should har- 
monize and act together. This would be compromise; but it would 
be compromise among the friends, and not with the enemies, of the 
Union. These articles are intended to embody a plan of such mutual 
concessions. If the plan shall be adopted, it is assiimed that eman- 
cipation will follow at least in several of the States. 

As to the first article, the main points are: first, the emancipa- 
tion; secondly, the length of time for consummating it — thirty- 
seven years ; and, thirdly, the compensation. 

The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of per- 
petual slavery; but the length of time should greatly mitigate their 
dissatisfaction. The time spares both races from the evils of sud- 
den derangement — in fact, from the necessity of any derangenuMit ; 
while most of those whose hal)itual course of thought will be dis- 
turbed by the measure will have passed away before its consumma- 
tion. They will never see it. Another class will hail the prospect 
of emancipation, but will deprecate the length of time. They will 
feel that it gives too little to the now living slaves. But it reallv 



272 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

gives tliem much. It saves them from the vagrant destitution which 
must largely attend immediate emancipation in localities where their 
numbers are very great ; and it gives the inspiring assurance that 
their posterity shall be free forever. The plan leaves to each State 
choosing to act under it to abolish slavery now, or at the end of the 
century, or at any intermediate time, or by degrees extending over 
the whole or any part of the period ; and it obliges no two States to 
proceed alike. It also provides for compensation, and generally 
the mode of making it. This, it would seem, must further mitigate 
the dissatisfaction of those who favor perpetual slavery, and es- 
pecially of those who are to receive the compensation. Doubtless 
some of those who are to pay, and not to receive, will object. Yet 
the measure is both just and economical. In a certain sense the 
liberation of slaves is the destruction of property — property ac- 
quired by descent or by purchase, the same as any other propert3\ 
It is no less true for having been often said, that the people of the 
South are not more responsible for the original introduction of 
this property than are the people of the North ; and when it is 
remembered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar and 
share the profits of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say 
that the South has been more resj^ousible than the North for its con- 
tinuance. If, then, for a common object this property is to be sacri- 
ficed, is it not just that it be done at a common charge? 

And if, with less money, or money more easily paid, we can pre- 
serve the benefits of the Union by this means than we can by the 
war alone, is it not also economical to do it ? Let us consider it, 
then. Let us ascertain the sum we have expended in the war since 
compensated emancipation was proposed last March, and consider 
whether, if that measure had been promptly accepted by even some 
of the slave States, the same sum would not have done more to close 
the war than has been otherwise done. If so, the measure would save 
money, and in that view would be a prudent and economical measure. 
Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to pay nothing ; 
but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one. And 
it is easier to pay any sum when we are able, than it is to pay it be- 
fore we are able. The war requires large sums, and requires them 
at once. The aggregate sum necessary for compensated emancipa- 
tion of course would be large. But it would require no ready cash, 
nor the bonds even, any faster than the emancipation progresses. 
This might not, and probably would not, close before the end of the 
thirty-seven years. At that time we shall probably have 100,000,000 
of people to share the burden, instead of 31,000,000 as now. And 
not only so, but the increase of our population may be expected to 
continue for a long time after that period, as rapidly as before, be- 
cause our territory will not have become full. I do not state this 
inconsiderately. At the same ratio of increase which we have main- 
tained, on an average, from our first national census in 1790 until 
that of 1860, we should in 1900 have a population of 103,208,415. 
And why may we not continue that ratio far beyond that period? 
Our abundant room — our broad national homestead — is our ample 
resource. Were our territory as limited as are the British Isles, 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 273 

very certainly our population could not expand as stated. Instead 
of receiving- the foreie:n-born as now, we should be compelled to 
send part of the native-born away. But such is not our condition. 
We have 2,903,000 square miles. Europe has 3,800,000, with a popu- 
latiou averaging- 73 J persons to the sijuare mile. Why may not our 
counti-y, at the same time, average as many? Is it less fertile f 
Has it' more waste surface, by monntains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or 
other causes f Is it inferior to Europe in any natnral advantage? 
If, then, we are at some time to be as populous as Europe, how soon"? 
As to when this mav be, we can judge by the past and the present ; as 
to when it will be, "if ever, depends much on whether we maintain 
the Union. Several of our States are already al)ove the average of 
Europe — 73^ to the square mile. Massachusetts has 157; Rhode 
Island, 133; Connecticut, 99; New York and New Jersey, each 80. 
Also two other-great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far be- 
low, the former having 63 and the latter 59. The States already 
above the European average, except New York, have increased in 
as rapid a ratio since passing that point as ever before, while no one 
of them is equal to some other parts of our country in natural 
capacity for sustaining a dense population. 

Takiug the nation m the ag-gregate, we find its population and 
ratio of increase for the several decennial periods to be as follows : 

1790 3,929,827 . ^. 

1800 5,305,937 35.02 per cent, ratio of mcrease. 

1810 7,239,814 36.45 " " 

18-20 ' 9,038,131 33.13 " " " 

1830 12,866,0-20 33.49 '* " " 

1840 17,069,453 32.67 " " " 

1850 23,191,876 35.87 '^ 

I860 31,443,790 35.58 " *' 

This shows an average decennial increase of 34.60 per cent, in 
population through the seventy years from our first to our last cen- 
sus yet taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase at no one of these 
seven periods is either two per cent, below or two per cent, above the 
average, thus showing how inflexible, and consequently how relia- 
ble, the law of increase in our case is. Assuming that it will con- 
• tinue, gives the following results : 

1870 42,323.341 

1880 56,967,216 

1890 76,677,872 

1900 : ■.:::.■.'■.:: ■. 103,208,415 

1910 138,918,526 

1920 186,984,335 

1930. '..'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 251,680,914 

These figures show that our country may be as populous as Europe 
now is at some point between 1920 and 1930— say about 1925 — our 
territory, at 73^ persons to the square mile, being of capacity to con- 
tain 217,186,000. 
Vol. II.— 18. 



274 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

And we will reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish the 
chance by the folly and evils of disunion, or by long and exhausting 
war springing froni the only great element of national discord among 
us. While it cannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge example 
of secession, breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would retard popula- 
tion, civilization, and prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of 
it would be very great and injurious. 

The proposed emancipation would shorten the war, perpetuate 
peace, insure this increase of population, and proportionately the 
wealth of the country. With these, we should pay all the emanci- 
pation would cost, together with our other debt, easier than we 
should pay our other debt without it. If we had allowed our old 
national debt to run at six per cent, per annum, simple interest, from 
the end of our Revolutionary struggle until to-day, without paying 
anything on either principal or interest, each man of us would owe 
less upon that debt now than each man owed upon it then ; and this 
because our increase of men, through the whole period, has been 
greater than six per cent. — has run faster than the interest upon 
the debt. Thus, time alone relieves a debtor nation, so long as its 
population increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on 
its debt. 

This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly 
due ; but it shows the great importance of time in this connection — 
the great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay, 
until we number a hundred millions, what by a different policy we 
would have to pay now, when we number but thirty-one millions. In 
a word, it shows that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war 
than will be a dollar for emancipation on the proposed plan. And 
then the latter will cost no blood, no precious life. It will be a 
saving of both. 

As to the second article, I think it would be impracticable to re- 
turn to bondage the class of persons therein contemplated. Some of 
them doubtless, in the property sense, belong to loyal owners ; and 
hence provision is made in this article for compensating such. 

The third article relates to the future of the freed people. It does 
not oblige, but merely authorizes, Congress to aid in colonizing such 
as may consent. This ought not to be regarded as objectionable, on 
the one hand or on the other, insomuch as it comes to nothing 
unless by the mutual consent of the people to be deported, and the 
American voters through their representatives in Congress. 

I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I strongly 
favor colonization. And yet I wish to say there is an objection 
urged against free colored persons remaining in the country which 
is largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious. 

It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace white 
labor and white laborers. If there ever could be a proper time for 
mere catch arguments, that time surely is not now. In times Jike 
the present, men should utter nothing for which they would not 
willinglv be responsible through time and in eternity. Is it true, 
then, that colored people can displace any more white labor by being 
free than by remaining slaves 1 If they stay in their old places, they 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 275 

jostle no white laborers ; if they leave their old places, they leave 
them open to white laborers. Logically, there is neitlier more nor 
less of it. Emancipation, even without deportation, would probably 
enhance the wages of white labor, and very surely wouhl not reduce 
them. Thus, the customary amount of labor woidd still have to be 
performed ; the freed people would surely not do more than their 
old proportion of it, and very probably for a time would do less, 
leaving an increased part to white laborers, bringing their labor 
into greater demand, and consecpiently enhancing the wages of it. 
With deportation, even to a limited extent, enhanced wages to white 
labor is mathematically certain. Labor is like any other commodity 
in the market — increase the demand for it, and you increase the 
price of it. Reduce the supply of black labor by colonizing the 
black laborer out of the country, and by precisely so much you in- 
crease the demand for, and wages of, white labor. 

But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover 
the whole land? Are they not already in the land? Will liberation 
make them any more numerous ? Equally distributed among the 
whites of the whole country, and there would be but one colored to 
seven whites. Could the one in any way greatly disturb the seven ? 
There are many communities now having more than one free colored 
person to seven whites, and this without any apparent conscious- 
ness of evil from it. The District of Columbia, and the States of 
Maryland and Delaware, are all in this condition. The District has 
more than one free colored to six whites; and yet in its frequent peti- 
tions to Congress I beheve it has never presented the presence of 
free colored persons as one of its grievances. But why should eman- 
cipation south send the free people north? People of any color 
seldom run unless there be something to run from. Heretofore 
colored people, to some extent, have fled north from bondage ; and 
now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitution. But if gradual 
emancipation and deportation be adopted, they will have neither to 
flee from. Their old masters will give them wages at least until 
new laborers can be procured; and the freedmen, in turn, will 
gladly give their labor for the wages till new homes can be found 
for them in congenial climes and with people of their own blood and 
race. This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests in- 
volved. And, in any event, cannot the North decide for itself 
whether to receive them ? 

Again, as practice proves more than theory, in any case, has there 
been any irruption of colored people northward because of the abol- 
ishment of slavery in this District last spring? 

What I have said of the proportion of free colored persons to the 
whites in the District is from the census of 1860, having no reference 
to persons called contrabands, nor to those made free by the act of 
Congress abolishing slavery here. 

The plan consisting of these articles is recommended, not but 
that a restoration of the national authority would be accepted with- 
out its adoption. 

Nor will the war, nor proceedings under the proclamation of Sep- 
tember 22, 1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this 



276 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

plan. Its timely adoption, I doubt not, Vv-ould bring restoration, and 
thereby stay both. 

And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Con- 
gress provide by law for compensating any State which may adopt 
emancipation before this plan shall have been acted upon, is hereby 
earnestly renewed. Such would be only an advance part of the 
plan, and the same arguments apply to both. 

This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of, but 
additional to, all others for restoring and preserving the national 
authority throughout the Union, The subject is presented exclu- 
sively in its economical aspect. The plan would, I am confident, 
secure peace more speedily, and maintain it more permanently, than 
can be done by force alone ; while all it would cost, considering 
amounts, and manner of payment, and times of payment, would be 
easier paid than will be the additional cost of the war if we rely solely 
upon force. It is much — very much — that it would cost no blood 
at aU. 

The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. It cannot 
become such without the concurrence of, first, two thirds of Con- 
gress and, afterward, three fourths of the States. The requisite 
three fourths of the States will necessarily include seven of the 
slave States. Their concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance 
of their several!}^ adopting emancipation at no very distant day upon 
the new constitutional terms. This assurance would end the strug- 
gle now, and save the Union forever. 

I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper ad- 
dressed to the Congress of the nation by the Chief Magistrate of the 
nation. Nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that 
many of you have more experience than I in the conduct of public 
affairs. Yet I trust that in view of the great responsibility resting 
upon me, you will perceive no want of respect to yourselves in any 
undue earnestness I may seem to display. 

Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would 
shorten the war, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of 
blood ? Is it doubted that it would restore the national authority 
and national prosperity, and perpetuate both indefinitely? Is it 
doubted that we here — Congress and Executive — can secure its 
adoption ? Will not the good people respond to a united and earnest 
appeal from us ? Can we, can they, by any other means so certainly 
or so speedily assure these vital objects ? We can succeed only by 
concert. It is not " Can any of us imagine better ? " but, " Can we all 
do better?" Object whatsoever is possible, still the question occurs, 
" Can we do better?" The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate 
to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, 
and we must rise with the occasion. As our case is new, so we must 
think anew and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then 
we shall save our country. 

Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We of this Congress 
and this administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. 
No personal significance or insignificance can spare one or another 
of us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down, 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 277 

iu honor or dishonor, to the latest generation. We say we are for 
the Union. The world will not forget that we say this. We know 
how to save the Union. The world knows we do know how to save 
it. We — even we here — hold the power and bear the responsibility. 
In giving freedom to the slave, we assnre freedom to the free — hon- 
orable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall 
nobly save or meanly lose the last, best hope of earth. Other means 
may snceeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, gen- 
erous, just — a way which, if followed, the world will forever ap- 
plaud, and God must forever bless. Abraham Lincoln. 
December 1, 18G2. 



December 3, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : On the 3d of No- 
vember, 1861, a collision took place off the coast of Cuba between 
the United States war steamer San Jacinto and the French brig 
Jules et Marie, resulting in serious damage to the latter. The 
obligation of this government to make amends therefore could 
not be questioned if the injury resulted from any fault on the 
part of the San Jacinto. With a view to ascertain this, the 
subject was referred to a commission of the United States and 
French naval officers at New York, with a naval officer of Italy as 
an arbiter. The conclusion arrived at was that the collision was 
occasioned by the failure of the San Jacinto seasonably to reverse 
her engine. It then became necessary to ascertain the amount of 
indemnification due to the injured party. The United States con- 
sul-general at Havana was consequently instructed to confer with 
the consul of France on this point, and they have determined that 
the sum of nine thousand five hundred dollars is an equitable allow- 
ance under the circumstances. 

I recommend an appropriation of this sum for the benefit of the 
owners of the Jules et Marie. 

A copy of the letter of Mr. Shufeldt, the consid-general of the 
United States at Havana, to the Secretary of State on the subject, 
is herewith transmitted. Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 3, 1862. 



December 5, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 5, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary op the Treasury. 

Mil dear Sir : With my understanding of the present condition 
of Missouri, and especially that part of it north of the Missouri 
River, I think the attached resolutions are reasonable. Have you 
anything to do with it, or does it belong exclusively to the Secre- 
tary of War ? Please answer me, returning this note, and resolutions 
to me. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



278 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

December 7, 1862. — Letter to C. P. Kirkland. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 7, 1862. 
Charles P. Kirkland, Esq., New York : 

I have just received and hastily read your published letter to the 
Hon. Benjamin R. Curtis. Under the circumstances I may not be 
the most competent judge, but it appears to me to be a paper of 
great ability, and for the country's sake, more than my own, I 
thank you for it. Yours very truly, ^^ Lincoln. 

December 8, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : In conformity to the 
law of July 16, 1862, I most cordially recommend that Commander 
John L. Worden, United States Navy, receive a vote of thanks of 
Congress for the eminent skill and gallantry exhibited by him in 
the late remarkable battle between the United States iron-clad 
steamer Monitor, under his command, and the rebel iron-clad 
steamer Merrimac, in March last. 

The thanks of Congress for his services on the occasion referred 
to were tendered by a resolution approved July 11, 1862, but the 
recommendation is now specially made in order to comply with the 
requirements of the ninth section of the act of July 16, 1862, which 
is in the following words : 

That any line officer of the navy or marine corps may be advanced one 
grade if, upon recommendation of the President by name, he receive the 
thanks of Congress for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the 
enemy, or for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession. 

Washington, D. C, December 8, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. 

December 9, 1862. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : In compliance with the reso- 
lution of the Senate of the United States of the 13th of March last, 
requesting a copy of the correspondence relative to the attempted 
seizure of Mr. Fauchet by the commander of the Africa within the 
waters of the United States, I transmit a report from the Secretary 
of State, and the documents by which it was accompanied. 

Washington, D. C, December 9, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. 

December 10, 1862. — Letter to General S. R. Curtis. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 10, 1862. 
Major-General Curtis, St. Louis, Missouri: 

Please suspend, until further order, all proceedings on the order 
made by General Schofield, on the twenty-eighth day of August last, 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 279 

for assessing aud collecting from secessionists and Southern sympa- 
thizers the sum of five hundred thousand dollars, etc., and in the 
mean time make out and send me a statement of facts pertinent 
to the question, together with your opinion upon it. 

A. Lincoln. 



December 10, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : In conformity to 
the law of July 16, 1862, I most cordially recommend that Lieu- 
tenant-Commander George U. Morris, United States Navy, receive 
a vote of thanks of Congress for the determined valor and hero- 
ism displayed in his defense of the United States ship of war 
Cumherland, temporarily under his command, in the naval engage- 
ment at Hampton Roads on the 8th of March, 1862, with the rebel 
iron-clad steam-frigate Merrimac. 



Washington, D. C, December 10, 1862. 



Abraham Lincoln. 



December 11, 1862. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States: In compliance with your 
resolution of December 5, 1862, requesting the President *'to fur- 
nish the Senate with all information in his possession touching 
the late Indian barbarities in the State of Minnesota, and also 
the evidence in his possession upon which some of the princi- 
pal actors and head men were tried and condemned to death," I 
have the honor to state that, on receipt of said resolution, I trans- 
mitted the same to the Secretary of the Interior, accompanied by a 
note, a copy of which is herewith inclosed, marked A, and in re- 
sponse to which I received, through that department, a letter of the 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, a copy of which is herewith in- 
closed, marked B. 

I further state that on the eighth day of November last I received 
a long telegraphic despatch from Major-General Pope, at St. Paul, 
Minnesota, simply announcing the names of the persons sentenced 
to be hanged. I immediately telegraphed to have transcripts of the 
records in all the cases forwarded to me, which transcripts, however, 
did not reach me until two or three days before the present meeting 
of Congress. Meantime I received, through telegraphic despatches 
and otherwise, appeals in behalf of the condemned — appeals for 
their execution — and expressions of opinion as to the proper policy 
in regard to them and to the Indians generally in that vicinity, 
none of which, as I understand, falls within the scope of your 
inquiry. After the arrival of the trans(!ripts of records, but before 
I had sufficient opportunity to examine them, I received a joint let- 
ter from one of. the senators and two of the representatives from 
Minnesota, which contains some statements of fact not found in the 
records of the trials, and for which reason I herewith transmit a 
copy, marked C. I also, for the same reason, inclose a printed memo- 



280 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

rial of the citizens of St. Paul, addressed to me, and forwarded witli 
the letter aforesaid. 

Anxious to not act with so much clemency as to encourage an- 
other outbreak on the one hand, nor with so much severity as to be 
real cruelty on the other, I caused a careful examination of the 
records of trials to be made, in view of first ordering the execution 
of such as had been proved guilty of violating females. Contrary to 
my expectation, only two of this class were found. I then directed 
a further examination and a classification of all who were proven to 
have participated in massacres, as distinguished from participation 
in battles. This class numbered forty, and included the two con- 
victed of female violation. One of the number is strongly recom- 
mended, by the commission which tried them, for commutation to 
ten years' imprisonment. I have ordered the other thirty-nine to be 
executed on Friday, the 19th instant. The order was despatched 
from here on Monday, the 8th instant, by a messenger to General 
Sibley, and a coj^y of which order is herewith transmitted, marked D. 

An abstract of the evidence as to the forty is herewith inclosed, 
marked E. 

To avoid the immense amount of copying, I lay before the Senate 
the original transcripts of the records of trials, as received by me. 

This is as full and complete a response to the resolution as it is 
in my power to make. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



December 12, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : I have 
in my possession three valuable swords, formerly the property of 
G-eneral David E. Twiggs, which I now place at the disposal of 
Congress. They are forwarded to me from New Orleans by Major- 
General Benjamin F. Butler. If they, or any of them, shall be by 
Congress disposed of in reward or compliment of military service, I 
think Oeneral Butler is entitled to the first consideration. A copy 
of the general's letter to me, accompanying the swords, is herewith 
transmitted. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

December 12, 1862. 



December 12, 1862. — Letter to Fernando Wood. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 12, 1862. 
Hon. Fernando Wood. 

Mfj dear Sir: Your letter of the 8th, with the accompanying note 
of same date, w^as received yesterday. The most important para- 
graph in the letter, as I consider, is in these words : " On the 25th of 
November last I was advised by an authority which I deemed likely 
to be well informed as well as reliable and truthful, that the Southern 
States would send representatives to the next Congress, provided 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 281 

that a full and general amnesty should permit them to do so. No 
guaranties or terms were asked for other than the amnesty re- 
ferred to." 

I strongly suspect your information will prove to be groundless ; 
nevertheless, I thank you for communieating it to me. Understanding 
the phrase in the paragraph above quoted — '* the Southern States 
would send representatives to tlie next Congress " — to be substan- 
tially the same as that '' the peoi)le of the Southern States would 
cease resistance, and would reinaugurate, submit to, and maintain 
the national authority within the limits of such States under the 
Constitution of the United States," I say that in such case the war 
would cease on the part of the United States ; and that if within a 
reasonable time "a full and general amnesty" were necessary to 
such end, it would not be withheld. 

I do not think it would be proper now for me to communicate this 
formally or informally to the people of the Southern States. My 
belief is that they already know it ; and when they choose, if ever, 
they can communicate with me unequivocally. Xor do I think it 
proper now to suspend military operations to try any experiment of 
negotiation. 

I sliould nevertheless receive with great pleasure the exact infor- 
mation you now have, and also such other as you may in any way 
oljtain. Such information might be more valuable before the 1st of 
January than afterward. 

While there is nothing in this letter which I shall dread to sec in 
history, it is, perhaps, better for the present that its existence should 
not become public. I therefore have to request that you will regard 
it as confidential. Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 



December 18, 1862. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Bepresentatives : I transmit a copy 
of a despatch to the Secretary of State from Mr. Adams, United 
States minister at London, and of the correspondence to which 
it refers, between that gentleman and Mr. Panizzi, the principal 
librarian of the British Museum, relative to certain valuable pub- 
lications presented to the Library of Congress. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 18, 1862. 



December 19, 1862.— Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. 

Washington, December 19, 1862. 
Ma.jor-General Burnside : 
Come, of course, if in your own judgment it is safe to do so. 

A. Lincoln. 



282 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

December 20, 1862. — Note to Secretary Chase. 

Hon. Secretary of the Treasury: 
Please do not go out of town. 

A. Lincoln. 
December 20, 1862. 

December 20, 1862. — Note to Secretaries Seward and Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 20, 1862. 
Hon. William H. Seward and Hon. Salmon P. Chase. 

OenfJemen : You have respectively tendered me your resignations 
as Secretary of State and Secretary of the Treasury of the United 
States. I am apprised of the circumstances which may render this 
course personally desirable to each of you ; but after most anxious 
consideration my deliberate judgment is that the public interest 
does not admit of it. I therefore have to request that you will re- 
sume the duties of your departments respectively. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

December 22, 1862. — Note to General J. A. Dix. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 22, 1862. 
Major-General Dix: 

Owing to extreme pressure of business, I have neglected for a 
week to write this note. General Busteed is with you. I bespeak 
for him your kindest consideration. His case is peculiar. Without 
much military experience, he has entered the service from purely 
patriotic motives. Please assign him the position best adapted to 
his case which may be within your power. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



December 22, 1862. — Congratulations to the Army of the 

Potomac. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 22, 1862. 

To the Army of the Potomac : I have just read your commanding 
general's report of the battle of Fredericksburg. Although you 
were not successful, the attempt was not an error, nor the failure 
other than accident. The courage with which you, in an open 
field, maintained the contest against an intrenched foe, and the con- 
summate skill and success with which you crossed and recrossed the 
river in the face of the enemy, show that you possess all the qualities 
of a great army, which will yet give victory to the cause of the 
country and of popular government. 

Condoling with the mourners for the dead, and sympathizing 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 283 

with the severely wounded, I congratulate you that the number of 
both is comparatively so small. 
I tender to you, officers and soldiers, the thanks of the nation. 

A. Lincoln. 



December 22, 1862. — Letter to Generals W. B. Franklin and 

W. F. Smith. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 22, 1862. 
Major-General Franklin and Major-General Smith: 

Yours of the 20th, suggesting a plan of operations for the Army 
of the Potomac, is received. I have hastily read the plan, and shall 
yet try to give it more deliberate consideration, with the aid of 
military men. Meanwhile let me say it seems to me to present the 
old questions of preference between the line of the Peninsula and the 
line you are now upon. The difficulties you point out as pertaining 
to the Fredericksburg line are obvious and palpable. But now, as 
heretofore, if j'ou go to James River, a large part of the army must 
remain on or near the Fredericksburg line, to protect Washington. 
It is the old difficulty. 

When I saw General Franklin at Harrison's Landing on James 
River last July, I cannot be mistaken in saying that he distinctly 
advised the bringing of the array away from there. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



December 22, 1862. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : In compliance with the resolu- 
tion of the Senate of the 15th instant, requesting a copy of the 
report of the Hon. Reverdy Johnson, I transmit a communication 
from the Secretary of State and the documents by which it was 
accompanied. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 22, 1862. 



December 23, 1862. — Note to the Cabinet. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 23, 1862. 
Gentlemen of the Cabinet: 

A bill for an act entitled '* An Act for the admission of the State 
of West Virginia into the Union and for other purposes," has passed 
the House of Representatives and the Senate, and has been duly pre- 
sented to me for my action. 

I respectfully ask of each of 3^ou an opinion in writing on the 
following questions, to wit : 

1st. Is the said act constitutional ? 

2d. Is the said act expedient '? 

Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln. 



284 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

December 23, 1862.— Note to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 23, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

Dear Sir: Unless you know some strong objection, please send 
me a nomination for Cuthbert Bullitt as collector of the customs at 
New Orleans. I wish to do this at once. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

December 24, 1862.— Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Bepresentatives : I transmit for the 
consideration of Congress a report from the Secretary of State on 
the subject of consular pupils. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 24, 1862. 

December 29, 1862. — Letter to General Butler. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 29, 1862. 
Major-General B. F. Butler. 

My dear Sir : I believe you have a family, and I dislike to deprive 
you of an early visit to them ; but I really wish to see you at the 
earliest moment. I am contemplating a peculiar and important ser- 
vice for you, which I think, and I hope you will think, is as honor- 
able as it is important. I wish to confer with you upon it. Please 
come immediately upon your arrival at New York. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



December 30, 1862. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. 

War Department, Washington City, D. C, 

December 30, 1862. 3.30 P. M. 

Major-General Burnside : 

I have good reason for saying you must not make a general move- 
ment of the army without letting me know. 

A. Lincoln. 



December 30, 1862.— Letter to Governor Gamble. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 30, 1862. 
His Excellency Governor Gamble. 

M]j dear Sir : Inclosed is an order substantially, and I believe ex- 
actly, such as I directed to be made nearly a month ago. After a 
good deal of reflection, I concluded that it was better to make a rule 
for the practical matter in hand (the removal of oflBcers and accept- 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 285 

ance of resignations) than to decide a general question — to wit: 
whether the forces are State tro()[)s — which, while it might embrace 
the practical question mentioned, might also l)e the nest in which 
forty other troul^lesome questions would he hatched. I would rather 
meet them as they come than before they come, trusting that some 
of them may not come at all. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

December 30, 1862. — Draft of the Emancipation Proclamation 
OF January 1, 1863, as submitted to the Cabinet for Final 
Revision. 

Now therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States, by virtue of the power in me vested as commander-in-chief 
of the army and navy of the United States, in time of actual armed 
rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, 
and as a proper and necessary war measure for suppressing said 
rebellion, do on this first day of January, in the year of oui* Lord 
one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance 
with my intention so to do, publicly proclaimed for one hundred 
days as aforesaid, order and designate as the States and parts of 
States in which the people thereof respectively are this day in re- 
bellion against the United States, the following, to wit: Arkansas, 
Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of 

), 
Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Car- 
olina, and Virginia (except the forty-eight counties designated as 
West Virginia, and also the counties of 

). 

And by virtue of the power, and for the purpose aforesaid, I do 
order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said desig- 
nated States and parts of States are, and henceforward forever shall 
be, free; and that the Executive Government of the United States, 
including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize 
and maintain the freedom of said persons, and will do no act or 
acts to repress said persons, or any of them, in any suitalile 
efforts they may make for their actual freedom ; and I hereby ap- 
peal to the people so declared to be free to abstain from all disorder, 
tumult, and violence, unless in necessary self-defense; and in all 
cases, when allowed, to labor faithfully for wages. 

And I further declare and make known that such persons of suit- 
able condition will be received into the armed service of the United 
States to garrison and defend forts, positions, stations, and other 
places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. 

December 31, 1862. — President's Opinion on the Admission of 
West Virginia into the Union. 

The consent of the legislature of Virginia is constitutionally ne- 
cessary to the bill for the admission of West Virginia becoming a 



288 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

law. A body claiming to be sucli legislature has given its consent. 
We cannot well deny that it is such, unless we do so upon the out- 
side knowledge that the body was chosen at elections in which a 
majority of the qualified voters of Virginia did not participate. But 
it is a universal practice in the popular elections in all these States 
to give no legal consideration whatever to those who do not choose 
to vote, as against the effect of the votes of those who do choose to 
vote. Hence it is not the qualified voters, but the qualified voters 
who choose to vote, that constitute the political power of the State. 
Much less than to non-voters should any consideration be given to 
those who did not vote in this case, because it is also matter of out- 
side knowledge that they were not merely neglectful of their rights 
under and duty to this government, but were also engaged in open 
rebellion against it. Doubtless among these non- voters were some 
Union men whose voices were smothered by the more numerous seces- 
sionists; but we know too little of their number to assign them any 
appreciable value. Can this government stand, if it indulges con- 
stitutional constructions by which men in open rebellion against it 
are to be accounted, man for man, the equals of those who maintain 
their loyalty to it? Are they to he accounted even better citizens, 
and more worthy of consideration, than those who merely neglect to 
vote ? If so, their treason against the Constitution enhances their 
constitutional value. Without braving these absurd conclusions, 
we cannot deny that the body which consents to the admission of 
West Virginia is the legislature of Virginia. I do not think the 
plural form of the words " legislatures " and " States " in the phrase 
of the Constitution " without the consent of the legislatures of the 
States concerned," etc., has any reference to the new State con- 
cerned. That plural form sprang from the contemplation of two 
or more old States contributing to form a new one. The idea that 
the new State was in danger of being admitted without its own 
consent was not provided against, because it was not thought of, 
as I conceive. It is said, the devil takes care of his own. Much 
more should a good spirit — the spirit of the Constitution and the 
Union — take care of its own. I think it cannot do less and live. 

But is the admission into the Union of West Virginia expedient? 
This, in my general view, is more a question for Congress than for 
the Executive. Still I do not evade it. More than on anything else, 
it depends on whether the admission or rejection of the new State 
would, under all the circumstances, tend the more strongly to the 
restoration of the national authority throughout the Union. That 
which helps most in this direction is the most expedient at this time. 
Doubtless those in remaining Virginia would return to the Union, 
so to speak, less reluctantly without the division of the old State 
than with it ,• but T think we could not save as much in this quarter 
by rejecting the new State, as we should lose by it in West Virginia. 
We can scarcely dispense with the aid of West Virginia in this 
struggle; much less can we afford to have her against us, in Con- 
gress and in the field. Her brave and good men regard her admis- 
sion into the Union as a matter of life and death. They have been 
true to the Union under verv severe trials. We have so acted as to 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 287 

justify their hopes, and we cannot fully retain their confidence and 
co()[)eration if we seem to break faith with tliem. In fact, they 
could not do so much for us, if they would. Ajj^aiii, the admission 
of the new State turns that much slave soil to free, and thus is a 
certain and irrevocable encroachment upon the cause of the rebellion. 
The division of a State is dreaded as a precedent. But a measure 
made expedient by a war is no precedent for times of peace. It is 
said that the admission of West Virginia is secession, and tolerated 
only because it is our secession. Well, if we call it by that name, 
there is still difference enough between secession against the Consti- 
tution and secession in favor of the Constitution. I believe the 
admission of West Virginia into the Union is expedient. 



January 1, 1863. — Final Emancipation Proclamation. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of 
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation 
was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among 
other things, the following, to wit: 

" That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves 
within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof 
shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, 
thenceforward, and forever free ; and the Executive Government of 
the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, 
will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will 
do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any 
efforts they may make for their actual freedom. 

'' That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, 
by proclamation, designate tiie States and parts of States, if any, in 
which the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against 
the United States ; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, 
shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of 
the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein 
a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have partici- 
pated, shall in the absence of strong countervailing testimony be 
deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof 
are not then in rebellion against the United States." 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States, by virtue of the power in me vested as commander-in-chief 
of the army and navy of the United States, in time of actual armed 
rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, 
and as a tit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebel- 
lion, do, on this fii-st day of January, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my 
purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of 100 days 



288 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LIN'COLX 

from the day firet above mentioned, order and designate as the States 
and parts of States wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this 
day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit : 

Arkansas, Texas. Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard. 
Placjuemines, Jefferson, St. John. St. Charles. St. James. Ascension, 
Assumption. Terre Bonne, Liifoiu'ehe, St. Mary. St. Martin, and 
Orleans, including the city of New Orleans). Mississippi. Alabama, 
Florida, Oeorgia,"South Carolina, Xorth Carolina, and Virginia (ex- 
cept the forty^eight counties designated as "West Virginia, and also 
the counties 'of Berkeley. Accomac. Northampton. Elizabeth City, 
York. Princess Ann. and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk 
and Portsmouth), and which excepted parts are for the present left 
precisely as if this proclamation were not issued. 

And W virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do 
order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said desig- 
nated States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be. free ; 
and that the Executive Government of the United States, including 
the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and main- 
tain the freedom of said persons. 

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to ab- 
stain from all violence, uidess in necessary self-defense ; and I recom- 
mend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully 
for reasonable wages. 

And I further declare and make known that such persons of suit- 
able condition will be received into the armed ser\*ice of the United 
States to garrison forts, positi(ms, stations, and other places, and to 
man vessels of all sorts in said ser^-ice. 

And upon this act. sincerely believed to be an act of justice, war- 
ranted by the Constitution upon military necessity-. I invoke the 
considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Al- 
mighty' God. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be afi&xed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this first day of Januaiy, 
I 1 in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
L^" ^'^ sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States 
of America the eighty-seventh. 

ABRAHA3I LlXCOLN. 

By the President : Wtt. t.tam H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

Januaiy 1, 1863.— Letter to General H. VT. Halleck. 

ExECUTTVE Mas'Sion, Washesgtox, Jauuaiy 1, 1863. 
31a,jor-Ges*eral Halleck. 

My dear Sir: General Burnside wishes to cross the Rappahan- 
nock with his army, but his grand division commanders all oppose 
the movement. If in such a difficulty as this you do not help, you 
fail me precisely in the point for which I sought your assistance. 
Tou know what G-eneral Bumside's plan is, and it is my wish that 
you go with him to the ground, examine it as far as practicable, 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LIXCOLN 289 

confer with the officers, getting their judgment and ascertaining 
their temper — iu a word, gather all the elements for forming a 
judgment of your own, and then tell General Bumside that you do 
approve or that you do not approve his plan. Your military skill 
is useless to me if you will not do this. 

Yours very truly, A. LixcOLX. 

[Indorsement.] 

January 1. 1863. 
Withdrawn, because considered harsh by General Halleck. 

A. Lrs'coLX, 

Headquaeters of the AR^rr, Washecgtox. Jannary 1, 1S63. 
B.OS. E. M. Staxtox, Secretaiy of War. Washinorton, D. C. 

.SjV : From my recent interview -vrith the President and yourself, and 
from the President's letter of this morning, which you delivered to me at 
your reception. I am led to believe that there is a very important differ- 
ence of opinion in regard to my relations toward generals commanding 
armies in the field, and that I cannot perform the duties of my present office 
satisfactorily at the same time to the President and to myself. I therefore 
respectfully request that I may be relieved from farther duties as general- 
in-chief.i Very respectfully your obedient servant, 

H. "VT. Halleck. 



January 1, 1S63. — Lettek to Sechetaey Stanton. 

ExEcmvE ;^L\NSION. Washington. January 1. 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Dear Sir : Yesterday a piteous appeal was made to me by an old 
lady of genteel appearance, saying she had. with what she thought 
sufficient assurance that she would not be disturbed by the govern- 
ment, fitted up the two south divisions of the old "Duff Green" 
building in order to take boarders, and has boarders already in it, 
and others, including members of Congress, engaged : and that now 
she is ordered to be out of it by Saturday, the 3d instant: and 
that independently of the ruin it brings on her by her lost outlay, 
she neither has nor can find another shelter for her own head. I 
know nothing about it mvself, but promised to brin£r it to votir 
notice. ^ • Yours truly. A.^LincoiIn. 



January 2, 1863. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and Rouse of Representatives : I stibmit to Congress 
the expediency of extending to other departments of the govern- 
ment the authority conferred on the President by the eighth section 
of the act of the 8th of May, 1792. to appoint a person to temporarily 

1 As duplicates are fonnd among General Halleck's papers, and no copy is found in 
the War Department files, it is presumed that the application was withdrawn upon witlt- 
drawal of the President's letter. 

Vol. U.— 19. 



290 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

discharge the duties of Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury, 
and Secretary of War, in case of the death, absence from the seat 
of government, or sickness of either of those officers. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Washington, January 2, 1863. 



January 2, 1863. — Letter to General B. F. Butler. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 2, ] 863. 
Major-General Butler : 

The Secretary of War and myself have concluded to discharge, of 
the prisoners at Point Lookout, the following classes : 

First. Those who will take the oath prescribed in the proclamation 
of December 8, and by the consent of General Marstou will enlist 
in our service. 

Second. Those who will take the oath and be discharged, and 
w^hose homes lie safely within our military lines. 

I send by Mr. Hay this letter, and a blank-book and some other 
l)lanks, the way of using which I propose for him to explain verbally 
better than I can in writing. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



January 2, 1863.— Letter to General S. R. Curtis. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 2, 1863. 
Major-General Curtis. 

Bfij dear Sir : Yours of December 29 by the hand of Mr. Strong 
is just received. The day I telegraphed you suspending the order in 
relation to Dr. McPheeters, he, with Mr. Bates, the Attorney-General, 
appeared before me and left with me a copy of the order mentioned. 
The doctor also showed me the copy of an oath which he said he had 
taken, which is, indeed, very strong and specific. He also verbally 
assured me that he had constantly prayed in church for the President 
and government, as he had always done before the present war. In 
looking over the recitals in your order, I do not see that this matter 
of the prayer, as he states it, is negatived, nor that any violation of 
his oath is charged, nor, in fact, that anytliing specific is alleged 
against him. The charges are all general: that he has a rebel wife 
and rebel relations, thathe sympathizes with rebels, and that he ex- 
ercises rebel influence. Now, after talking with him, I tell you frankly 
I believe he does sympathize with the rebels, but the question re- 
mains whether such a man, of unquestioned good moral character, 
who has taken such an oath as he has, and cannot even be charged 
with violating it, and who can be charged with no other specific act 
or omission, can, with safety to the government, be exiled upon the 
suspicion of his secret sympathies. But I agree that this must be 
left to you, who are on the spot; and if, after all, you think the 
public good requires his removal, my suspension of the order is 
withdrawn, only with this qualification, that the time during the sus- 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 291 

pension is not to be counted against liirn. I have promised him this. 
But I must add that the United States Government must not, as by 
this order, undertake to run the churches. When an individual in 
a clinreh or out of it becomes dangerous to tlie public interest, he 
must be cheeked; but let the churches, .is such, take care of them- 
selves. It will not do for the United States to appoint trustees, su- 
pervisors, or other agents for the churches. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

P. S. The committee composed of Messrs. Yeatman and Filley 
(Mr. Broadhead not attending) has presented your letter and the 
memorial of sundry citizens. On the whole subject embraced exer- 
cise your best judgment, with a sole view to the public interest, and 
I will not interfere without hearing you. 

A. Lincoln. 

January 3, 1863. 



January 4, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Welles. 

ExECUTm: Mansion, Washington, January 4, 1863. 
Hon. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy. 

Bear Sir : As many persons who come well recommended for loy- 
alty and service to the Union cause, and who are refugees from rebel 
oppression in the State of Virginia, make application to me for au- 
thority and permission to remove their families and proj^erty to pro- 
tection ^vithin the Union lines, by means of our armed gunboats on 
the Potomac River and Chesapeake Bay, you are hereby requested 
to hear and consider all such applications, and to grant such assist- 
ance to this class of persons as in your judgment their merits may 
render proper, and as may in each case be consistent with, the per- 
fect and complete efficiency of the naval service and with military 
expediency. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



January 5, 1863. — Letter to General S. R. Curtis. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 5, 1863. 
Major-General Curtis. 

Mij dear Sir: I am having a good deal of trouble with Missouri 
matters, and I now sit down to write you particularly about it. One 
class of friends believe in greater severity and anotlier in greater le- 
niency in regard to arrests, banishments, and assessments. As usual 
in sucli cases, each questions the other's motives. On the one hand, 
it IS insisted that Governor Gamble's unionism, at most, is not l)et- 
ter than a secondary spring of action ; that hunkerism and a wish 
for political influence stand before unionism with him. On the other 
hand, it is urged that arrests, banishments, and assessments are 
made more for private malice, revenge, and pecuniary interest than 



y 



292 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

for the public good. This morning I was told by a gentleman who 
I have no doubt believes what he says, that in one case of assess- 
ments for $10,000, the different persons who paid compared receipts, 
and found they had paid $30,000. If this be true, the inference is 
that the collecting agents pocketed the odd $20,000. And true or 
not in the instance, nothing but the sternest necessity can justify 
the making and maintaining of a system so liable to such abuses. 
Doubtless the necessity for the making of the system in Missouri 
did exist, and whether it continues for the maintenance of it is now 
a practical and very important question. Some days ago Governor 
Gamble telegraphed me, asking that the assessments outside of St. 
Louis County might be suspended, as they already have been within 
it, and this morning all the members of Congress here from Missouri 
but one laid a paper before me asking the same thing. Now, my 
belief is that Governor Gamble is an honest and true man, not less 
so than yourself ; that you and he could confer together on this and 
other Missouri questions with great advantage to the public ; that 
each knows something which the other does not ; and that acting 
together you could about double your stock of pertinent informa- 
tion. May I not hope that you and he will attempt this f I could 
at once safely do (or you could safely do without me) whatever you 
and he agree upon. There is absolutely no reason why you should 
not agree. Yours as ever, 

A. Lincoln. 

P. S. I forgot to say that Hon. James S. Rollins, member of Con- 
gress from one of the Missouri districts, wishes that, upon his per- 
sonal responsibility. Rev. John M. Robinson, of Columbia, Mis- 
souri; James L. Matthews, of Boone County, Missouri; and James L. 
Stephens, also of Boone County, Missouri, may be allowed to return 
to their respective homes. Major Rollins leaves with me very strong 
papers from the neighbors of these men, whom he says he knows to 
be true men. He also says he has many constituents who he thinks 
are rightly exiled, but that he thinks these three should be allowed 
to return. Please look into the ease, and oblige Major Rollins if you 
consistently can. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

[Copy sent to Governor Gamble.] 



January 5, 1863. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of BepresentaUves : In compliance with the resolu- 
tion of the House of Representatives of the 22d ultimo, in relation 
to the alleged interference of our minister to Mexico in favor of the 
French, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and the 
papers with which it was accompanied. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, January 5, 1863. 



\ 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 293 

January 5, 1863. — Telegram to General Rosecrans. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 5, 1863. 
Major-GtEneral W. S. Rosecrans, Murfreesborough, Tennessee: 

Your despatch announcing retreat of enemy has just reached 
here. God bless you and all with you ! Please tender to all, and 
accept for yourself, the nation's gratitude for your and their skill, 
endurance, and dauntless courage. 

A. Lincoln. 



January 6, 1863. — Memorandum. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 6, 1863. 
Colonel Ullman calls with Captain Alban B. Botsford, now of 
the Seventy-eighth New York Infantry, both at Natioiuil Hotel. 
Has property in Mississippi and is well acquainted in Louisiana. 
When time comes would like to aid in organizing blacks there. 



January 7, 1863. — Letter to G. Adams. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 7. 1863. 
Hon. Green Adams. 

3Ii/ dear Sir: In answer to your inquiries of this morning, I have 
to say I am very anxious to have the special force in Kentucky 
raised and armed. But the changed conduct toward me of some 
of her members of Congress, and the ominous outgivings as to what 
the governor and legislature of Kentucky intend doing, admonish 
me to consider whether any additional arms I may send there are 
not to be turned against the government. I hope this may clear 
up on the right side. So far as I can see, Kentucky's sons in the 
field are acting loyally and bravely. God bless them ! I cannot 
help thinking the mass of her people feel the same way. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



January 7, 1863. — Note to General H. W. Halleck. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 7, 1863. 
Ma.jor-General Halleck. 

Ml/ dear Sir : What think you of forming a reserve cavalry corps 
of, say, 6000 for the Army of the Potomac? Might not such a 
corps be constituted from the cavalry of Sigel's and Slocum's corps, 
with scraps we could pick up here and there? 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



294 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

January 7, 1863. — Telegram to B. G. Brown. 

Washington, D. C, January 7, 1863. 5.30 p. m. 
Hon. B. Gratz Brown, Jefferson City, Missouri : 

Yours of to-day just received. The administration takes no part 
between its friends in Missouri, of whom I, at least, consider you 
one; and I have never before had an intimation that appointees 
there were interfering, or were inclined to interfere. 

A. Lincoln. 



January 8, 1863. — Correspondence with General 

A. E. BURNSIDE. 

Headquarters Army or the Potomac, January 5, 1863. 
His Excellency the President of the United States: 

Since my retm^n to the army I have become more than ever convinced 
that the general officers of this command are almost unanimously opposed 
to another crossing of the river; but I am still of the opinion that the cross- 
ing should be attempted, and I have accordingly issued orders to the en- 
gineers and artillery to prepare for it. There is much hazard in it, as 
there always is in the majority of military movements, and I cannot begin 
the movement without giving you notice of it, particulai"ly as I know so 
httle of the effect that it may have upon other movements of distant armies. 

The influence of your telegram the other day is still upon me, and has 
impressed me with the idea that there are many parts of the problem which 
influence you that are not known to me. 

In order to relieve you from all embaiTassment in my case, I inclose with 
this my resignation of my commission as major-geueral of volunteers, 
which you can have accepted if my movement is not in accordance with 
the views of yourself and your military advisers. 

I have taken the liberty to write to you personally iipon this suliject, be- 
cause it was necessary, as I learn from General Halleck, for you to approve 
of my general plan, written at Warrentou, before I coidd commence the 
movement ; and I think it quite as necessary that you should know of the 
important movement I am about to make, particularly as it will have to be 
made in_ opposition to the views of nearly all my general ofiicers, and after 
the receipt of a despatch from j'ou informing me of the opinion of some of 
them who had visited you. 

In conversation with you on New Year's morning, I w^as led to express 
some opinions which I afterward felt it my duty to place on paper, and to 
express them verbally to the gentlemen of whom- we were speaking, which 
I did in your presence after handing you the letter. You were not disposed 
then, as I saw, to retain the letter, and I took it back, l^ut I now return it 
to you for record, if you wish it. 

I beg leave to say that my resignation is not sent in in any spirit of in-N 
subordination, but, as I before said, simply to relieve you from any embar- 
rassment in changing commanders where lack of confidence may have 
rendered it necessary. 

The bearer of this will bring me any answer, or I should be glad to hear 
from you by telegraph in cipher. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

A. E. Burnside, 
Major-General, Commanding Army of the Potomac. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 295 

Headquarters of the Army, Washington, January 7, 1863. 
Major-Gener.vl Burnside, Commanding, etc., Falmouth. 

General: Your communication of the 5th was delivered to me by your 
aide-de-camp at 12 M. to-day. 

In all my communications and inter\dews with you since you took com- 
mand of the Army of the Potomac, I have advised a forward movement 
across the Rappahannock. At our interview at Warreiiton I urged that 
you should cross hj the fords above Fredericksburg, rather than to fall 
down to that place; and when I left you at Wan-enton it was understood 
that at least a considerable pai't of your army would cross by the fords, 
and I so represented to the President. It was this modification of the 
plan proposed by you that I telegraphed you had received his approval. 
When the attempt at Fredericksbm-g was abandoned, I advised you to re- 
new the attempt at some other point, either in whole or in jjai-t to turn the 
enemy's works, or to threaten their wings or commimications; in other 
words, to keep the enemy occupied till a favorable opportunity offered to 
strike a decisive blow. I particularly ad\'ised you to use your cavalry and 
light artillery upon his communications, and attemjit to cut off his supplies 
and engage him at an advantage. 

In all our interviews I have urged that our first object Avas, not Rich- 
mond, l)ut the defeat or scattering of Lee's army, which threatened Wash- 
ington and the Hue of the upper Potomac. I now i*ecur to these things 
simply to remind you of the general views which I have expressed, and 
which I still hold. 

The circumstances of the case, however, have somewhat changed since 
the early part of November. The chances of an extended line of opera- 
tions are now, on account of the advanced season, much less than then. 
But the chances are still in our favor to meet and defeat the enemy on the 
Rappahannock, if we can effect a crossing in a position where we can 
meet the enemy on favorable or even equal terms. I therefore stiU advise 
a movement against him. The character of that movement, however, 
must depend upon circumstances which may change any day and almost 
any hour. If the enemy should concentrate his forces at the place you 
have selected for a crossing, make it a feint and tiy another place. Again, 
the circumstances at the time may be such as to render an attempt to cross 
the entire army not advisable. In that case theory suggests that, while the 
enemy concentrates at that point, advantages can be gained by crossing 
smaller forces at other points to cut off his lines, destroy his communi- 
cation, and captvxre his rear-guards, outposts, etc. The gTeat object is to 
occupy the enemy, to prevent his making large detachments or distan* 
raids, and to injure him all you can with the least iujm-y to yom-self. It' 
this can be best accomplished by feints of a general crossing and detached 
real crossings, take that course ; if by an actual general crossing, with 
feints on other points, adopt that course. There seem to me to be many 
reasons why a crossing at some point shoidd be attempted. It wiU not do 
to keep your large army inactive. As you yourself admit, it devolves on 
you to decide upon the time, place, and character of the crossing which you 
may attempt. I can only advise that an attempt be made, and as early as 
possible. Very respectf ulh', yom- obedient servant, 

H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. 

[Indorsement] 
General Burnside : January 8, 1863. 

I understand General Halleck has sent you a letter of which this 
is a copy. I approve this letter. I deplore the want of concurrence 



296 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

with you in opinion by your general officers, but I do not see the 
remedy. Be cautious, and do not understand that the government 
or country is driving you. I do not yet see how I could profit by 
changing the command of the Army of the Potomac; and if I 
did, I should not wish to do it by accepting the resignation of your 
commission. 

A. Lincoln. 



January 8, 1863. — Letter to G-eneral J. A. McClernand. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 8, 1863. 
Major-General McClernand. 

My dear Sir: Your interesting communication by the hand of 
Major Scates is received. I never did ask more, nor ever was will- 
ing to accept less, than for all the States, and the people thereof, to 
take and hold their places and their rights in the Union, nnder the 
Constitution of the United States. For this alone have I felt author- 
ized to struggle, and I seek neither more nor less now. Still, to use a 
coarse but an expressive figure, "broken eggs cannot be mended." I 
have issued the Emancipation Proclamation, and I cannot retract it. 
After the commencement of hostilities, I struggled nearly a year and 
a half to get along without touching the " institution " ; and when 
finally I conditionally determined to touch it, I gave a hundred 
days' fair notice of my purpose to all the States and people, within 
which time they could have turned it wholly aside by simply again 
becoming good citizens of the United States. 

They chose to disregard it, and I made the peremptory proclama- 
tion on what appeared to me to be a military necessity. And being 
made, it must stand. As to the States not included in it, of course 
they can have their rights in the Union as of old. Even the people 
of the States included, if they choose, need not to be hurt by it. Let 
them adopt systems of apprenticeship for the colored people, 
conforming substantially to the most approved plans of gradual 
emancipation ; and with the aid they can have from the General Gov- 
ernment they may be nearly as well off, in this respect, as if the 
present trouble had not occurred, and much better off than they can 
possibly be if the contest continues persistently. 

As to any dread of my having a '' purpose to enslave or extermi- 
nate the whites of the South," I can scarcely believe that such dread 
exists. It is too absurd. I believe you can be my personal witness 
that no man is less to be dreaded for undue severity in any case. 

If the friends you mention really wish to have peace upon the old 
terms, they should act at once. Every day makes the case more 
difficult. 

They can so act with entire safety, so far as I am concerned. 

I think you had better not make this letter public ; but yon may 
rely confidently on my standing by whatever I have said in it. Please 
write me if anything more comes to light. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 297 



January 8, 18G3. — Telegrajvi to Governor Johnson. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 8, 1863. 
Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee: 

A despatch of yesterday from Nashville says the body of Captain 
Todd, of the Sixth Kentucky, was brought in to-day. 

Please tell me what was his Christian name, and whether he was in 
our service or that of the enemy. I shall also be glad to have your 
impression as to the effect the late operations about Murfreesborough 
will have on the prospects of Tennessee. j^^ Lincoln. 

January 9, 1863. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and Rouse of Representatives : I transmit for the 
consideration of Congress, and with a view to the adoption of such 
measures in relation to the subject of it as maybe deemed expedient, a 
copy of a note of the 8tli instant, addressed to the Secretary of State 
by the minister resident of the Hanseatic republics accredited to this 
government, concerning an international agricultural exhibition to be 
held next summer in the city of Hamburg. Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, January 9, 1863. 

January 10, 1863. — Telegram to General S. R. Curtis. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 10, 1863. 
Major-General Curtis, St. Louis, Missouri : 

I understand there is considerable trouble with the slaves in Mis- 
souri. Please do your best to keep peace on the question for two or 
three weeks, by which time we hope to do something here toward set- 
tling the question in Missouri. A. Lincoln. 

January 10, 1863. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 10, 1863. 
Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : 

Yours received. I presume the remains of Captain Todd are in 
the hands of his family and friends, and I wish to give no order on 
the subject; but I do wish your opinion of the effects of the late 
battles about Murfreesborough upon the prospects of Tennessee. 

A. Lincoln. 

January 12, 1863. — Letter to Governor Buckinghaivi. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 12, 1863. 
His Excellency the Governor of Connecticut : 

It is with feelings of sincere pleasure and gratitude that I ac- 
knowledge the receipt of your kind favor of the 2d of Jauuai*y, 



298 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

conveying the resolutions of the legislature of Connecticut, ap- 
proved December 24, 1862. 

Be assured, my dear sir, that I am deeply gratified by this new 
proof of the loyal and patriotic devotion of the people of your State, 
and that I most gratefully appreciate their expressions toward 
myself, which are at once so generous and so kind. 

I have the honor to be, very truly, your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 



January 12, 1863. — Instruction to the Judge- Advocate- 
General. 

War Department, Washington City, January 12, 1863. 
The Judge- Advocate-General is instructed to revise the proceed- 
ings of the court-martial in the case of Major-General Fitz-John 
Porter, and to report fully upon any legal questions that may have 
arisen in them, and upon the bearing of the testimony in reference 
to the charges and specifications exhibited against the accused, and 
upon which he was tried. Abrahaih Lincoln. 



January 14, 1863. — Letter to General J. A. Dix. 

{Private and Confidential.) 

Executi\t: Mansion, Washington, January 14, 1863. 
Major-General Dix. 

My dear Sir: The proclamation has been issued. We were not 
succeeding — at best were progressing too slowly — without it. Now 
that we have it, and bear all the disadvantages of it (as we do bear 
some in certain quarters), we must also take some benefit from it, if 
practicable. I therefore will thank you for your well-considered 
opinion whether Fortress Monroe and Yorktown, one or both, could 
not, in whole or in part, be garrisoned by colored troops, leaving 
the white forces now necessary at those places to be employed 
elsewhere. Yours very truly, j^^ Lincoln. 



January 14, 1863. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to 
General S. R. Curtis. 

War Department, Washington, January 14, 1863. 
Major-General Curtis, St. Louis, Missouri : 

The President's attention having been called to the recent order 
of your provost-marshal in St. Louis, published in the newspapers, 
it is disapproved by him, and he directs : 

1st. That the order be suspended. 

2d. That all orders of provost-marshals in the State of Missouri 
respecting trade, commerce, or anything but the discipline and gov- 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 299 

eminent of the troops in the United States service, be also suspended, 
and the provost-marshals be relieved from service in such capacity, 
excepting at St. Louis. 

Further instructions on this subject will be trausniitted by mail. 

You will please acknowledge the receipt of this telegram. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



January 14, 18G3. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Representatives : The Secretary of State has sub- 
mitted to me a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 
5th instant, which has been delivered to him, and which is in the 
following words : 

Resolved, That the Secretary of State be requested to oommimicate to 
this House, IE not, in his judgment, incompatible with the public interest, 
why our minister in New Granada has not presented his credentials to the 
actual government of that country ; also the reasons for which Senor 
Murillo is not recognized by the United States as the diplomatic represen- 
tative of the Mosquera government of that country ; also, what negotia- 
tions have been had, if any, with General Herran as the representative of 
Ospiua's government in New Gi-anada since it went into existence. 

On the twelfth day of December, 1846, a treaty of amity, peace, and 
concord was concluded between the United States of America and 
the republic of New Granada, which is still in force. On the seventh 
day of December, 1847, General Pedro Alcantara Herran, who had 
been duly accredited, was received here as the envoy extraordinary 
and minister plenipotentiary of that republic. On the thirtieth 
day of August, 1849, Sehor Don Rafael Rivas was received by this 
government as charge d'affaires of the same republic. On the fifth 
day of December, 1851, a consular convention was concluded be- 
tween that republic and the United States, which treaty was signed 
on behalf of the republic of Granada by the same Seiior Rivas. 
This treaty is still in force. On the 27th of April, 1852, Seiior 
Don Victoriano de Diego Paredes was received as charge eVajfaires 
of the republic of New Granada. On the 20th of June, 1855, 
General Pedro Alcantara Herran was again received as envoy 
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary duly accredited by the 
republic of New Granada, and he has ever since remained under 
the same credentials as the representative of that republic near 
the government of the United States. On the 10th of September, 
1857, a claims convention was concluded between the United States 
and the republic of Granada. This convention is still in force, 
and has in part been executed. In May, 1858, the constitution of 
the republic was remodeled, and the nation assumed the political 
title of the " Granadian Confederacy.^ This fact was formally 
announced to this government, but without any change in their 
representative here. Previous to the 4th of March, 1801, a revo- 
lutionary war against the republic of New Granada, which had thus 
been recognized and treated with by the United States, broke out 



300 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

in New Granada, assnming to set up a new government under the 
name of the *' United States of Colombia." This war has had various 
vicissitudes, sometimes favorable, sometimes adverse, to the revolu- 
tionary movements. The revolutionary organization has hitherto 
been simply a military provisionary power, and no definitive consti- 
tution of government has yet been established in New Granada in 
place of that organized by the constitution of 1858. The minister 
of the United States to the Granadian Confederacy who was ap- 
pointed on the twenty-ninth day of May, 1861, was directed, in view 
of the occupation of the capital by the revolutionary party and of the 
uncertainty of the civil war, not to present his credentials to either 
the government of the Granadian Confederacy or to the provisional 
military government, but to conduct his affairs informally, as is cus- 
tomary in such cases, and to report the progress of events and await 
the instructions of this government. The advices which have been 
received from him have not hitherto been sufficiently conclusive to 
determine me to recognize the revolutionary government. General 
Herrau being here, with full authority from the government of New 
Granada, which had been so long recognized by the United States, 
I have not received any representative from the revolutionary govern- 
ment, which has not yet been recognized, because such a proceeding 
would in itself be an act of recognition. 

Official communications have been had on various incidental and 
occasional questions with General Herran as the minister plenipo- 
tentiary and envoy extraordinary of the Granadian Confederacy, but 
in no other character. No definitive measure or proceeding has re- 
sulted from these communications, and a communication of them at 
present would not, in my judgment, be compatible with the public 
interest. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, January 14, 1863. 



January 17, 1863. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I have signed the 
joint resolution to provide for the immediate payment of the army 
and navy of the United States, passed by the House of Representa- 
tives on the l-ltli, and by the Senate on the 15th instant. The 
joint resolution is a simple authority, amounting, however, under 
existing circumstances to a direction, to the Secretary of the Trea- 
sury to make an additional issue of one hundred millions of dollars 
in United States notes, if so much money is needed, for the pay- 
ment of the army and. navy. My approval is given in order that 
every possible facility may be afforded for the prompt discharge of 
all arrears of pay due to our soldiers and our sailors. 

While giving this approval, however, I think it my duty to ex- 
press my sincere regret that it has been found necessary to author- 
ize so large an additional issue of United States notes, when this 
circulation and that of the suspended banks together have become 
already so redundant as to increase prices beyond real values, 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 301 

thereby augmenting the cost of living, to the injury of labor, and the 
cost of supplies, to the injury of tlie whole country. It seems 
very plain that continued issues of United States notes, without any 
check to the issues of suspended banks, and without adequate pro- 
vision for the raising of money by loans, and for funding the 
issues, so as to keep them within diie limits, must soon produce dis- 
astrous conse<iuences; and this matter appears to me so important 
that I feel bound to avail myself of this occasion to ask the special 
attention of Congress to it. 

That Congress has power to regulate the currency of the country 
can hardly admit of a doubt, and that a judicious measure to prevent 
the deterioration of this currency by a reasonable taxation of bank 
circulation or otherwise is needed, seems equally clear. Indepen- 
dently of this general consideration, it would be unjust to the people 
at large to exempt banks enjoying the special privilege of circula- 
tion from their just proportion of the public burdens. 

In order to raise money by way of loans most easily and cheaply, 
it is clearly necessary to give every possible support to the public 
credit. To that end, a uniform currency in which taxes, subscrip- 
tions to loans, and all other ordinary public dues as well as all 
private dues may be paid, is almost if not quite indispensable. 
Such a currency can be furnished by banking associations organ- 
ized under a general act of Congress, as suggested in my message at 
the beginning of the present session. The securing of this circula- 
tion by the pledge of United States bonds, as therein suggested, 
would still further facilitate loans, by increasing the present and 
causing a future demand for such bonds. 

In view of the actual financial embarrassments of the government, 
and of the greater embarrassment sure to come if the necessary 
means of relief be not afforded, I feel that I should not perform my 
duty by a simple announcement of my approval of the joint reso- 
lution, which proposes relief only by increasing circulation, with- 
out expressing my earnest desire that measures such in substance 
as those I have just referred to, may receive the early sanction of 
Congress. By such measures, in my opinion, will payment be most 
certainly secured, not only to the army and navy, but to all honest 
creditors of the government, and satisfactor\' provision made for 
future demands on the treasury. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

January 17, 1863. 

January 19, 1863. — Letter to the Working-men of 
Manchester, England. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 19, 1863. 
To the Working-men of Manchester : I have the honor to acknow- 
ledge the receipt of the addi'ess and resolutions whicli you sent me 
on the eve of the new year. When I came, on the -Ith of March, 
1861, through a free and constitutional election to preside in the 
Government of the United States, the country was found at the 



302 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

verge of civil war. Whatever might have been the cause, or whose- 
soever the fault, oue duty, paramount to all others, was before me, 
namely, to maintain and preserve at once the Constitution and the 
integrity of the Federal Republic. A conscientious purpose to per- 
form this duty is the key to all the measures of administration 
which have been and to all which will hereafter be pursued. Under 
our frame of government and my official oath, I could not depart 
from this purpose if I would. It is not always in the power of gov- 
ernments to enlarge or restrict the scope of moral results which fol- 
low the policies that they may deem it necessary for the public 
safety from time to time to adopt. 

I have understood well that the duty of self-preservation rests 
solely with the American people ; but I have at the same time been 
aware that favor or disfavor of foreign nations might have a ma- 
terial influence in enlarging or prolonging the struggle with dis- 
loyal men in which the country is engaged. A fair examination of 
history has served to authorize a belief that the past actions and in- 
fluences of the United States were generally regarded as having 
been beneficial toward mankind, I have, therefore, reckoned upon 
the forbearance of nations. Circumstances — to some of which you 
kindly allude — induce me especially to expect that if justice and 
good faith should be practised by the United States, they would en- 
counter no hostile influence on the part of Great Britain. It is now 
a pleasant duty to acknowledge the demonstration you have given 
of your desire that a spirit of amity and peace toward this country may 
prevail in the councils of your Queen, who is respected and esteemed 
in your own country only more than she is by the kindred nation 
which has its home on this side of the Atlantic. 

I know and deeply deplore the sufferings which the working-men 
at Manchester, and in all Europe, are called to endure in this crisis. 
It has been often and studiously represented that the attempt to 
overthrow this government, which was built upon the foundation of 
human rights, and to substitute for it one which should rest exclu- 
sively on the basis of human slavery, was likely to obtain the favor 
of Europe. Through the action of our disloyal citizens, the working- 
men of Europe have been subjected to severe trials, for the purpose 
of forcing their sanction to that attempt. Under the circumstances, 
I cannot but regard your decisive utterances upon the question as 
an instance of sublime Christian heroism which has not been sur- 
passed in any age or in any country. It is indeed an energetic and 
reinspiring assurance of the inherent power of truth, and of the ul- 
timate and universal triumph of justice, humanity, and freedom. I 
do not doulit that the sentiments you have expressed will be sus- 
tained by your great nation ; and, on the other hand, I have no hesi- 
tation in assuring you that they will excite admiration, esteem, and 
the most reciprocal feelings of friendship among the American peo- 
ple. I hail this interchange of sentiment, therefore, as an augury 
that whatever else may happen, whatever misfortune may befall 
your country or my own, the peace and friendship which now exist 
between the two nations will be, as it shall be my desire to make 
them, perpetual. Abraham Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 303 



January 20, 18G3. — Letter to S. T. Glover. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, January 20, 1863. 
Hon. S. T. Glover. 

Ml/ dear Sir: Yours of January 12, stating the distressed condi- 
tion of the people in southwest Missouri, and urging tlie comple- 
tion of the railroad to Springfield, is just received. Of course I 
deplore the distress of the people in that section and elsewhere. 
Nor is the thouglit of extending the railroad new to me. But the 
military necessity for it is not so patent but that Congress would try 
to restrain me in some way, were I to attempt it. I am very glad to 
believe that the late military operations in Missouri and Arkansas 
are at least promising of repose to southwest Missouri. 

Yours very truly, a. Lincoln. 



January 20, 1863. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : I transmit herewith a report 
from the Secretary of State, in answer to the resolution of the Sen- 
ate relative to the correspondence between this government and 
the Mexican minister in relation to the exportation of articles 
contraband of war for the use of the French army in Mexico. 

Abrahajvi Lincoln. 
"Washington, January 20, 1863. 



January 21, 1863. — Message to Congress. 

Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Bepresentatives : I submit here- 
with for your consideration the joint resolutions of the corporate 
authorities of the city of Washington, adopted September 27, 1862, 
and a memorial of the same under date of Octotjer 28, 1862, both 
relating to and urging the construction of certain railroads concen- 
trating upon the city of Washington. 

In presenting this memorial and the joint resolutions to j^cu, I am 
not prepared to say more than that the subject is one of great prac- 
tical importance, and that I hope it will receive the attention of 
Congress. Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, January 21, 1863. 



January 21, 1863. — Indorseivient on the Proceedings and 
Sentence of the Fitz-John Porter Court-Martial. 

Headquarters of the Army, Washington, January 13, 1863. 
In compliance with the Sixty-fifth Article of War. these whole i^rocced- 
ings are transmitted to the Secretary of War, to be laid before the President 
of the United States. 

H. W. Halleck, General-iu-Chief. 



304 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

January 21, 1863. 
The foregoing proceedings, findings, and sentence in the forego- 
ing case of Major-General Fitz-John Porter are approved and con- 
firmed, and it is ordered that the said Fitz-John Porter be, and he 
hereby is, cashiered and dismissed from the service of the United 
States as a major-general of volunteers, and as colonel and brevet 
brigadier-general in the regular service of the United States, and 
forever disqualified from holding any office of trust or profit under 
the Government of the United States. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



January 21, 1863.— Letter from General Halleck to 
General U. S. Grant. 

Headquarters of the Army, Washington, January 21, 1863. 
Major-General Grant, Memphis. 

General: The President has directed that so much of Arkansas as 
you may desire to control be temporarily attached to your depart- 
ment. This will give you control of both banks of the river. 

In your operations down the Mississippi you must not rely too 
confidently upon any direct cooperation of General Banks and the 
lower flotilla, as it is possible that they may not be able to pass or 
reduce Port Hudson. They," however, will do everything in their 
power to form a junction with you at Vicksburg. If they should 
not be able to effect this, they will at least occupy a portion of the 
enemy's forces, and prevent them from reinforcing Vicksburg. I 
hope, however, that they will do still better and be able to join you. 

It may })e proper to give you some explanation of the revocation 
of your order expelling all Jews from your department. The Presi- 
dent has no objection to your expelling traitors and Jew peddlers, 
which, I suppose, was the object of your order ; but as it in terms 
proscribed an entire religious class, some of whom are fighting in 
our ranks, the President deemed it necessary to revoke it. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. 



January 22, 1863.— Letter to General J. A. McClernand. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 22, 1863. 
Major-General McClernand. 

My dear Sir : Yours of the 7th was received yesterday. I need not 
recite because you remember the contents. The charges in their 
nature are such that I must know as much about the facts involved 
as you can. I have too many family controversies, so to speak, 
already on my hands to voluntarily, or so long as I can avoid it, 
take up another. You are now doing well — well for the country, 
and well for yourself — much better than you could possibly be if 
engaged in open war with General Halleck. Allow me to beg that. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABE AH AM LINCOLN 305 

for your sake, for mv sake, and for the country's sake, you give your 
whole attention to tne better work. 

Your success upon the Arkansas was both brilliant and valuable, 
and is fully appreciated by the country and government. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

January 22, 1863. — Letter to General Steele. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 22, 1863. 
Brigadier-General Frederick Steele. 

Sir: So far as respects your military record and reputation, it 
seems highly fit and proper that you should be promoted to a major- 
generalship ; and I should nominate you for it at once were it not for 
a document presented to me, of which the inclosed is a copy. With 
a satisfactory explanation, I will gladly make the nomination, and in 
such way that the time from now till then shall not be lost to you. 
Without such explanation I could scarcely bring myself to make the 
nomination; and I think it is certain the Senate would not confirm 
it if made. Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 

January 22, 1863. — Memorandtol 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 22, 1863. 

To-day Mr. Prentiss calls as attorney of Herman Koppel, saying 
the latter is a loyal citizen ; that he resided at Charleston, S. C., at 
the beginning of the rebellion; that he converted what he had into 
a few bales of cotton and other articles apparently to break the 
blockade as a mode of getting out, but really intending to surrender 
to the blockade, which he did of purpose and with no effort to 
avoid it ; that his property has been condemned by a prize court, 
and he appeals to me to remit to him the proceeds of the i)roperty, 
or at least the government's moiety of it. 

Admitting this all to be true, is it both lawful and proper for me 
to do this ? 

January 23, 1863. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and Rouse of Representatives : I transmit for the 
consideration of Congress a report from the Secretary of State, 
transmitting the regulations, decrees, and orders for the government 
of the United States consular courts in Turkey. 

WashingtOxN, January 23, 1863. Abraham Lincoln. 



January 23, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 23, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Sir: I think General Butler should go to New Orleans again. 
He is unwilling to go unless he is restored to the command of the 
Vol. II.— 20. 



306 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

department. He should start by the 1st of February, and should 
take some force with him. The whole must be so managed as to 
not wrong or wound the feelings of General Banks. His original 
wish was to go to Texas; and it must be arranged for him to do 
this now with a substantial force; and yet he must not go to 
the endangering the opening of the Mississippi. I hope this may 
be done by the time General Butler shall arrive there; but whether 
or not, I think we cannot longer dispense with General Butlei-'s 
services. Yours truly, j^ Lincoln. 



January 25, 1863. — Order relieving General A. E. Burnside 

AND MAKING OtHER CHANGES. 

(General Orders No. 20.) 

War Department, Adjutant- General's Office, 

Washington, D. C, January 25, 1863. 

I, The President of the United States has directed : 

1st. That Major-General A. E. Burnside, at his own request, 
be relieved from the command of the Army of the Potomac. 

2d. That Major-General E. V. Sumner, at his own request, be 
relieved from duty in the Army of the Potomac. 

3d. That Major-General W. B. Franklin be relieved from duty 
in the Army of the Potomac. 

4th. That Major-General J. Hooker be assigned to the command 
of the Army of the Potomac. 

n. The officers relieved as above will report in person to the 
adjutant-general of the array. 

By order of the Secretary of War : 

E. D. TowNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General. 



January 26, 1863. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : In compliance with the resolu- 
tion of the Senate of the 13th instant, requesting a copy of certain 
correspondence respecting the capture of British vessels sailing 
from one British port to another, having on board contraband of 
war intended for the use of the insurgents, I have the honor to 
transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and the documents 
by which it was accompanied. Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, January 26, 1868. 



January 26, 1863. — Letter to General J. Hooker. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, January 26, 1863. 
Major-General Hooker. 

General: I have placed you at the head of the Army of the 
Potomac. Of course I have done this upon what appear to me to 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 307 

be sufficient reasons, and yet I think it best for j'ou to know that 
there are some things in regard to which I am not quite satisfied 
with you. I believe you to be a brave and skilful soldier, which 
of course I like. I also believe you do not mix politics with your 
profession, in which you are right. You have confidence in your- 
self, which is a valuable if not an indispensable quality. You are 
ambitious, which, within reasonable bounds, does good rather than 
harm ; but I think that during General Burnside's command of the 
army you have taken counsel of your ambition and thwarted him 
as much as you could, in which you did a great wrong to the coun- 
try and to a most meritorious and honorable brother officer. I have 
heard, in such a way as to believe it, of your recently saying that 
both the army and the government needed a dictator. Of course it 
was not for this, but in spite of it, that I have given you the com- 
mand. Only those generals who gain successes can set up dicta- 
tors. What I now ask of you is military success, and I will risk 
the dictatorship. The government will support you to the utmost 
of its ability, which is neither more nor less than it has done and 
will do for all commanders. I much fear that the spirit which you 
have aided to infuse into the army, of criticizing their commander 
and withholding confidence from him, will now turn upon you. I 
shall assist you as far as I can to put it down. Neither you nor 
Napoleon, if he were alive again, could get any good out of an army 
while such a spirit prevails in it; and now beware of rashness. 
Beware of rashness, but with energy and sleepless vigilance go 
forward and give us victories. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

January 28, 1863. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : In conformity to the 
law of July 16, 1862, I most cordially recommend that Commander 
David D. Porter, United States Navy, acting rear-admiral command- 
ing the Mississippi squadron, receive a vote of thanks of Congress 
for the bravery and skill displayed in the attack on the post of Arkan- 
sas, which surrendered to the combined military and naval forces on 

the 10th instant. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, January 28, 1863. 

January 29, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, January 29, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary op War. 

Dear Sir: Mr. Speed tells me you wish to appoint him to some 
agency about the Goose Creek Salt-works, and he wishes to decline 
it, and that William P. Thomasson may be appointed. I personally 
know Mr. Thomasson to be an honest and very competent man, and 
fully in sympathy with the administration. I think he should be 
appointed. Yours truly, 



308 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

January 29, 1863. — Note to Thurlow Weed. 

Washington, January 29, 1863. 
Hon. Thurlow Weed. 

Dear Sir : Your valedictory to the patrons of the Albany ^' Even- 
ing Journal " brings me a good deal of uneasiness. What does it 
mean ? Truly yours, 

A. Lincoln. 



February 1, 1863. — Letter to General Boyle. 

ExECUTI^'E Mansion, Washington, February 1, 1863. 
General J. T. Boyle. 

Dear Sir: Yesterday Senator Powell left a paper with me, with a 
request w^hich I indorsed upon it at the time, and the contents of 
which paper and request appear by the inclosed copies. You per- 
ceive at once what the object is. This course of procedure, though 
just and politic in some cases, is so liable to gross abuse as to do 
great injustice in some others, and give the government immense 
trouble. I will thank you, therefore, if you will, without unreason- 
able delay, ascertain the facts of these cases and report them to me, 
together with such other information as may best enable me to under- 
stand the whole ease. Yours trul}^, 

A. Lincoln. 

[Indorsement on paper left by PowelL] 

Senator Powell calls and leaves this paper and asks that an order 
be made on the persons stated to have made the collections to refund 
the money to the persons respectively from whom collected, and all 
moneys collected in like manner in the counties of Henderson, Union, 
Hopkins, and Webster. 

January 31, 1863. 



February 2, 1863.— Letter to the Working-men of London, 

England. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 2, 1863. 

To the Working-men of London : I have received the New Year's 
address which you have sent me, with a sincere appreciation of the 
exalted and humane sentiments l3y which it was inspired. 

As these sentiments are manifestly the enduring support of the 
free institutions of England, so I am sure also that they constitute 
the only reliable basis for free institutions throughout the world. 

The resources, advantages, and powers of the American people 
are very great, and they have consequently succeeded to equally 
great responsibilities. It seems to have devolved upon them to test 
whether a government established on the principles of human free- 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 309 

(loin can be maintained against an effort to build one upon the ex- 
clusive foundation of human bondaj^e. They will i-ejoice with me 
in the new evidences which your pi-oceeding's furnish that the mag- 
nanimity they are exhibiting is justly estimated by the true friends 
of freedom and humanity in foreign countries. 

Accept my best wishes for your individual welfare, and for the 
welfare and happiness of the whole British people. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



February 4, 1863. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Representatives : In compliance with the resolution 
of the House of Representatives of the 5th December last, request- 
ing information upon the present condition of Mexico, I transmit a 
report from the Secretary of State, and the papers by which it was 
accompanied. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, February 4, 1863. 



February 6, 1863. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : I transmit herewith a report 
from the Secretary of State, with accompanying documents, in an- 
swer to the resolution of the Senate of the 30th ultimo. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Washington, February 6, 1863. 



February 6, 1863. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : In compliance with the resolu- 
tion of the Senate of the United States of yesterday, requesting in- 
formation in regard to the death of General Ward,' a citizen of the 
United States in the military service of the Chinese government, I 
transmit a copy of a despatch of the 27th of October last, and of its 
accompaniment, fi'om the minister of the United States in China. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Washington, February 6, 1863. 



February 10, 1863. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : In answer to the resolution 
of the Senate of yesterday, requesting information touching the visit 
of M. Mercier to Richmond in April last, I transmit a report from 
the Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was referred. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, February 10, 1863. 



310 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



February 12, 1863. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States: In answer to the resolution 
of the Senate of the 10th instant, requesting information on the 
subject of mediation, arbitration, or other measures looking to the 
termination of the existing civil war, I transmit a report from 
the Secretary of State, and the documents by which it was accom- 

P^"i6<i' Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, February 12, 1863. 

February 12, 1863.— Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 12, 1863. 
Major-General Rosecrans, Murf reesborough, Tennessee : 

Your despatch about " river patrolling " received. I have called 
the Secretary of the Navy, Secretary of War, and General-in-Chief 
together, and submitted it to them, who promise to do their very best 
in the case. I cannot take it into my own hands without producing 
inextricable confusion. j^ Lincoln. 



February 13, 1863.— Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : I transmit to the Senate, in 
answer to their resolution of the 12th instant, the accompanying 
report from the Secretary of State. Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, February 13, 1863. 

February 13, 1863.— Message to the House of Represen- 
tatives. 

Washington, February 13, 1863. 
Hon. Galusha A. Grow, 

Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
Sir: I herewith communicate to the House of Representatives, 
in answer to their resolution of the 18th of December last, a report 
from the Secretary of the Interior containing all the information in 
the possession of the department respecting the causes of the recent 
outbreaks of the Indian tribes in the Northwest which has not here- 
tofore been transmitted to Congress. Abraham Lincoln. 



February 17, 1863.— Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 17, 1863. 
Major-General Rosecrans. 

My dear Sir: In no other way does the enemy give us so much 
trouble at so little expense to himself as by the raids of rapidly mov- 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 311 

inn^ small bodies of trooj)S, largely if not wholl}- mounted, harassing 
and discouraging- loyal residents, supplying themselves with pro- 
visions, clothing, horses, and the like, surprising and capturing small 
detachments of our forces, and breaking our communications. And 
this will increase just in proportion as his larger armies shall weaken 
and wane. Nor can these raids be successfully met by even larger 
forces of our own of the same kind acting merely on the defensive. 
I think we should organize proper forces and make counter raids. 
We should not capture so much of supi)lies from them as the}' have 
done from us, but it would trouble them more to repair railroads and 
bridges than it does us. What think you of trying to get up such 
a corps in your army? Could you do it without any or many addi- 
tional troops (which we have not to give you), provided we furnish 
horses, suitable arms, and other appointments? Please consider 
this not as an order, but as a suggestion. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

[Indorsement.] 

While I wish the required arms to be furnished to General Rose- 
crans, I have made no promise on the subject except what you can 
find in the within copy of letter. 



March 27, 1863. 



A. Lincoln. 



February 22, 1863. — Letter to A. Reed. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 22, 1863. 
Rev. Alexander Reed. 

3[i/ dear Sir : Your note, by which you, as general superintendent 
of the United States Christian Commission, invite me to preside at 
a meeting to be held this day at the hall of the House of Representa- 
tives in this city, is received. 

While, for reasons which I deem sufficient, I must decline to pre- 
side, I cannot withhold my approval of the meeting and its worthy 
objects. Whatever shall be sincerely, and in God's name, devised 
for the good of the soldier and seaman in their hard spheres of duty, 
can scarcely fail to be blest. And whatever shall tend to turn our 
thoughts from the unreasoning and uncharitable passions, preju- 
dices, and jealousies incident to a great national trouble such as ours, 
and to fix them upon the vast and long-enduring consequences, for 
weal or for woe, which are to result from the struggle, and especially 
to strengthen our rehance on the Supreme Being for the final 
triumph of the right, cannot but be well for us all. 

The birthday of Washington and the Christian Sabbath coincid- 
ing this year, and suggesting together the highest interests of this 
life and of that to come, is most propitious for the meeting proposed. 
Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



312 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



February 28, 1863. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : Id compliance with the resolu- 
tion of the Senate of the 26th instant, requesting a copy of any 
correspondence which may have taken place between me and work- 
ing-men in England, I transmit the papers mentioned in the sub- 
'oined list. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Washington, February 28, 1863. 



February 28, 1863. — Note to Secretary Stanton, 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 28, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

3I>/ dear Sir : Mr. Eastman says you said he would have to come 
to me about the guns, or something to that effect. Do you know any 
law giving me control of the case? If so, please say so in writing. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



February 28, 1863. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit, for the 
consideration of Congress, a despatch to the Secretary of State 
from the United States consul at Liverpool, and the address to which 
it refers, of the distressed operatives of Blackburn, in England, to 
the New York relief committee, and to the inhabitants of the United 
States generally. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, February 28, 1863. 



February 28, 1863. — Proclamation Convening the Senate. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, objects of interest to the United States require that the 
Senate should be convened at twelve o'clock on the 4th of March next, 
to receive and act upon such communications as may be made to it 
on the part of the Executive : 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States, have considered it to be my duty to issue this my proclamation 
declaring that an extraordinary occasion requires the Senate of the 
United States to convene for the transaction of business at the Cap- 
itol in the city of Washington, on the fourth day of March next, at 
twelve o'clock at noon on that day, of which all who shall at that 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 313 

time ])e entitled to act as members of that body are hereby required 
to take notice. 

Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, 
at Washinj^ton, the twenty-eighth day of February, in the 
[l. s.] year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- 
three, and of the independence of the United States of 
America the eighty-seventh. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



March 2, 1863.— Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 2, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

Ml/ dear Sir : After much reflection, and with a good deal of pain 
that it is adverse to your wish, I have concluded that it is not best to 
renominate Mr. Howard for collector of internal revenue at Hartford, 
Connecticut. Senator Dixon, residing at Hartford, and Mr. Loomis, 
representative of the district, join in recommending Edward Good- 
man for the place, and, so far, no one has presented a different man. I 
will thank you, therefore, to send me a nomination at once for Mr. 
Goodman. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 2, 1863. — Note to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 2, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

3Ij/ dear Sir : I see an act under which an assistant collector of 
the port of New York is to be appointed. Nobody has applied to 
me for it. Have you any applications or any particular wishes 
upon the subject"? Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 2, 1863.— Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- 
gress a copy of a preamble and joint resolution of the legislative 
assembly of the Territory of New Mexico, accepting the benefits of 
the act of Congress approved the 2d of July last, entitled '* An act 
donating public lands to the several States and Territories which 
may provide colleges for the benefit of agriculture and the me- 
chanic arts." 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, March 2, 1863. 



314 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



March 2, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 2, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

My dear Sir: Your note in relation to the coUectorship at Hart- 
ford is just received. It is a little difficult for me to read ; but, as I 
make it out, the matter is now temporarily suspended by agreement 
of yourself and Senator Dixon ; and with which, of course, I am 
satisfied. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 9, 1863.— Memorandum. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 9, 1863. 

To-day General William F. Smith calls and asks that his nomina- 
tion heretofore as a major-general, and his acceptance of it by be- 
ing assigned to and taking command as a major-general, may be 
taken and held to be a vacation of his office as a brigadier-general 
of volunteers, so that he can again take his place in the regular 
army. 

He would also like to have a leave of absence of as long as the 
service will admit. 



March 10, 1863. — Proclamation Granting Amnesty to 
Soldiers Absent without Leave. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

In pursuance of the twenty-sixth section of the act of Congress 
entitled ''An act for enrolling and calling out the national forces, 
and for other purposes," approved on the third day of March, in the 
year one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, I, Abraham Lin- 
coln, President, and commander-in-chief of the army and navy of 
the United States, do hereby order and command that all soldiers 
enlisted or drafted in the service of the United States now absent 
from their regiments without leave, shall forthwith return to their 
respective regiments. 

And I do hereby declare and proclaim that all soldiers now absent 
from their respective regiments without leave who shall on or before 
the first day of April, 1863, report themselves at any rendezvous 
designated by the general orders of the War Department, No. 58, 
hereunto annexed, may be restored to their respective regiments 
without punishment, except the forfeiture of pay and allowances 
during their absence; and all who do not return within the time 
above specified shall be arrested as deserters and punished as the 
law provides. 

And whereas, evil-disposed and disloyal persons at sundry places 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 315 

have enticed and procured soldiers to desert and absent themselves 
from their regiments, thereby weakening the strength of the armies 
and prolonging the war, giving aid and comfort to the enemy, and 
cruelly exposing the gallant and faithful soldiers remaining in the 
ranks to increased hardships and danger: I do therefore call upon 
all patriotic and faithful citizens to oppose and resist the aforemen- 
tioned dangerous and treasonable crimes, and to aid in restoring to 
their regiments all soldiers al)sent without leave, and to assist in the 
execution of the act of Congress ''for enrolling and calling out the 
national forces, and for other purposes," and to support the proper 
authorities in the prosecution and punishment of offenders against 
said act, and in suppressing the insurrection and rebellion. 

In testimony whereof^ I have hereunto set my hand. 

Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of March, 
r 1 in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
'• ■ '-' sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States 
the eighty-seventh. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President: Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



March 17, 1863. — Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 17, 1863. 
Major-General Rosecrans. 

3fy dear Sir : I have just received your telegram saying that the 
"Secretary of War telegraphed after the battle of Stone River: 
'Anything you and your command want you can have,'" and then 
specifying several things you have requested and have not received. 

The promise of the Secretary, as you state it, is certainly pretty 
broad; nevertheless it accords with the feeling of the whole govern- 
ment here toward you. I know not a single enemy of yours here. 
Still the promise must have a reasonable construction. We know 
you will not purposely make an unreasonable request, nor persist 
in one after it shall appear to be such. Now, as to the matter of 
a paymaster, you desired one to be permanently attached to your 
army, and, as I understand, desired that Major Larned should be the 
man. This was denied you ; and you seem to think it was denied 
partly to disoblige you and partly to disoblige Major Larned — the 
latter, as you suspect, at the instance of Paj^master-General Andrews. 
On the contrary, the Secretary of War assures me the request was 
refused on no personal ground whatever, but because to grant it 
would derange, and substantially l>reak up, the whole pay-system 
as now organized, and so organized on very full consideration 
and sound reason, as believed. There is powerful temptation in 
money ; and it was and is believed that nothing can prevent the 
paymasters speculating upon the soldiers but a system by which 
each is to pay certain regiments so soon after he has notice that he 
is to pay those particular regiments that he has no time or opportu- 
nity to lay plans for speculating upon them. This precaution is all 



316 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

lost if paymasters respectiv^ely are to serve permanently with the 
same regiments, and pay them over and over during the war. No 
special application of this has been intended to be made to Major 
Larned or to yonr army. And as to General Andrews, I have in 
another connection felt a little aggrieved at what seemed to me his 
implicit following the advice and suggestions of Major Larned — so 
ready are we all to cry out and ascribe motives when our own toes 
are pinched. 

Now as to your request that your commission should date from 
December, 1861. Of course you expected to gain something by this; 
but you should remember that precisely so much as you should gain 
by it others would lose by it. If the thing you sought had been ex- 
clusively ours, we would have given it cheerfully ; but, being the right 
of other men, we having a merely arbitrary power over it, the tak- 
ing it from them and giving it to you became a more delicate matter 
and more deserving of consideration. Truth to speak, I do not ap- 
preciate this matter of rank on paper as you oifieers do. The world 
will not forget that you fought the battle of Stone River, and it 
will never care a fig whether you rank General Grant on paper, or 
he so ranks you. 

As to the appointment of an aide contrary to your wishes, I knew 
nothing of it until I received your despatch ; and the Secretary of 
War tells me he has known nothing of it, but will trace it out. 
The examination of course w^ill extend to the case of R. S. Thomas, 
whom you say you wdsh appointed. 

And now be assured you wrong both yourself and us when you 
even suspect there is not the best disposition on the part of us all 
here to oblige you. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 18, 1863. — Letter to H. W. Da\t[s. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 18, 1863. 
Hon. Henry Winter Davis. 

3Iy dear Sir : There will be in the new House of Representatives, 
as there were in the old, some members openly opposing the war, 
some supporting it unconditionally, and some supporting it with 
" buts," and '' ifs," and '* ands." They will divide on the organiza- 
tion of the House — on the election of a Speaker. As you ask my 
opinion, I give it, that the supporters of the war should send no 
man to Congress who will not pledge himself to go into caucus with 
the unconditional supporters of the war, and to abide the action of 
such caucus and vote for the person therein nominated for Speaker. 
Let the friends of the government first save the government, and 
then administer it to their own liking. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

P. S. This is not for publication, but to prevent misunderstand- 
ing of what I verbally said to you yesterday. 

A. L. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LUTCOLN 317 

March 20, 1863.— Revocation of Sentence of T. W. Knox. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, March 20, 1863. 

Whom it May Concern : Whereas, it appears to my satisfaction that 
Thomas W. Knox, a correspondent of the New York Herald, 'has 
been by the sentence of a court-martial excluded from the mihtary 
department under command of Major-General (^rant, and also that 
General Thayer, president of the court-martial which rendered the 
sentence, and Manor-General McClernand, in command of a corpsof 
that department, and many other respectable persons are of opin- 
ion that Mr. Knox's ofleense was technical rather than wilfully wrong, 
and that the sentence should be revoked: now therefore said sen- 
tence is hereby so far revoked as to allow Mr. Knox to return 
to General Grant's headquarters, and to remain if General Grant 
shall give his express assent, and to again leave the department it 
General Grant shall refuse such assent. ^ Lincoln 

March23, 1863.— Letter to Governor Seymour. 
{Private and Confidential.) 
Executive Mansion, Washington, March 23, 1863. 
His Excellency Governor Seymour. 

Bear Sir : You and I are substantially strangers, and I \vrite this 
chiefly that we mav become better acquainted. I, for the time being, 
am at the head of "a nation which is in great peril, and you are at 
the head of the greatest State of that nation. As to maintaining 
the nation's life and integrity, I assume and believe there can no be 
a difference of purpose between you and me. If we should diffei as 
to the means it^is important that such difference should be as small 
as possible ; that it should not be enhanced by unjust suspicions on 
one^side or 'the other. In the performance of my duty the.cooper- 
ation of your State, as that of others, is needed-in fact, is indis- 
pensable^ This alone is a sufficient reason why I should wish to be 
St a good understanding with you. Please write me at. least as long 
a letter as this, of course saying in it just what you think tit. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

March 24, 1863.— Memorandotl 

I think this man, Charles Wiegand, called on me once or oftener 
but I really know nothing as to his capacity or merit. If a brigade 
was promised him by the War Department, I know "^thmg of t ; 
Tnd not knowing whether he is fit for any place, I could not with 
propriety recommend him for any. ^ Lincoln. 

March 24, 1863. 



318 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

March 25, 1863.— Telegram to General S. A. Hurlbut. 

Washington, March 25, 1863. 
Major-General Hurlbut, Memphis: 

What news have you? What from Vicksburg? What from 
Yazoo Pass? What from Lake Providence? What generally? 

A. Lincoln. 



March 26, 1863. — Letter to Governor Johnson. 

{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 26, 1863, 
Hon. Andrew Johnson. 

3Iij dear Sir : I am told you have at least thought of raising a negro 
military force. In my opinion the country now needs no specific 
thing so much as some man of your ability and position to go to this 
work. When I speak of your position, I mean that of an eminent 
citizen of a slave State and himself a slaveholder. The colored 
population is the great available and yet unavailed of force for 
restoring the LTnion. The bare sight of fifty thousand armed and 
drilled black soldiers upon the bauks of the Mississippi would end 
the rebellion at once ; aud who doubts that we can present that sight 
if we but take hold in earnest? If you have been thinking of it, 
please do not dismiss the thought. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 27, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 27, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

Dear Sir: Governor Dickinson's business was rather with you 
than with me. His friend with him, Edward J. Westcott, has been 
trading at Newbern, and is hindered from renewing his business 
there. Please oblige the governor and Mr. Westcott so far as you 
consistently can. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 29, 1863. — Letter to General N. P. Banks. 

{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 29, 1863. 
Major-General Banks. 

My dear Sir : Hon. Daniel Ullman, with a commission of a brig- 
adier-general and two or three hundred other gentlemen as officers, 
goes to your department and reports to you, for the pm-pose of 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 319 

raising a colored brigade. To now avail ourselves of this element 
of force is very important, if not indispensable. I therefore will 
thank yon to help (leneral Ullniau forward with his undertaking 
as much and as rapidly as you can; and also to carry the general 
object beyond his particular organization if you find it practi- 
cable. The necessity of this is palpable if, as I understand, you 
are now unable to effect anything with your present force; and 
Avliieh force is soon to be greatly diminished by the exi)iration of 
terms of service, as well as by ordinary causes. I shall be very 
glad if you will take hold of the matter in earnest. You wnll re- 
ceive from the [War] Department a regular order upon this subject. 

Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 30, 18G3. — Proclamation Appointing a National Fast -day. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Prodamation. 

"Whereas, the Senate of the United States, devoutly recognizing 
the supreme authority and just government of Almighty Grod in 
all the affairs of men and of nations, has by a resolution requested 
the President to designate and set apart a day for national prayer 
and humiliation: 

And whereas, it is the duty of nations as well as of men to own 
their dependence upon the overruling power of God ; to confess their 
sins and transgressions in humble sorrow, yet with assured hope 
that genuine repentance will lead to mercy and pardon ; and to rec- 
ognize the sublime truth, announced in the Holy Scriptures and 
proven by all history, that those nations only are blessed whose G.od 
is the Lord : 

And insomuch as we know that by his divine law nations, like in- 
dividuals, are subjected to punishments and chastisements in this 
world, may we not justly fear that the awful calamity of ci\'il war 
which now desolates the land may be but a punishment inflicted upon 
us for our presumptuous sins, to the needful end of our national 
reformation as a whole people! We have been the recipients of the 
choicest bounties of Heaven. We have been preserved, these many 
years, in peace and prosperity. We have grown in numbers, wealth, 
and power as no other nation has ever grown ; but we have forgot- 
ten God. We have forgotten the gracious hand which preserved us 
in peace, and multiplied and enriched and strengthened us ; and we 
have vainly imagined, in the deceitfuluess of our hearts, that all 
these blessings were produced by some superior wisdom and virtue 
of our own. Intoxicated with unbroken success, we have become 
too self-sufificient to feel the necessity of redeeming and preserving 
grace, too proud to pray to the God that made us : 

It behooves us, then, to humble ourselves before the offended 
Power, to confess our national sins, and to pray for clemency and 
forgiveness : 



320 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

Now, therefore, in compliance with the request, and fully concur- 
ring in the views, of the Senate, I do by this my proclamation des- 
ignate and set apart Thursday, the 30th day of April, 1863, as a 
day of national humiliation, fasting, and prayer. And I do hereby 
request all the people to abstain on that day from their ordinary 
secular pursuits, and to unite at their several places of public wor- 
ship and their respective homes in keeping the day holy to the Lord, 
and devoted to the humble discharge of the religious duties proper 
to that solemn occasion. All this being done in sincerity and truth, 
let us then rest humbly in the hope authorized by the divine teach- 
ings, that the united cry of the nation will be heard on high, and 
answered with blessings no less than the pardon of our national 
sins, and the restoration of our now divided and suffering country 
to its former happy condition of unity and peace. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this thirtieth day of 
r -, March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
'■ ' J and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United 
States the eighty-seventh. Abrahai^i LmcoLN. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



March 31, 1863. — License of Commercial Intercourse. 

Washington, Executive Mansion, March 31, 1863. 

Whereas, by the act of Congress approved July 13, 1861, entitled 
"An act to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for 
other purposes," all commercial intercourse between the inhabitants 
of such States as should by proclamation be declared in insurrec- 
tion against the United States and the citizens of the rest of the 
United States, was prohibited so long as such conditions of hostility 
should continue, except as the same shall be licensed and permitted 
by the President to be conducted and carried on only in pursuance 
of rules and regulations prescribed by the Secretary of the Trea- 
sury; and whereas it appears that a partial restoration of such 
intercourse between the inhabitants of sundry places and sections 
heretofore declared in insurrection in pursuance of said act, and the 
citizens of the rest of the United States, will favorably affect the 
public interests : 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States, exercising the authority and discretion confided to me by 
the said act of Congress, do hereby license and permit such com- 
mercial intercourse between the citizens of loyal States and the in- 
habitants of such insurrectionary States in the cases and under the 
restrictions described and expressed in the regulations prescribed 
by the Secretary of the Treasury, bearing even date with these 
presents, or in such other regulations as he may hereafter, with my 
approval, prescribe. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 321 

April 1, 1863. — Letter to General D. Hunter. 

{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, April 1, 1863. 
Major-General Hunter. 

3Iy dear Sir: I am glad to see the accounts of your colored force 
at Jacksonville, Florida. I see the enemy are driving at them fiercely, 
as is to bo expected. It is important to the enemy that such a force 
shall not take shape and grow and thrive in the South, and in pre- 
cisely the same proportion it is important to us that it shall. Hence 
the utmost caution and vigilance is necessary on our part. The 
enemy will make extra efforts to destroy them, and we should do 
the same to preserve and increase them. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

April 2, 1863. — Proclamation about Commercial Intercourse. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, in pursuance of the act of Congress approved July 13, 
1861, I did, by proclamation dated August 16, 1861, declare that the 
inhabitants of the States of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North 
Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Missis- 
sippi, and Florida (except the inhabitants of that part of Virginia 
lying west of the Alleghany Mountains, and of such other parts of 
that State and the other States hereinbefore named as might main- 
tain a legal adiiesion to the Union and the Constitution, or might be 
from time to time occupied and controlled by forces of the United 
States engaged in the dispersion of said insurgents) were in a state 
of insurrection against the United States, and that all commercial 
intercourse between the same, and the inhabitants thereof, with the 
exceptions aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and other parts 
of the United States, was unlawful, and would remain unlawful until 
such insurrection should cease or be suppressed; and that all goods 
and chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of said States, 
with the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, 
without the license and permission of the President through the 
Secretary of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said States, with 
the exceptions aforesaid, by land or water, together with the vessel 
or vehicle conveying the same to or from said States, with the ex- 
ceptions aforesaid, would be forfeited to the United States : 

And whereas, experience has shown that the exceptions made in 
and by said proclamation embarrass the due enforcement of said 
act of July 13, 1861, and the proper rc^gnlation of the commercial in- 
tercourse authorized by said act with the loyal citizens of said States: 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of tlie United 
States, do hereby revoke the said exceptions, and declare that the 
Vol. XL— 2i. 



322 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

inhabitants of the States of Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, 
Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, Florida, 
and Virginia (except the forty-eight counties of Virginia designated 
as West Virginia, and except also the ports of New Orleans, Key 
West, Port Royal, and Beaufort in North Carolina) are in a state of 
insurrection against the United States, and that all commercial inter- 
course not licensed and conducted as provided in said act between 
the said States and the inhabitants thereof, with the exceptions 
aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and other parts of the 
United States, is unlawful, and wiU remain unlawful until such insur- 
rection shall cease or has been suppressed, and notice thereof has been 
duly given by proclamation; and all cotton, tobacco, and other pro- 
ducts, and all other goods and chattels, wares and merchandise, 
coming from any of said States, w4th the exceptions aforesaid, into 
other parts of the United States, or proceeding to any of said States, 
with the exceptions aforesaid, without the license and permission of 
the President through the Secretary of the Treasury, will, together 
with the vessel or vehicle conveying the same, be forfeited to the 
United States. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this second day of April, 
r -, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and sixty-three, 
'■^' ^"■' and of the independence of the United States of America the 
eighty-seventh. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



April 11, 1863. — Indorsement on General J. Hooker's Plan 
OF Campaign against Richmond. 

My opinion is that just now, with the enemy directly ahead of us, 
there is no eligible route for us into Richmond ; and consequently 
a question of preference between the Rappahannock route and the 
James River route is a contest about nothing. Hence our prime 
object is the enemy's army in front of us, and is not with or about 
Richmond at all, unless it be incidental to the main object. 

What then ? The two armies are face to face, with a narrow river 
between them. Our communications are shorter and safer than are 
those of the enemy. For this reason we can, with equal powers, fret 
him more than he can us. I do not think that by raids toward 
Washington he can derange the Army of the Potomac at all. He has 
no distant operations which can call any of the Army of the Potomac 
away; we have such operations which may call hnn away, at least in 
part. While he remains intact I do not think we should take the 
disadvantage of attacking him in his intrenchments; but we should 
continually harass and menace him, so that he shall have no leisure 
nor safety in sending away detachments. If he weakens himself, 
then pitch into him. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 323 



April 11, 1863. — Telegram from General Halleck to 
General J. Pope. 

War Department, Washington, April 11, 1863. 
Major-General Pope, Milwaukee, Wisconsin : 

Tlie President directs that under no circumstances will our troops 
cross the boundary line into British territory without his authority. 

H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. 

April 11, 1863. — Letter to General C. Schurz. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 11, 1863. 
Major-General Schurz. 

Mu dear Sir: I cannot comply with your request to take your di- 
vision away from the Army of the Potomac. General Hooker does 
not wish it done. I do not myself see a good reason why it should 
be done. The division will do itself and its officers more honor and 
the country more service where it is. Besides these general reasons, 
as I understand, the Army of the Potomac will move before these 
proposed changes could be conveniently made. I always wish to 
oblige you, but I cannot in this case. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

April 12, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, D. C, April 12, 1863. 
Major-General Hooker : 

Your letter by the hand of General Butterfield is received, and 
will be conformed to. The thing you dispense with would have 
been ready by midday to-morrow. ^ Lincoln 

April 13, 1863. — Letter to Governor Curtin. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 13, 1863. 
Hon. Andrew G. Curtin. 

il/y dear Sir : If, after the expiration of your present term as 
governor of Pennsylvania, I shall continue in office here, and you 
shall desire to go abroad, you can do so with one of the first-class 
missions. Yours truly, ^ Lincoln 

April 13, 1863.— Telegram to Admiral S. F. Du Pont. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 13, 1863. 
Admiral Du Pont: 

Hokl your position inside the bar near Charleston ; or, if you shall 
have left it, return to it, and hold it till further orders. Do not al- 



324 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

low the enemy to erect new batteries or defenses on Morris Island. 
If he has begun it, drive him out. I do not herein order you to re- 
new the general attack. That is to depend on your own discretion 
or a further order. 

A. Lincoln. 



April 14, 1863. — Letter to J. E. Bouligny. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 14, 1863. 
Hon. J. E. Bouligny. 

My dear 8h' : I did not certainly know the object of your call yes- 
terday, but I had a strong impression in regard to it. When our 
national troubles began, you and I were not personally acquainted, 
but all I heard of you placed you in my estimation foremost among 
Louisianians as a friend of the Union. I intended to find you a posi- 
tion, and I did not conceal my inclination to do so. When, last autumn, 
you bore a letter from me to some parties at New Orleans, you 
seemed to expect, and consequently I did expect, you would return 
here as a member of one or the other branch of Congress. But you 
were not so returned, and this negative evidence, with other of like 
character, brings me to think that the Union people there for some 
reason prefer others for the places there. Add to this that the head 
of the department here in which finding a place for you was con- 
templated, is not satisfied for the appointment to be made, and it 
presents, as you see, an embarrassing case for me. My personal 
feeUngs for Mr. Bouligny are not less kind than heretofore. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



April 14, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, D. C, April 14, 18G3. 5.30 p. m. 
Major-General Hooker: 

Would like to have a letter from you as soon as convenient. 

A. Lincoln. 



April 14, 1863. — Letter to General D. Hunter and Admiral 

S. F. Du Pont. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 14, 1863. 
(General Hunter and Admiral Du Pont: 

This is intended to clear up an apparent inconsistency between 
ithe recent order to continue operations before Charleston and the 
former one to remove to another point in a certain contingency. No 
•censure upon you, or either of you, is intended. We still hope that 
by cordial and judicious cooperation you can take the batteries on 
Morris Island and Sulhvan's Island and Fort Sumter. But whether 
you can or not, we wish the demonstration kept up for a time, for 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 325 

a collateral and very important object. We wish the attempt to be a 
real one, though not a desperate one, if it affords any considerable 
chance of suc(!e.ss. But if prosecuted as a demonstration only, this 
must not become public, or the whole effect will be lost. Once 
again before Charleston, do not leave till further orders from here. 
Of course this is not intended to force you to leave unduly exposed 
HUtou Head or other near points in your charge. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

P. S. Whoever receives this first, please send a copy to the other 
immediately. 

A. L, 



April 15, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, D. C, April 15, 18G3. 10.15 p. m. 
Major-General Hooker : 

It is now 10.15 p. M. An hour ago I received your letter of this 
morning, and a few moments later your despatch of this evening. 
The latter gives me considerable uneasiness. The rain and mud of 
course were to be calculated upon. General S. is not moving rap- 
idly enough to make the expedition come to anything. He has now 
been out three days, two of which were unusually fair weather, and 
all three without hindrance from the enemy, and yet he is not twentj'- 
five miles from where he started. To reach his point he still has sixty 
to go, another river (the Rapidan) to cross, and will be hindered by 
the enemy. By arithmetic, how many daj^s will it take him to do it ? 
I do not know that any better can be done, but I greatly fear it is 
another failure already. Write me often. I am very anxious. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



April 16, 1863. — Indorsement on Letter of T. Woodruff. 

In answer to the within question, " Shall we be sustained by 
you?" I have to answer that at the beginning of the administration 
I appointed one whom I understood to be an editor of the "Demo- 
crat" to be postmaster at St. Louis — the best office in my gift within 
Missouri. Soon after this our friends at St. Louis must needs break 
into factious, the *' Democrat" being in my opinion justly chargeable 
with a full share of the blame for it. I have stoutly tried to keep 
out of the quarrel, and so mean to do. 

As to contracts and jobs, I understand tliat by the law they are 
awarded to the best bidders; and if the government agents at St. 
Louis do differently, it would be good ground to prosecute them 
upon. A. Lincoln. 

April 16, 1863. 



326 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

April 20, 1863.— Proclamation admitting West Virginia into 

THE Union. 

By THE President op the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, by the act of Congress approved the thirty-first day of 
December last, the State of West Virginia was declared to be one of 
the United States of America, and was admitted into the Union on 
an eqnal footing with the original States in all respects whatever, 
upon the condition that certain changes should be duly made in the 
proposed constitution for that State : 

And whereas, proof of a compliance with that condition, as re- 
quired by the second section of the act aforesaid, has been submitted 
to me : 

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
of the United States, do hereby, in pursuance of the act of Congress 
aforesaid, declare and proclaim that the said act shall take effect 
and be in force from and after sixty days from the date hereof. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this twentieth day of 
r -, April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
L^' ^'J and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States 
the eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

April 20, 1863. — Letter to C. Truesdale. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 20, 1863. 
Calvin Truesdale, Esq., Postmaster, Rock Island, Illinois: 

Thomas J. Pickett, late agent of the quartermaster's department 
for the island of Rock Island, has been removed or suspended from 
that position on a charge of having sold timber and stones from the 
island for his private benefit. Mr. Pickett is an old acquaintance 
and friend of mine ; and I will thank you if you will set a day or 
days and place on and at which to take testimony on the point. 
Notify Mr. Pickett and one J, B. Danforth, Jr. (who as I understand 
makes the charges), to be present with their witnesses, take the testi- 
mony in writing offered by both parties, and report it in full to me. 

Please do this for me. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

April 21, 1863. — Letter to Secretaries Seward and Welles. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 21, 1863. 
Hon. Secretaries of State and of the Navy, 

Gentlemen : It is now a practical question for this government 
whether a government mail of a neutral power, found on board a 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 327 

vessel captured by a l)ellig'erent power, on charge of breach of 
bh)ckade, shall be forwarded to its designated destinatiou without 
opening, or shall be placed in custody of the prize court, to be, in 
the discretion of the court, opened and searched for evidence to be 
used on the trial of the prize cases. 

I will thank each of you to furnish me: 

First. A list of all cases wherein such question has been passed 
upon either by a diplomatic or a judicial decision. 

Secondly. All cases wherein mails under such circumstances have 
been without special decision either forwarded unopened, or de- 
tained and opened in search of evidence. 

I wish these lists to embrace as well the reported cases in the 
books generally, as the cases pertaining to the present war in 
the United States. 

Thirdly. A statement and brief argument of what would be 
the dangers and evils of forwarding such mails unopened. 

Fourthly. A statement and brief argument of what would be the 
dangers and evils of detaining and opening such mails, and using 
the contents, if pertinent, as evidence. 

And, lastly, any general remarks that may occur to you or either 
of you. Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln, 



April 23, 1863. — Letter to J. Segar. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 23, 1863. 
Hon. Joseph Segar. 

3Iy dear Sir: My recollection is that Accomac and Northampton 
counties (eastern shore of Virginia) were not exempted from a proc- 
lamation issued some short while after the adjournment of Congress ; 
that some time after the issuing of the preliminary Emancipation 
Proclamation in September, and before the issuing of the final one 
on January 1, 1863, you called on me and requested that the '' eastern 
shore of Virginia" might be exempted from both the summer procla- 
mation and the final Emancipation Proclamation. I told you that 
the non-exemption of it from the former was a mere omission which 
would be corrected ; and that it should also be exempted from the 
final Emancipation Proclamation. The preliminary Emaneii)ation 
Proclamation does not define what is included or excluded ; but only 
gives notice that this will be done in the final one. 

Both yourself and General Dix at different times (General Dix 
in writing) called my attention to the fact that I had omitted to 
exempt the "eastern shore of Virginia" from the first proclama- 
tion ; and this was all that was needed to have me correct it. With- 
out being reminded by either him or yourself. I do not think I 
should have omitted to exempt it from the final Emancipation Proc- 
lamation ; but at all events you did not allow me to forget it. 
Supposing it was youi' duty to your constituents to attend to these 
matters, I think you acted with entire good faith and fidelit}^ to 
them. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



328 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



April 23, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrajsis. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, 

April 23, 1863. 10.10 A. m. 
Major-General Rosecrans, Murfreesboroug-h, Tennessee : 

Your despatch of the 21st received. I really cannot say that I 
have heard any complaint of you. I have heard complaint of a 
police corps at Nashville, but your name was not mentioned in con- 
nection with it, so far as I remember. It may be that by inference 
you are connected with it, but my attention has never been drawn 
to it in that light. • ^ Lincoln. 



April 27, 1863. — Letter to Assistant Secretary Watson. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 27, 1863. 
Hon. p. H. Watson, Assistant Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir: I have attentively considered the matter of the 
" Republican," in regard to which you called on me the other day; 
and the result is that I prefer to make no change unless it shall 
again give just cause of offense, in which case I will at once with- 
draw the patronage it is enjoying at my hands. I believe it will 
not offend again; and if not, it is better to let the past go by 
quietly. Yours truly, j^ Lincoln. 

April 27, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, D. C, April 27, 1863. 3.30 p. m. 
Major-General Hooker : 
How does it look now '? A. Lincoln. 

April 27, 1863. — Letter to General Lane. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 27, 1863. 
Hon. James H. Lane, Leavenworth, Kansas : 

The Governor of Kansas is here asking that Lieutenant-Colonel 
J. M. Williams, of a colored regiment there, shall be removed ; and 
also complaining of the military interference of General Blunt in the 
late election at Leavenworth. I do not know how, if at all, you are 
connected with these things ; but I wish your assistance to so shape 
things that the Governor of Kansas may be treated with the con- 
sideration that is extended to governors of other States. We are 
not forcing a regimental offteer upon any other governor against 
his protest. Cannot this matter be somehow adjusted ? 

A. Lincoln. 
[Indorsement.] 

Not sent because Governor Carney thought it best not be. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 329 

April 28, 1863. — Indorsement on Letter of F. L. Capen. 

It seems to me Mr. Capen knows nothing- about the weather in 
advance. He told me three days ago that it would not rain again 
till the 30th of April or 1st of May. It is raining uow,^ and has been 
for ten hours. I cannot spare any more time to Mr. Capen. 

A. Lincoln. 

April 28, 1863. 

April 28, 1863.— Telegram to Governor Curtin. 

War Department, Washington, April 28, 1863. 
Hon, a. G. Curtin, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: 

I do not think the people of Pennsylvania should be uneasy about 
an invasion. Doubtless a small force of the enemy is flourishing 
about in the northern part of Virginia, on the " skewiioru" principle, 
on purpose to divert us in another quarter. I believe it is nothing 
more. We think we have adequate force close after them. 

A. Lincoln. 



April 29, 1863. — Letter from Secretary Stanton to General 

BURNSIDE. 

War Department, Washington City, April 29, 1863. 
Major-General Ambrose E. Burnside, 

Commanding Department of the Ohio, Cincinnati: 
A telegram from Louisvdlle, published in the " National Intelli- 
gencer" of this morning, contains the following paragraph : 

Dm'ing the sale of a lot of negroes at the court-house this morning, the 
provost-marshal notified the owners that four were free under the Presi- 
dent's proclamation. They nevertheless went on, Avhen the matter of the 
four contrabands was turned over to the district judge, who will take 
measures to annul the sale. 

The President directs me to say to you that he is much surprised 
to find that persons who are free under his proclamation have been 
suffered to be sold under any pretense whatever; and also desires 
me to remind you of the terms of the acts of Congress by which the 
fugitive negroes of rebel owners taking refuge within our lines are 
dei'lared to be "captives of war." He desires you to take immedi- 
ate measures to prevent any persons who, by act of Congress, are en- 
titled to protection from the government as "captives of war "from 
being returned to bondage or suffering any wrong prohibited by 
that act. A detailed despatch, with instructions, will be sent to you 
to-day. Your vigilant and earnest attention to this subject within 
your department is specially requested. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



330 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



April 30, 1863. — Indorsement in the Case of Captain Schaadt. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 30, 1863. 
Such facts are brought to my notice as induce me to withhold my 
approval of the dismissal of Captain Schaadt, named within. He is 
satisfactorily proved to me to be of good character for candor and 
manliness, and generally; and that he was most active and efficient 
in Pennsylvania last autumn in raising troops for the Union. All 
this should not retain him in the service if, since then, he has given 
himself in any way to the injury of the service. How this is I must 
understand better than I now do before I can approve his dismissal. 
What has he done? What has he said ? If, as is claimed for him, 
he is guilty of nothing but the withholding his vote or sanction 
from a certain resolution or resolutions, I think his dismissal is 
wrong, even though I might think the resolution itself right and 
very proper to be adopted by such as choose. Captain Schaadt will 
report himself to General Hunter and deliver him this paper for 
his further action. j^ Lincoln. 

April 30, 1863. — Letter to General D. Hunter. 

{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 30, 1863. 
Major-General Hunter. 

Mij dear Sir: This morning I was presented an order of yours, dis- 
missing from the service, subject to my approval, a Captain Schaadt, 
of one of the Pennsylvania regiments. Disloyalty, without any state- 
ment of the evidence supposed to have proved it, is assigned as the 
cause of the dismissal ; and he represents at home — as I am told — 
that the sole evidence was his refusal to sanction a resolution (in- 
dorsing the Emancipation Proclamation, I believe); and our friends 
assure me that this statement is doing the Union cause great harm 
in his neighborhood and county, especially as he is a man of char- 
acter, did good service in raising troops for us last fall, and still 
declares for the Union and his wish to fight for it. 

On this state of the case I wrote a special indorsement on the order, 
which I suppose he wiU present to you; and I write this merely to 
assure you that no censure is intended upon you ; but that it is hoped 
that you will inquire into the case more minutely, and that if there 
be no evidence but his refusal to sanction the resolution, you will 
restore him. Yours as ever, ^_ Lincoln. 

May 1, 1863. — Telegram to Governor Curtin. 

Executive Mansion, May 1, 1863. 
Governor Curtin, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: 

The whole disposable force at Baltimore and elsewhere in reach 
have already been sent after the enemy which alarms you. The 



LETTERS AND STATE TAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 331 

worst thing the enemy could do for himself would be to weaken 
himself before Hooker, and therefore it is safe to believe he is not 
doin<ii' it; and the best thing- he could do for himself woidd be to get 
us so seared as to bring- part of Hooker's force away, and that is 
just what he is trying to do. 

I wdl telegraph you in the morning about calling out the militia. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 2, 1863. — Telegram to Governor Curtin. 

Executive Mansion, May 2, 1863. 
Governor Curtin, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania : 

General Halleck tells me he has a despatch from General Schenck 
this morning, informing him that our forces have joined, and that the 
enemy menacing Pennsylvania will have to fight or run to-day. I 
hope I am not less anxious to do my duty to Pennsylvania than your- 
self, but I really do not yet see the justification for incurring the 
trouble and exjieuse of calling out the militia. I shall keep watch, 
and try to do my duty. A. Lincoln. 

P. S. Our forces are exactly between the enemy and Pennsyl- 
vania. 



May 3, 1863. — Telegraji to General D. Butterfield. 

Washington, D. C, May 3, 1863. 
Major-General Butterfield, Chief of Staff : 

The President thanks you for your telegrams, and hopes you will 
keep him advised as rapidly as any information reaches you. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



May 3, 1863. — Telegram to General D. Butterfield. 

Washington, D. C, May 3, 1863. 4.35 p. m. 
Major-General Butterfield : 

Where is General Hooker ? Where is Sedgwick ! Where is Stone- 
i^aan ? A. Lincoln. 



May 4, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, D. C, May 4, 1863. 3.10 p. m. 
Major-General Hooker: 

We have news here that the enemy has reoceupied heights above 
Fredericksburg. Is that so? A. Lincoln. 



332 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



May 6, 1863. — Telegram to General Hooker. 

Washington, D. C, May 6, 1863. 12.25 p. m. 
Major-General Hooker: 

We have through General Dix the contents of Richmond papers 
of the 5th. General Dix's despatch in full is going to you by Cap- 
tain Fox of the navy. The substance is General Lee's despatch of 
the 3d (Sunday), claiming that he had beaten you, and that you 
were then retreating across the Rappahannock, distinctly stating 
that two of Longstreet's divisions fought you on Saturday, and that 
General [E. F.] Paxton was killed, Stonewall Jackson severely 
wounded, and Generals Heth and A. P. Hill slightly wounded. 
The Richmond papers also stated, upon what authority not men- 
tioned, that our cavalry have been at Ashland, Hanover Court 
House, and other points, destroying several locomotives and a good 
deal of other property, and all the railroad bridges to within five 
miles of Richmond. A. Lincoln. 



May 6, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, D. C, May 6, 1863. 12.30 p. m. 
General Hooker: 

Just as I had telegraphed you contents of Richmond papers show- 
ing that our cavalry has not failed, I received General Butterfield's 
of 11 A. M. yesterday. This, with the great rain of yesterday and 
last night securing your right flank, I think puts a new face upon 
your case; but you must be the judge. a. Lincoln. 



May 6, 1863.— Telegram to Colonel R. Ingalls. 

Washington, D. C, May 6, 1863. 1.45 p. m, | 

Colonel Ingalls : 

News has gone to General Hooker which may change his plans. 
Act in view of such contingency. A. Lincoln. 



May 7, 1863. — Letter to General J. Hooker. 

Headquarters Army of the Potomac, May 7, 1863. 
Major-General Hooker. 

3Iy dear Sir: The recent movement of your army is ended with- 
out eifecting its object, except, perhaps, some important breakings 
of the enemy's communications. What next? If possible, I would 
be very glad of another movement early enough to give us some 
benefit from the fact of the enemy's communication being broken ; 
but neither for this reason nor any other do I wish anything done 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 333 

in desperation or rashness. An early movement would also help to 
supersede the bad moral effect of the recent one, which is said to be 
considerably injurious. Have you already in your mind a plan 
wholly or partially formed? If you have, prosecute it without in- 
terference from me. If you have not, please inform me, so that I, 
incompetent as I may be, can try and assist in the formation of some 
plan for the army. Yours as ever, ^ Lincoln. 



May 8, 1863, — Proclamation concerning Aliens. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, the Congress of the United States, at its last session, 
enacted a law entitled " An act for enrolling and calling out the na- 
tional forces and for other purposes," which was approved on the 
third day of March last; and 

Whereas, it is recited in the said act that there now exists in the 
United States an insurrection and rebellion against the authority 
thereof, and it is, under the Constitution of the United States, the 
duty of the government to suppress insurrection and rebellion, to 
guarantee to each State a republican form of government, and to 
preserve the public tranquillity ; and 

Whereas, for these high purposes a military force is indispensa- 
ble, to raise and support which all persons ought willingly to con- 
tribute ; and 

Whereas, no service can be more praiseworthy and honorable 
than that Avhich is rendered for the maintenance of the Constitu- 
tion and Union, and the consequent preservation of free govern- 
ment ; and 

Whereas, for the reasons thus recited, it was enacted by the said 
statute that all able-bodied male citizens of the United States, and 
persons of foreign birth who shall have declared on oath their in- 
tention to become citizens under and in pursuance of the laws 
thereof, between the ages of twenty and forty -five years (with cer- 
tain exceptions not necessary to be here mentioned), are declared to 
constitute the national forces, and shall be liable to perform military 
duty in the service of the United States when called out by the 
President for that purpose ; and 

Whereas, it is claimed by and in behalf of persons of foreign birth 
withiu the ages specified in said act, who have heretofore declared 
on oath their intentions to become citizens under and in pursuance 
of the laws of the United States, and who have not exercised the 
right of suffrage or any other political franchise under the laws of 
the United States, or of any of the States thereof, that they are not 
absolutely concluded by their aforesaid declaration of intention 
from renouncing tlieir purpose to become citizens, and that, on the 
contrary, such persons iinder treaties or the law of nations retain a 
right to renounce that purpose and to forego the privileges of citi- 



334 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

zenship and residence within the United States under the obligations 
imposed by the aforesaid aet of Congress : 

Now, therefore, to avoid all misapprehensions concerning the lia- 
bility of persons concerned to perform the service required by such 
enactment, and to give it f nil effect, I do hereby order and proclaim 
that no plea of alienage will be received or allowed to exempt from 
the obligations imposed by the aforesaid act of Congress, any per- 
son of foreign birth who shall have declared on oath his intention 
to become a citizen of the United States under the laws thereof, and 
who shall be found within the United States at any time during the 
continuance of the present insurrection and rebellion, at or after the 
expiration of the period of sixty-five days from the date of this proc- 
lamation ; nor shall any such plea of alienage be allowed in favor 
of any such person who has so, as aforesaid, declared his intention to 
become a citizen of the United States, and shall have exercised at 
any time the right of suffrage, or any other political franchise, 
within the United States, under the laws thereof, or under the laws 
of any of the several States. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of "Washington, this eighth day of May, in 
r 1 the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- 
^ ' J three, and of the independence of the United States the 
eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

May 8, 1863. — Telegram to G-eneral J. Hooker, 

Washington, D. C, May 8, 1863. 4 p. m. 
Major-General Hooker : 

The news is here of the capture by our forces of Grand Gulf — a 
large and very important thing. General Willieh, an exchanged 
prisoner just from Richmond, has talked with me this morning. He 
was there when our cavalry cut the roads in that vicinity. He 
says there was not a sound pair of legs in Richmond, and that our 
men, had they known it, could have safely gone in and burned 
everything and brought in Jeff Davis. We captured and paroled 300 
or 400 men. He says as he came to City Point there was an army 
three miles long (Longstreet's, he thought) moving toward Richmond. 

Milroy has captured a despatch of General Lee, in which he says 
his loss was fearful in his last battle with you. , Lincoln 



May 8, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 8, 1863. 
Hon. Salmon P. Chase. 

My dear Sir : I address this to you personally rather than offi- 
cially, because of the nature of the case. My mind is made up to 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEllS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 335 

remove Victor Smith as collector of the customs at the Puget Sound 
district. Yet in doing this I do not decide tiiat the charges against 
liim are true. I only decide that the degree of dissatisfaction with 
him there is too great for him to be retained. But I believe he is 
your ])ersonal acquaintance and friend, and if you desire it I will tr}^ 
to find some other place for him. Yours as ever, 

A. Lincoln. 



May 9, 1863. — Telegram to General J. A. Dix. 

War Department, May 9, 1863. 
Major-General Dix: 

It is very important for Hooker to know exactly what damage is 
done to the railroads at all points between Fredericksburg and Rich- 
mond. As yet we have no word as to whether the crossings of the 
North and South Anna, or any of them, have been touched. There 
are four of these crossings ; that is, one on each road on each stream. 
You readily perceive why this information is desired, I suppose 
Kilpatrick or Davis can tell. Please ascertain fully what was done, 
and what is the present condition, as near as you can, and advise 
me at once. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 11, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 11, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Dear ^Si)•: I have again concluded to relieve General Curtis. I 
see no other way to avoid the worst consequences there. I think 
of General Schofield as his successor, but I do not wish to take 
the matter of a successor out of the hands of yourself and General 
Halleck. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



May 13, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

ExECUTRT] Mansion, Washington, May 13, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

Mij dear Sir; I return the letters of General Garfield and Mr. 
Flanders. I am sorry to know the general's pet expedition, unthM- 
Colonel Streight, has already been captured. Whether it had paid 
for itself, as he hoped, I do not know. If you think it proper to fill 
the agency mentioned by Mr. Flanders, by all means let Mr. Flan- 
ders be the man. 

Please send me over the commission for Lewis C. Gunn, as 3'ou 
recommended, for collector of customs at Puget Sound. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



336 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

May 13, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, D. C, May 13, 1863. 1 p. m. 
Major-General Hooker: 

If it will not interfere with the service, nor personally incommode 
you, please come up and see me this evening. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 13, 1863. — Memorandum about Lieutenant Merryman. 

I understand there are, or have been, some charges against Lieu- 
tenant Merryman, of which I know nothing. I only wish to say, he 
was raised from childhood in the town where I lived, and I remem- 
ber nothing against him as boy or man. 

His father, now dead, was a very intimate acquaintance and friend 
of mine. 



May 13, 1863. 



A. Lincoln. 



May 13, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 13, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Ify dear ^ir : Since parting with you I have seen the Secretaries 
of State and the Treasury, and they both think we better not issue 
the special suspension of the writ of habeas corpus spoken of. 
Governor Chase thinks the case is not before Judge Swaim; that it 
is before Judge Leavitt; that the writ will probably not issue which- 
ever the applications may be before; and that in no event will 
Swaim commit an imprudence. His chief reason for thinking the 
writ will not issue is that he has seen in a newspaper that Judge 
Leavitt stated that Judge Swaim and he refused a similar applica- 
tion last year. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



May 14, 1863. — Letter to General J. Hooker, 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, May 14, 1863. 
Major-General Hooker, Commanding. 

Mfi dear Sir : When I wrote on the 7th, I had an impression that 
possibly by an early movement you could get some advantage from 
the supposed facts that the enemy's communications were disturbed, 
and that he was somewhat deranged in position. That idea has 
now passed away, the enemy having reestablished his communica- 
tions, regained his positions, and actually received reinforcements. 
It does not now appear probable to me that you can gain anything 
by an early renewal of the attempt to cross the Rappahannock. I 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 337 

therefore shall not complain if yon do no inore for a time than to 
keep the enemy at bay and ont of other mischief by menaces and 
occasional cavalry raids, if practicalile, and to put yonr own army in 
j^ood condition again. Still, if in your own clear judgment you can 
renew the attack successfully, I do not mean to restrain you. Bear- 
ing upon this last point, I nnist tell you that I have some painful 
intimations that some of your corps and division commanders are 
not giving you their entire confidence. This would be ruinons, if 
true, and you should therefore, first of all, ascertain the real facts 
beyond all possibility of doubt. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



May 14, 1863. — Letter to W. C. Bryant. 

Washington, May 14, 1863. 
Mr. W. C. Bryant. 

My dear Sir: Yours, requesting that General Sigel may be again 
assigned to command, is received. Allow me to briefi.y explain. I 
kept General Sigel in command for several months, he requesting 
to resign or to be relieved. At length, at his urgent and repeated 
solicitation, he was relieved. Now it is inconvenient to assign him 
a command without relieving or depriving some other officer who 
is not asking and perhaps would object to being so disposed of. 

This is one of a class of cases, and you perceive how embarrassing 
they are. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



May 15, 1863. — Telegram to H. T. Blow and Others. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 15, 1863. 
Hon. H. T. Blow, C. D. Drake, and Others, St. Louis, Missouri : 

Yonr despatch of to-day is just received. It is very painful to 
me that you in Missouri cannot or will not settle your factional 
quarrel among yourselves. I have been tormented with it beyond 
endurance for months by both sides. Neither side pays the least re- 
spect to my appeals to your reason. I am now compelled to take 
hold of the case. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 17, 1863. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General 

Hereon. 

War Department, Washington, May 17, 1863. 
Major-General F. J. Hereon, Rolla, Missouri : 

Your despatch threatening to resign rntlier than to serve under 
General Schofield has been received and shown to the President. 
He directs me to say that he is unaware of any valid objection to 
Vol. IL— 22. 



338 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

General Schofield, he having recently commanded the Department 
of the Missouri, giving almost universal satisfaction so far as the 
President ever heard. He directs me to add that he has appreci- 
ated the services of General Herron and rewarded them by rapid 
promotions; but that, even in him, insubordination will be met as 
insubordination, and that your resignation will be acted upon as 
circumstances may require whenever it is tendered. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



May 19, 20, 1863. — Orders sending C. L. Vallandigham beyond 

Military Lines. 

{Cipher.) 

United States Military Telegraph, May 19, 1863. 

By telegraph from Washington, 9.40 P. m., 1863. 
To Major-General Burnside, Commanding Department of Ohio. 
Sir : The President directs that without delay you send C. L. 
Vallandigham under secure guard to the headquarters of General 
Rosecrans, to be put by him beyond our military lines ; and in case 
of his return within our lines, he be arrested and kept in close 
custody for the term specified in his sentence. 
By order of the President : 

E. R. S. Canby, 
Brigadier-General and Assistant Adjutant-General. 



War Department, May 20, 1863. 

Major-General a. E. Burnside, 

Commanding Department of the Ohio^ Cincinnati, Ohio : 

Your despatch of three o'clock this afternoon to the Secretary of 
War has been received and shown to the President. He thinks the 
best disposition to be made of Vallandigham is to put him beyond the 
lines, as directed in the order transmitted to you last evening, and 
directs that you execute that order by sending him forward under 
secure guard without delay to General Rosecrans. 

By order of the President : 

Ed. R. S. Canby, Brigadier-General. 



May 20,. 1863.— Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Washington, May 20, 1863. 
Major-General Rosecrans : 

Yours of yesterday in relation to Colonel Haggard is received. 
I am anxious that you shall not misunderstand me. In no case 
have I intended to censure you or to question your ability. In 
Colonel Haggard's case I meant no more than to suggest that pos- 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 339 

sibly you might have becu mistaken in a point that could [bej 

corrected. 

I frequently make mistakes myself in the many things I am 

compelled to do hastily. " . t 

^ -^ A. Lincoln, 



May 20, 1863. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General 

W. S. Rosecrans. 

War Department, Washington City, D. C, May 20, 18G3. 
Major-General Rosecrans, Murfreesborough: 

The President desires to know whether you have any late news 
from Grant, or auy of the operations on the Mississippi. If you 
have, please report. Bdwii^ M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

May 21, 1863.— Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Washington, May 21, 1863. 4.40 p. m. 
Major-General Rosecrans: 

For certain reasons it is thought best for Rev. Dr. Jaquess not to 

come here. 

Present my respects to him, and ask him to write me tuWy on the 

subiect he has in contemplation. . t 

<> t- A. Lincoln. 

May 22, 1863.— Telegram to General S. A. Hurlbut. 

Washington, May 22, 1863. 
Major-General Hurlbut, Memphis, Tennessee: 

We have news here in the Richmond newspapers of 20th and 21st, 
including a despatch from General Joe Johnston himself, that on 
the 15th or 16th — a little confusion as to the day — Grant beat 
Pemberton and [ W. W.] Loring near Edwards Station, at the end 
of a nine hours' fight, driving Pemberton over the Big Black and 
catting Loring off and driving him south to Crystal Springs, twen- 
ty-five miles below Jackson. Joe Johnston telegraphed all this, 
except about Loring, from his camp between Browus\ille and Lex- 
ington, on the 18th. Another despatch indicates that Grant was 
moving against Johnston on the 18th. . j 

May 27, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

War Department, May 27, 1863. 
Major-General Rosecr.\ns, Murfreesborough, Tennessee : 

Have you anything from Grant? Where is FoiTCst's head- 

quarters ? . ,- 

^ A. Lincoln. 



340 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 



May 27, 1863. — Letter to General Schofield. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 27, 1863. 
General John M. Schofield. 

My dear Sir : Having relieved General Curtis and assigned you to 
the eommand of the Department of the Missouri, I think it may be of 
some advantage for me to state to you why I did it. I did not relieve 
General Curtis because of any full conviction that he had done wrong 
by commission or omission. I did it because of a conviction in my 
mind that the Union men of Missouri, constituting, when united, a 
vast majority of the whole people, have entered into a pestilent fac- 
tional quarrel among themselves — General Curtis, perhaps not of 
choice, being the head of one faction and Governor Gamble that 
of the other. After months of labor to reconcile the difficulty, it 
seemed to grow worse and worse, until I felt it my duty to break it 
up somehow; and as I could not remove Governor Gamble, I had to 
remove General Curtis. Now that you are in the position, I wish 
you to undo nothing merely because General Curtis or Governor 
Gamble did it, but to exercise your own judgment, and do right for 
the public interest. Let your military measures be strong enough 
to repel the invader and keep the peace, and not so strong as to un- 
necessarily harass and persecute the people. It is a difficult role, 
and so much greater will be the honor if you perform it well. If 
both factions, or neither, shall abuse you, you will probably be 
about right. Beware of being assailed by one and praised by the 
other. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



May 27, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 27, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

My dear Sir: The office of second comptroller is vacant by the 
death of Mr. Cutts. Of course I wish your concurrence whenever 
I shall fill it. I believe the only applicants — whose papers are 
now before me — are Augustin Chester, late of Connecticut, now of 
Chicago, and John M. Broadhead, of this city. I herewith inclose 
their papers to you. I believe they are both competent and worthy 
gentlemen. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



May 27, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, May 27, 1863. 11 p. m. 
Major-General Hooker: 

Have you Richmond papers of this morning? If so, what news? 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE TAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 341 

May 28, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Washington, May 28, 1863. 
Major-General Rosecrans, Murfreesborough, Tennessee : 

I would not push you to any rashness, but I am very anxious that 
you do your utmost, short of rashness, to keep Bragg from gettiug 
off to help Johnston against Grant. » Lincoln 

May 28, 1863.— Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 28, 1863. 
Major-General Rosecrans. 

Ml/ dear Sir: I have but a slight personal acquaintance with 
Colonel Jaqiiess, though I know him very well by character. 

Such a mission as he proposes I think promises good, if it were 
free from diiiiculties, which I fear it cannot be. 

First. He cannot go with any government authority whatever. 
This is absolute and imperative. 

Secondly. If he goes without authority, he takes a great deal of 
personal risk — he may be condemned and executed as a npy. 

If, for any reason, you think fit to give Colonel Jaquess a furlough, 
and any authority from me for that object is necessary, you hereby 
have it for any length of time you see fit. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

May 29, 1863. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. 

Washington, May 29, 1863. 
Governor Andrew Johnson, Louisville, Kentucky: 

General Burnside has been frequently informed lately that the 
division under General Getty cannot be spared. I am sorry to have 
to tell you this, but it is true, and cannot be helped. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 29, 1863. — Letter to J. K. Dubois and Others. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 29, 1863. 
Messrs. Jesse K. Dubois, O. M. Hatch, John Williams, Jacob 

Bunn, John Bunn, George R. Weber, Willloi Yates, S. M. 

Cullom, Charles W. Matheny, William F. Elkin, Francis 

Springer, B. A. Watson, Eliphalet Hawley, and Jajies 

Campbell. 

Gfutlemen : Agree among yourselves upon any two of your own 
number ^ — one of whom to be quartermaster and the other to be com- 
missary — to serve at Springfield, Illinois, and send me their names, 
and I will appoint them. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



342 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

May 29, 1863. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. 

Washington, May 29, 1863. 
Major-General Burnside, Cincinnati, Ohio: 

Your despatch of to-day received. When I shall wish to super- 
sede you I will let you know. AH the cabinet regretted the neces- 
sity of arresting, for instance, Vallandigham, some perhaps doubting 
there was a real necessity for it ; but, being done, all were for seeing 
you through with it. A. Lincoln. 

May [30?], 1863. — Reply to Members op the Presbyterian 
General Assembly. 

It has been my happiness to receive testimonies of a similar 
nature from, I believe, all denominations of Christians. They are 
all loyal, but perhaps not in the same degree or in the same num- 
bers ; but I think they all claim to be loyal. This to me is most 
gratifying, because from the beginning I saw that the issue of our 
great struggle depended on the divine interposition and favor. If 
we had that, all would be well. The proportions of this rebellion 
were not for a long time understood. I saw that it involved the 
greatest difficulties, and would call forth all the powers of the whole 
country. The end is not yet. 

The point made in your paper is well taken as to " the govern- 
ment " and " the administration " in whose hands are these interests. 
I fully appreciate its correctness and justice. In my administra- 
tion I may have committed some errors. It would be indeed re- 
markable if I had not. I have acted according to my best judgment 
in every case. The views expressed by the committee accord with 
my own ; and on this principle ''the government" is to be supported 
though ''the administration" may not in every case wisely act. As 
a pilot I have used my best exertions to keep afloat our Ship of 
State, and shall be glad to resign my trust at the appointed time to 
another pilot more skilful and successful than I may prove. In 
every case and at all hazards the government must be perpetuated. 
Relying, as I do, upon the Almighty Power, and encouraged as I 
am by these resolutions which you have just read, with the support 
which I receive from Christian men, I shall not hesitate to use all 
the means at my control to secure the termination of this rebellion, 
and will hope for success. 

I sincerely thank you for this interview, this pleasant mode of 
presentation, and the General Assembly for their patriotic support 
in these resolutions. 

June 1, 1863. — Letter to Charles Sumner. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 1, 1863. 
Hon. Charles Sumner. 

My dear Sir : In relation to the matter spoken of Saturday morn- 
ing and this morning — to wit, the raising of colored troops in the 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 343 

North, with the understanding; that they shall be commanded by 
General Fremont — I have to say : 

That while it is very objectionable, as a general rule, to have troops 
raised on any special terms, such as to serve only under a particular 
commander or only at a particular place or places, yet I would forego 
the objection iu this case upon a fair prospect that a large force of 
this sort could thereby be the more rapidly raised. 

That being raised, say to the number of ten thousand, I wouL' 
very cheerfully send them to the field under General Fremont, as- 
signing him a department, made or to be made, with such white 
force also as I might be able to put in. 

That with the best wishes towai'd General Fremont, I cannot now 
give him a department, because I have not spare troops to furnish 
a new department, and I have not, as I think, justifiable ground to 
relieve the present commander of any old one. In the raising of 
the colored troops, the same consent of governors would have to l)e 
obtained as in case of Avhite troops, and the government would make 
the same provision for them during organization as for white 
troops. 

It would not be a point with me whether General Fremont 
should take charge of the organization, or take charge of the force 
only after the organization. 

If you think fit to communicate this to General Fremont, you are 
at liberty to do so. Yours truly, ^_ Lincoln. 



June 2, 1863. — Telegram to General IT. S. Grant. 

War Department, June 2, 18G3. 
Major-General Grant, Vicksburg, via Memphis : 

Are you in communication with General Banks? Is he coming 
toward you or going farther off? Is there or has there been any- 
thing to hinder his coming directly to you by water from Alexandria? 

A. Lincoln. 

June 4, 1863. — Note to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 4, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir : I have received additional despatches, which, with 
former ones, induce me to believe we should revoke or suspend the 
order suspending the Chicago '' Times"; and if you concur in opinion, 
please have it done. Yours truh^, a t tvpot>j 

June 5, 1863. — Telegra^m to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, June 5, 1863. 4 p. m. 
Major-General Hooker: 

Yours of to-day was received an hour ago. So much of professional 
military skill is requisite to answer it, that I have turned the task 



344 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

over to General Halleck. He promises to perform it with his utmost 
care. I have but one idea which I think worth suggesting to you, 
and that is, in case you find Lee coming to the north of the Rappa- 
hannock, I would by no means cross to the south of it. If he should 
leave a rear force at Fredericksburg, tempting you to fall upon it, 
it would fight in intrenchments and have you at disadvantage, and 
so, man for man, worst you at that point, while his main force 
would in some way be getting an advantage of you northward. In 
one word, I would not take any risk of being entangled upon the 
river, like an ox jumped half over a fence and liable to be torn by 
dogs front and rear without a fair chance to gore one way or kick 
the other. If Lee would come to my side of the river, I would keep 
on the same side, and fight him or act on the defense, according as 
might be my estimate of his strength relatively to my own. But 
these are mere suggestions which I desire to be controlled by the 
judgment of yourself and General Halleck. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 6, 1863. — Anonymous Note to the Washington 
** Chronicle." 

Editor of the *' Chronicle " : 

In your issue of this morning you have an article on the Chicago 
'' Times." Being an Illinoisian, I happen to know that much of the 
article is incorrect. As I remember, upon the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise, the Democratic newspapers at Chicago went over to the 
opposition. Thereupon the " Times " was established by the friends 
of the administration. Senator Douglas being the most prominent 
in establishing it. A man by the name of James Sheahan, from 
this city, was its first and only editor nearly if not quite all the 
remainder of the senator's life. On the political separation between 
Mr. Buchanan and Senator Douglas, the " Times " adhered to the 
senator, and was the ablest paper in his support through his sena- 
torial contest with Mr. Lincoln. Since the last presidential elec- 
tion certainly, perhaps since Senator Douglas's death, Mr. Sheahan 
left the "Times"; the ''Times" since then has been identical with 
the " Times" before then in little more than the name. The writer 
hereof is not well enough posted to say but that your article in 
other respects is correct. 

June 8, 1863. — Letter to General S. U. Curtis. 

Executive Mansion, "Washington, June 8, 1863. 
Major-General Curtis. 

3Iij dear Sir: I have scarcely supposed it possible that you would 
entirely understand my feelings and motives in making the late 
change of commander for the department of the Missouri. I in- 
close you a copy of a letter which I recently addressed to General 
Sehofield, and which will explain the matter in part. It became 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 345 

almost a matter of personal self-defense to somehow break up the 
state of things in Missouri. I did not mean to east any censure \\\)(m 
you, nor to indorse any of the charges made against you by others. 
"with me the presumption is still in your favor: that you are hon- 
est, capable, faithful, and patriotic. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



June 10, 1863. — Telegraivi to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, June 10, 1863. 6.40 p. m. 
Major-General Hooker: 

Your long despatch of to-day is just received. If left to me, I 
would not go south of the Rappahannock upon Lee's moving north 
of it. If you had Richmond invested to-day, you would not he able 
to take it in twenty days; meanwhile your communications, and 
with them your army, would be ruined. I think Lee's army, and 
not Richmond, is your true objective point. If he comes toward 
the upper Potomac, follow on his flank and on his inside track, 
shortening your lines while he lengthens his. Fight him, too, when 
opportunity offers. If he stays where he is, fret him and fret him. 

A. Lincoln. 

June 12, 1863. — Letter to Erastus Corning and Others. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 12, 1863. 
Hon. Erastus Corning and Others. 

Gentlemen : Y^'our letter of May 19, inclosing the resolutions of a 
public meeting held at All^any, New York, on the 16th of the same 
moutli, was received several days ago. 

The resolutions, as I understand them, are resolval:)le into two prop- 
ositions — first, the expression of a purpose to sustain the cause of 
the Union, to secure peace through victory, and to support the ad- 
ministration in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress 
the rebellion; and, secondly, a declaration of censure upon the ad- 
ministration for supposed unconstitutional action, such as the mak- 
ing of military arrests. And from the two propositions a third is 
deduced, which is that the gentlemen composing the meeting are 
resolved on doing their part to maintain our common government 
and country, despite the folly or wickedness, as they may conceive, 
of any administration. This position is eminently patriotic, and as 
such I thank tlie meeting, and congratulate the nation for it. My 
own purpose is the same; so that the meeting and myself have a 
common object, and can hav^e no difference, except in the choice of 
means or measures for effecting that object. 

And here I ought to close this pa])er, and would close it, if there 
were no apprehension that more injurious consequences than any 
merely personal to myself might follow the censures systematically 
cast upon me for doing what, in my view of duty, I could not forbear. 
The resolutions promise to support me in every constitutional and 



346 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

lawful measure to suppress the rebellion; and I have not knowingly 
employed, nor shall knowingly employ, any other. But the meet- 
ing, by their resolutions, assert and argue that certain military 
arrests, and proceedings following them, for which I am ultimately 
responsible, are unconstitutional. I think they are not. The resolu- 
tions quote from the Constitution the definition of treason, and also 
the limiting safeguards and guarantees therein provided for the citi- 
zen on trials for treason, and on his being held to answer for capital 
or otherwise infamoas crimes, and in criminal prosecutions his right 
to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury. They proceed to 
resolve "that these safeguards of the rights of the citizen against the 
pretensions of arbitrary power were intended more especially for his 
protection in times of civil commotion." And, apparently to demon- 
strate the proposition, the resolutions proceed: " They were secured 
substantially to the English people after years of protracted civil 
war, and were adopted into our Constitution at the close of the 
revolution." Would not the demonstration have been better if it 
could have been truly said that these safeguards had been adopted 
and applied during the civil wars and during our revolution, instead 
of after the one and at the close of the other ? I, too, am devotedly 
for them after civil war, and before civil war, and at all times, " ex- 
cept when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may 
require" their suspension. The resolutions proceed to tell us that 
these safeguards " have stood the test of seventy-six years of trial 
under our republican system, under circumstances which show that 
while they constitute the foundation of all free government, they are 
the elements of the enduring stability of the republic." No one 
denies that they have so stood the test up to the beginning of the 
present rebellion, if we except a certain occurrence at New Orleans 
hereafter to be mentioned ; nor does any one question that they will 
stand the same test much longer after the rebellion closes. But these 
provisions of the Constitution have no application to the case we have 
in hand, because the arrests complained of were not made for trea- 
son — that is, not for the treason defined in the Constitution, and 
upon the conviction of which the punishment is death — nor yet 
were they made to hold persons to answer for any capital or other- 
wise infamous crimes; nor were the proceedings following, in any 
constitutional or legal sense, ''criminal prosecutions." The arrests 
were made on totally different grounds, and the proceedings follow- 
ing accorded with the grounds of the arrests. Let us consider the 
real case with which we are dealing, and apply to it the parts of the 
Constitution plainly made for such cases. 

Prior to my installation here it had been inculcated that any State 
had a lawful right to secede from the national Union, and that it 
would be expedient to exercise the right whenever the devotees of the 
doctrine should fail to elect a president to their own liking. I was 
elected contrary to their liking; and, accordingly, so far as it was 
legally possible" they had taken seven States out of the Union, had 
seized many of the United States forts, and had fired upon the United 
States flag,^ all lief ore I was inaugurated, and, of course, before I had 
done anv official act whatever. The rebellion thus begun soon ran 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 347 

into the present civil war ; and, in certain respects, it began on very- 
unequal terms between the parties. The insurgents had been pre- 
paring for it more than thirty years, while tlie government had taken 
no steps to resist them. The former had carefully considered all the 
means which could be turned to their account. It undoubtedly was 
a well-pondered reliance with them that in their own unrestricted 
effort to destroy Union, Constitution and law, all together, the 
government would, in great degree, be restrained by the same Con- 
stitution and law from arresting their progress. Their sympathizers 
pervaded all departments of the government and nearly all com- 
munities of the people. From this material, under cover of ''liberty 
of speech," "liberty of the press," and "habeas coiyus," they hoped 
to keep on foot amongst us a most efficient corps of spies, in- 
formers, suppliers, and aiders and abettors of their cause in a 
thousand ways. They knew that in times such as they were inau- 
gurating, by the Constitution itself the ''habeas corpus^' might be 
suspended ; but they also knew they had friends who would make 
a question as to wlio was to suspend it ; meanwhile their spies and 
others might remain at large to help on their cause. Or if, as has 
happened, the Executive should suspend the writ without ruinous 
waste of time, instances of arresting innocent persons might occur, 
as are alwa.ys likely to occur in such cases; and then a clamor could 
be raised in regard to this, which might be at least of some service 
to the insurgent cause. It needed no very keen perception to dis- 
cover this part of the enemy's program, so soon as by open hostil- 
ities their machinery was fairly put in motion. Yet, thoroughly 
imbued with a reverence for the guaranteed rights of individuals, 
I was slow to adopt the strong measures which by degrees I have 
been forced to regard as being within the exceptions of the Consti- 
tution, and as indispensable to the public safety. Nothing is better 
known to history than that courts of justice are utterly incompetent 
to such cases. Civil courts are organized chiefly for trials of in- 
dividuals, or, at most, a few individuals acting in concert — and this 
in quiet times, and on charges of crimes well defined in the law. 
Even in times of peace bands of horse-thieves and robbers frequently 
grow too numerous and powerful for the ordinary courts of justice. 
But what comparison, in numl)ers, have such bands ever borne to 
the insurgent sympathizers even in many of the loyal States ? Again, 
a jury too frequently has at least one member more ready to hang 
the panel than to hang the traitor. And yet again, he who dis- 
suades one man from volunteering, or induces one soldier to desert, 
weakens the Union cause as much as he who kills a Union soldier in 
battle. Yet this dissuasion or inducement may be so conducted as to 
be no defined crime of which any civil court would take coguizance. 
Ours is a case of rebellion — so called by the resolutions before 
me — in fact, a clear, flagrant, and gigantic case of rebellion; and 
the provision of the Constitution that " the ]U'ivilege of the writ 
of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when, in cases 
of rebellion or invasion, the ])ublic safety may require it," is the 
provision which specially applies to our present case. This pro- 
vision plainly attests the understanding of those who made the 



348 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

Constitution that ordinary courts of justice are inadequate to 
''cases of rebellion" — attests their purpose that, in such cases, men 
may be held in custody whom the courts, acting on ordinary rules, 
would discharge. Habeas corpus does not discharge men who are 
proved to be guilty of defined crime ; and its suspension is allowed 
by the Constitution on purpose that men may be arrested and held 
who cannot be proved to be guilty of defined crime, "when, in cases 
of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it." 

This is precisely our present case — a case of rebellion wherein 
the public safety does require the suspension. Indeed, arrests by 
process of courts and arrests in cases of rebellion do not proceed 
altogether upon the same basis. The former is directed at the 
small percentage of ordinary and continuous perpetration of crime, 
while the latter is directed at sudden and extensive uprisings 
against the government, which, at most, will succeed or fail in no 
great length of time. In the latter case arrests are made not so 
much for what has been done, as for what probably would be done. 
The latter is more for the preventive and less for the vindictive 
than the former. In such cases the purposes of men are much 
more easily understood than in cases of ordinary crime. The man 
who stands by and says nothing when the peril of his government 
is discussed, cannot be misunderstood. If not hindered, he is sure 
to help the enemy ; much more if he talks ambiguously — talks for 
his country with " buts," and ** ifs " and '' ands." Of how little value 
the constitutional provision I have quoted will be rendered if ar- 
rests shall never be made until defined crimes shall have been com- 
mitted, may be illustrated by a few notable examples: General 
John C. Breckinridge, Greneral Robert E. Lee, General Joseph E. 
Johnston, General John B. Magruder, General William B. Preston, 
General Simon B. Buckner, and Commodore Franklin Buchanan, 
now occupying the very highest places in the rebel war service, 
were all within the power of the government since the rebellion be- 
gan, and were nearly as well known to be traitors then as now. 
Unquestionably if we had seized and held them, the insurgent cause 
would be much weaker. But no one of them had then committed 
any crime defined in the law. Every one of them, if arrested, would 
have been discharged on habeas corpus were the writ allowed to op- 
erate. In view of these and similar cases, I think the time not 
unlikely to come when I shall be blamed for having made too few 
arrests rather than too many. 

By the third resolution the meeting indicate their opinion that 
military arrests may be constitutional in localities where rebellion 
actually exists, but that such arrests are unconstitutional in localities 
where rebellion or insurrection does not actually exist. They insist 
that such arrests shall not be made "outside of the lines of necessary 
military occupation and the scenes of insurrection." Inasmuch, 
however, as the Constitution itself makes no such distinction, I am 
unable to believe that there is any such constitutional distinction. I 
concede that the class of arrests complained of can be constitutional 
only when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may 
require them ; and I insist that in such cases they are constitutional 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 349 

wherever the public safety does require theui, as well in places to 
which they may |)revent the rebellion extendiiij^, as in those where 
it may be already prevailing; as well where they may restrain mis- 
chievous interference witli the raising and supplying of armies to 
suppress the rebellion, as where the rebellion may actually be ; as 
well where they may restrain the enticing men out of the army, 
as where they would prevent mutiny in the army ; equally (constitu- 
tional at all places where they will conduce to the puljlic safety, as 
against the dangers of rebellion or invasion. Take the particular case 
mentioned l)y the meeting. It is asserted in substance, that Mr.Val- 
landigham was, by a military commander, seized and tried "for no 
other reason than words addressed to a public meeting in criticism 
of the course of the admiuistration, and in condemnation of the 
military orders of the general.*' Now, if there be no mistake about 
this, if this assertion is the truth and the whole truth, if there was 
no other reason for the arrest, then I concede that the arrest was 
wrong. But the arrest, as I understand, was made for a ver}' dif- 
ferent reason. Mr.Vallandigham avows his hostility to the war on 
the part of the Union ; and his arrest was made because he was la- 
boring, with some effect, to prevent the raising of troops, to encour- 
age desertions from the army, and to leave the rebellion without 
an adequate military foi-ce to suppress it. He was not arrested be- 
cause he was damaging the political prospects of the administration 
or the personal interests of the commanding general, but because 
he was damaging the army, upon the existence and vigor of which 
the life of the nation depends. He was warring upon the military, 
and this gave the military constitutional jurisdiction to lay hands 
upon him. If Mr.Vallandigham was not damaging the military 
power of the country, then his arrest was made on mistake of fact, 
which I would be glad to correct on reasonably satisfactory evidence. 

I understand the meeting whose resolutions I am considering to 
be in favor of suppressing the rebellion by military force — by ar- 
mies. Long experience has shown that armies cannot be maintained 
unless desertion shall be punished by the severe penalty of death. 
The case requires, and the law and the Constitution sanction, this 
punishment. Must I shoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts, 
while I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator who induces him 
to desert ■? This is none the less injurious wdien effected by getting 
a father, or brother, or friend into a public meeting, and there 
working upon his feelings till he is persuaded to write the soldier 
boy that he is fighting in a bad cause, for a wicked administration 
of a contemptible government, too weak to arrest and punish him 
if he shall desert. I think that, in such a case, to silence the agi- 
tator and save the boy is not only constitutional, but withal a 
great mercy. 

If I be wrong on this question of constitutional power, my error 
lies in believing that certain proceedings are constitutional when, 
in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety requires them, 
which woidd not be constitutional when, in absence of rebellion or 
invasion, the public safety does not recjuire tliem : in other words, 
that the Constitution is not in its application in all respects the 



350 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

same in cases of rebellion or invasion involving the pnblic safety, 
as it is in times of profound peace and public security. The Constitu- 
tion itself makes the distinction, and I can no more be persuaded 
that the government can constitutionally take no strong measures 
in time of rebellion, because it can be shown that the same could 
not be lawfully taken in time of peace, than I can be persuaded that 
a particular drug is not good medicine for a sick man because it can 
be shown to not be good food for a well one. Nor am I able to 
appreciate the danger apprehended by the meeting, that the Ameri- 
can people will by means of military arrests during the rebellion 
lose the right of public discussion, the liberty of speech and the 
press, the law of evidence, trial by jury, and habeas corpus through- 
out the indefinite peaceful future which I trust lies before them, 
any more than I am able to believe that a man could contract so 
strong an appetite for emetics during temporary illness as to persist 
in feeding upon them during the remainder of his healthful life. 

In giving the resolutions that earnest consideration which you 
request of me, I cannot overlook the fact that the meeting speak as 
'^ Democrats." Nor can I, with full respect for their known intelli- 
gence, and the fairly presumed deliberation with which they pre- 
pared their resolutions, be permitted to suppose that this occurred 
by accident, or in any way other than that they preferred to desig- 
nate themselves '' Democrats" rather than " American citizens." In 
this time of national peril I would have preferred to meet you upon 
a level one step higher than any party platform, because I am sure 
that from such more elevated position we could do better battle for 
the country we all love than we possibly can from those lower ones 
where, from the force of habit, the prejudices of the past, and selfish 
hopes of the future, we are sure to expend much of our ingenuity 
and strength in finding fault with and aiming blows at each other. 
But since you have denied me this, I will yet be thankful for the 
country's sake that not all Democrats have done so. He on whose 
discretionary judgment Mr. Vallandigham was arrested and tried is 
a Democrat, having no old party affinity with me, and the judge 
who rejected the constitutional view expressed in these resolutions, 
by refusing to discharge Mr. Vallandigham on habeas corpus, is a 
Democrat of better days than these, having received his judicial 
mantle at the hands of President Jackson. And still more, of all 
those Democrats who are nobly exposing their lives and shedding 
their blood on the battle-field, I have learned that many approve 
the course taken with Mr. Vallandigham, while I have not heard of 
a single one condemning it. I cannot assert that there are none 
such. And the name of President Jackson recalls an instance of 
pertinent history. After the battle of New Orleans, and while the 
fact that the treaty of peace had been concluded was well known in 
the city, but before official knowledge of it had arrived. General 
Jackson still maintained martial or military law. Now that it could 
be said the war was over, the clamor against martial law, which had 
existed from the first, grew more furious. Among other things, a 
Mr. Louaillier published a denunciatory newspaper article. General 
Jackson airested him. A lawyer by the name of Morel procured 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 351 

the Uuited States Jiu%e Hall to order a writ of haheas corpus to 
release Mr. Louaillier. General Jackson arrested both the lawyer 
and the judge. A Mr. Hollander ventured to say of some part of 
the matter that " it was a dirty trick." General Jackson arrested 
him. When tlie officer undertook to serve the writ of haheas corpus, 
General Jackson took it from him, and sent him away with a copy. 
Holding the judge in custody a few days, the general sent him 
beyond the limits of his encampment, and set him at liberty with 
an order to remain till the ratification of peace should be regularly 
announced, or until the British should have left the southern coast. 
A day or two more elapsed, the ratification of the treaty of peace 
was regularly announced, and the judge and others were fully lib- 
erated. A few days more, and the jiulge called General Jackson 
into court and fined him $1000 for having arrested him and the 
others named. The general paid the fine, and then the matter 
rested for nearly thirty years, when Congress refunded principal 
aud interest. The late Senator Douglas, then in the House of Rep- 
resentatives, took a leading part in the debates in which the consti- 
tutional question was much discussed. I am not prepared to say 
whom the journals would show to have voted for the measure. 

It may be remarked — first, that we had the same Constitution 
then as now; secondly, that we then had a case of invasion, and 
now we have a case of rebellion ; and, thirdly, that the permanent 
right of the people to public discussion, the liberty of speech and 
of the press, the trial by jury, the law of evidence, and the haheas 
corpus, suffered no detriment whatever by that conduct of General 
Jackson, or its subsequent approval by the American Congress. 

And yet, let me say that, in my own discretion, I do not know 
whether I would have ordered the arrest of Mr. Vallandigham. 
Wliile I cannot shift the responsibility from myself, I hold that, as 
a general rule, the commander in the field is the better judge of the 
necessity in any particular case. Of course I must practise a general 
directory and revisory power in the matter. 

One of the resolutions expresses the opinion of the meeting that 
arbitrary arrests will have the effect to divide and distract those 
who should be united in suppressing the rebellion, and I am specifi- 
cally called on to discharge Mr. Vallandigham. I regard this as, at 
least, a fair appeal to me on the expediency of exercising a constitu- 
tional power which I think exists. In response to such appeal I 
have to say, it gave me pain when I learned that Mr. Vallandigham 
had been arrested (that is, I was pained that there should have 
seemed to be a necessity for arresting him), and that it will afford 
me great pleasure to discharge him so soon as I can by any means 
believe the public safety will not suffer by it. 

I further say that, as the war progresses, it appears to me, opin- 
ion and action, which were in great confusion at first, take shape 
and fall into more regular channels, so that the necessity' for 
strong dealing with them gradually decreases. I have every reason 
to desire that it should cease altogether, and far from the least is my 
regard for the opinions and wishes of those who, like the meeting at 
Albany, declare their purpose to sustain the government in every 



352 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion. Still, 
I must continue to do so much as may seem to be required by the 
public safety. A. Lincoln. 



June 14, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, June 14, 1863. 1.14 p. m. 
Major-GtEneral Hooker : 

Do you consider it possible that 15,000 of Ewell's men can now be 
at Winchester! A. Lincoln. 



June 14, 1863.— Telegram to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, June 14, 1863. 5.50 p. m. 
Major-General Hooker: 

So far as we can make out here, the enemy have Milroy sur- 
rounded at Winchester, and Tyler at Martinsburg, If they could 
hold out a few days, could you help them "? If the head of Lee's 
army is at Martinsburg and the tail of it on the plank road between 
Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, the animal must be very slim 
somewhere. Could you not break him 1 a. Lincoln. 



June 14, 1863. — Telegrajvi to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, June 14, 1863. 11.55 p. m. 
Major-General Hooker: 

Yours of 11.30 [11.15] jnst received. You have nearly all the ele- 
ments for forming an opinion whether Winchester is surrounded 
that I have. I really fear — almost believe — it is. No communication 
has been had with it during- the day, either at Martinsburg or Har- 
per's Ferry. At 7 P. M. we also lost communication with Martins- 
burg. The enemy had also appeared there some hours before. At 
9 p. m. Harper's Ferry said the enemy was reported at Berryville 
and Smithfield. If I could know that Longstreet and Ewell moved 
in that direction so long ago as you stated in your last, then I should 
feel sure that Winchester is strongly invested. It is quite certain 
that a considerable force of the enemy is thereabout, and I fear it is 
an overwhelming one compared with Milroy's. I am unable to give 
you any more certain opinions. A. Lincoln. 



June 14, 1863. — Telegram to General R. C. Schenck. 

War Department, June 14, 1863. 
Major-General Schenck : 

Get General Milroy from Winchester to Harper's Ferry, if possi- 
ble. He will be " gobbled up " if he remains, if he is not already past 
salvation. A. Lincoln, President United States, 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 353 



June 15, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, June 15, 1863. 8.30 p. m. 
Major-General Hooker, Fairfax Station : 

The facts are now known here that Winchester and Martinsbnrg 
were both besieged 3'esterday. The troops from Martinsburg have 
got into Harpei^'s Ferry without loss. Those from Winchester are 
also in, having lost in killed, wounded, and missing about one third 
of their number. Of course the enemy holds both i)laces, and I think 
the report is authentic that he is crossing the Potomac at Williams- 
port. We have not heard of his yet appearing at Harper's Ferry or 
on the river anywhere below. I would like to hear from you. 

A. Lincoln. 

June 15, 1863. — Call for 100,000 Militia to Serve for 
Six Months. 

By the President of the United States of Ajmerica: 

A Proclamation, 

Whereas, the armed insurrectionary combinations now existing 
in several of the States are threatening to make inroads into the 
States of Maryland, Western Virginia, Peunsylv^ania, and Ohio, re- 
quiring immediately an additional military force for the servdce of 
the United States : 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the t^nited 
States, and comnuiuder-in-chiof of the army and navy thereof, and 
of the militia of the several States when called into actual service, 
do hereby call into the service of the United States one hundred 
thousand militia from the States following, namely: from the State 
of Maryland, ten thousand ; from the State of Pennsylvania, fifty 
thousand ; from the State of Ohio, thirty thousand ; from the State 
of West Virginia, ten thousand — to be mustered into the service of 
the United States forthwith, and to serve for the period of six 
months from the date of such muster into said service, unless sooner 
discharged ; to be mustered in as infantry, artillery, and cavalry, in 
proportions which will be made known through the War Department, 
which department will also designate the several places of rendez- 
vous. These militia to be organized according to the rules and 
regulations of the volunteer service and such orders as may here- 
after be issued. The States aforesaid Avnll be respectively credited, 
under the enrolment act, for the militia services rendered under this 
proclamation. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused 
the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of June, 
r ;, 1 in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
*■'■■' sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States the 
eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : WiLLLVM H. Seward, Secretary of State. 
Vol. II.— 23. 



354 le5:ters and state papees of abeaham lincolis" 



June 15, 1863.— Letter from John Hay to J. R. Campbell. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 15, 18G3. 
Julian R. Campbell, Esq., etc. 

3fy dear Sir: I am directed by the President to acknowledge 
the receipt of your favor of the 10th June, and to express his grat- 
ification to the gentlemen composing the association you represent 
for the liberal and patriotic tone of the resolutions which you 
inclosed. 
I have the honor to be, very truly, 

Your obedient servant, John Hay. 



June 16, 1863. — Letter to General J. Hooker. 
{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 16, 1863. 

My dear General ; I send you this by the hand of Captain Dahlgren. 
Your despatch of 11.30 a. m. to-day is just received. When you say 
I have long been aware that you do not enjoy the confidence of the 
major-general commanding, you state the case much too strongly. 

You do not lack his confidence in any degree to do you any harm. 
On seeing him, after telegraphing you this morning, I found him 
more nearly agreeing with you than I was myself. Surely you do 
not mean to understand that I am withholding my confidence from 
you when I happen to express an opinion (certainly never discour- 
teously) differing from one of your own. 

I believe Halleek is dissatisfied with you to this extent only, that 
he knows that you write and telegraph ("report," as he calls it) to 
me. I think he is wrong to find fault with this; but I do not think 
he withholds any support from you on account of it. If you and he 
would use the same frankness to one another, and to me, that I use 
to both of you, there would be no difficulty. I need and must have 
the professional skill of both, and yet these suspicions tend to 
deprive me of both. 

I believe you are aware that since you took command of the army 
I have not believed you had any chance to effect anything till now. 
As it looks to me, Lee's now returning toward Harper's Ferry gives 
you back the chance that I thought McClellan lost last fall. Quite 
possibly I was wrong both then and now; but, in the great respon- 
sibility resting upon me, I cannot be entirely silent. Now, all I ask 
is that you will be in such mood that we can get into our action the 
best cordial judgment of j^ourself and General Halleek, with my 
poor mite added, if indeed he and you shall think it entitled to any 
consideration at all. Yours as ever, 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 355 

June 16, 18G3. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, June 16, 1863. 10 p. m. 
Major-General Hooker: 

To remove all misunderstanding, I now place you in the strict 
military relation to General Halleck of a commander of one of the 
armies to the g-eneral-in-chief of all the armies. I have not intended 
differently, but as it seems to be differently understood I shall direct 
him to give you orders, and you to obey them. ^, Lincoln. 



June 17, 1863. — Memorandum about L D. Andrews. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 17, 1863. 
Mr. Israel D. Andrews appeals to me, saying he is suffering in- 
jury by something I have said of hira. I really know very little of 
Mr. Andrews. As well as I can remember, I was called on by one 
or two persons asking me to give him or aid him in getting some 
public employment ; and as a reason for declining I stated that I 
had a very unfavorable opinion of him, chiefly because I had been 
informed that, in connection with some former service of his to the 
government, he had presented an enormous and unjustifiable claim, 
which I understood he was still pressing the government to pay. I 
certainly did not pretend to know anything of the matter personally; 
and I say now, I do not personally know anything which should 
detract from Mr. Andrews's character. j^^ Lincoln. 



June 18, 1863. — Note to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, June 18, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Mij dear Sir : Could you without too much trouble have sent to 
me a statement of the case of John Steele, who it seems has been 
banished to Canada 1 Yours truly, j^ Lincoln. 



June 18, 1863. — Telegram to J. K. Moorhead. 

Washington, June 18, 1863. 10.40 a. m. 
To Hon. J. K. Moorhead, Pittsburg, Pennsylvania : 

If General Brooks, now in command at Pittsburg, finds any per- 
son or persons injuriously affecting his military operations, he is 
authorized to arrest him or them at once if the case is urgent. If 
not urgent, let him communicate the particulars to me. General 
Brooks is the man to now manage the matter at Pittsburg. Please 
show this to him. ^Y. Lincoln. 



356 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



June 19, 1863. — Letter to E. E. Malhiot and Others. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 19, 1863. 
Messrs. E. E. Malhiot, Bradish Johnson, and Thomas Cottman. 
Gentlemen : Your letter, wliicli follows, has been received and con- 
sidered. 

To His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States : 
The undersigned, a committee appointed by the planters of the State of 
Louisiana, respectfully represent that they have been delegated to seek of 
the General Government a full recognition of all the rights of the State as 
they existed previous to the passage of an act of secession, upon the prin- 
ciple of the existence of the State constitution unimpaired, and no legal 
act having transpired that could in any way deprive them of the advantages 
conferred by that constitution. Under this constitution the State wishes 
to return to its full allegiance, in the enjoyment of all rights and privileges 
exercised by the other States under the Federal Constitution. With the 
view of accomplishing the desned object, we further request that your Ex- 
cellency will, as commander-in-chief of the army of the United States, 
direct the Military Governor of Louisiana to order an election, in conformity 
with the constitution and laws of the State, on the first Monday of Novem- 
ber next, for all State and Federal officers. 

With high consideration and respect, we have the honor to subscribe 
ourselves, Yovir obedient servants, 

E. E. Malhiot. 
Bradish Johnson. 
Thomas Cottman. 

Since receiving the letter, reliable information has reached me 
that a respectable portion of the Louisiana people desire to amend 
their State constitution, and contemplate holding a State conven- 
tion for that object. This fact alone, as it seems to me, is a sufficient 
reason whj^ the General Government should not give the committal 
you seek to the existing State constitution. I may add that while 
I do not perceive how such committal could facilitate our military 
operations in Louisiana, I really apprehend it might be so used as to 
embarrass them. 

As to an election to be held next November, there is abundant 
time without any order or proclamation from me just now. The 
people of Louisiana shall not lack an opportunity for a fair election 
for both Federal and State officers by want of anything within my 
power to give them. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

June 21, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, June 21, 1863. 9 a. m. 
Major-General Hooker: 

Operator at Leesburg just now tells us that firing commenced 
about seven this morning in direction from here of Aldie's Gap and 
Middleburg ; has continued all day, and has receded from him, and 
is apparently now about White Plains ; was very heavy this morn- 
ing, but lighter now. A. Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE TArERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 357 

June 22, 18G3. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 22, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir: Do you not remember the French officer Colonel 
Duffie, whom we saw at General McDowell's headquarters near Fred- 
ericksburj^, last May a year ago ? I remember he was then well 
spoken of. On the night of the 17th instant he was surrounded by 
Stuart's cavalry near Millersburg, and cut his way out with propor- 
tionately heavy loss to his then small command. Please see and hear 
him. I think you have strong recommendations on file in his 
behalf. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln, 



June 22, 1863.— Letter to General J. M. Schofield. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 22, 1863. 
General John M. Schofield. 

My dear Sir: Your despatch, asking in substance whether, in 
ease Missouri shall adopt gradual emancipation, the General Govern- 
ment will protect slave-owners in that species of property during 
the short time it shall be permitted by the State to exist within it, 
has been received. Desirous as I am that emancipation shall be 
adopted by Missouri, and believing as I do that gradual can be 
made better than immediate for both black and white, except when 
military necessity changes the case, my impulse is to say that such 
protection would be given. I cannot know exactly what shape an 
act of emancipation may take. If the period from the initiation 
to the final end should be comparatively short, and the act should 
prevent persons being sold during that period into more lasting 
slavery, the whole would be easier. I do not wish to pledge the 
General Government to the affirmative support of even temporary 
slavery beyond what can be fairly claimed under the Constitution. 
I suppose, however, this is not desired, but that it is desired for the 
military force of the United States, while in Missouri, to not be 
used in subverting the temporarily reserved legal rights in slaves 
during the progress of emancipation. This I would desire also. I 
have very earnestly urged the slave States to adopt emancipation ; 
and it ought to be, and is, an object with me not to overthrow or 
thwart what any of them may in good faith do to that end. You are 
therefore authorized to act in the spirit of this letter in conjunction 
with what may appear to be the military necessities of your depart- 
ment. Although this letter will become public at some time, it is 
not intended to be made so now. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



358 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

June 22, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. 

Washington, June 22, 1863. 
Major-General Hooker: 

Operator at Leesburg just now says: 

I heard very little flrhig this A. M. al^out daylight, but it seems to have 
stopped now. It was in about same direction as yesterday, but farther off. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 25, 1863. — Note to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 25, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

My dear Sir: Hon. William Kellogg will tell you plainly what lie 
wants ; and I wish him obliged so far as you can consistently do it. 
Please strain a point for him, if you do not have to strain it too far. 

Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



June 28, 1863. — Telegra]vi to General D. N. Couch. 

Washington, June 28, 1863. 4 p. m. 
Major-General Couch: 

What news now"? What are the enemy firing at four miles from 
your works? 

A. Lincoln. 



June 29, 1863. — Letter to W. Kellogg. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 29, 1863. 
Hon. William Kellogg. 

3fy dear Sir: I have received and read your pencil note. I think 
you do not know how embarrassing your request is. Few things 
are so troublesome to the government as the fierceness with which 
the profits in trading are sought. The temptation is so great that 
nearly everybody wishes to be in it; and, when in, the question of 
profit controls all, regardless of whether the cotton-seller is loyal 
or rebel, or whether he is paid in corn-meal or gunpowder. 
The officers of the army, in numerous instances, are believed 
to connive and share the profits, and thus the army itself is 
diverted from fighting the rebels to speculating in cotton, and 
steamboats and wagons in the pay of the government are set to 
gathering and carrying cotton, and the soldiers to loading cotton- 
trains and guarding them. 

The matter deeply affects the Treasury and War Departments, 
and has been discussed again and again in the cabinet. What can 
and what cannot be done has for the time been settled, and it 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 3a9 

seems to me I cannot safely break over it. I know it is thonght 
that one case is not mnch, but how can I favor one and deny an- 
other? One case cannot be kept a secret. The authority given 
would be utterly ineffectual until it is shown, and when shoAvn, 
everybody knows of it. 

The administration would do for you as much as for any other 
man; and I personally would do some more than for most others; 
but really I cannot involve myself and the g-overnment as this 
would do. Yours as ever, ^, Lincoln. 



June 29, 1863. — Letter to General R. H. Milroy. 

{Private.) 
Executive Mansion, Washington, June 29, 1863. 
Major-General Milroy. 

Ml/ dear Sir : Your letters to Mr. Blair and to myself are handed 
to me by him. I have never doubted your courage and devotion 
to the cause. But you have just lost a division, and, prima facie, 
the fault is upon you; and while that remains unchanged, forme 
to put you in command again is to justly subject me to the charge 
of having put you there on purpose to have you lose another. If I 
knew facts sufficient to satisfy me that you were not in fault or 
error, the case would be different ; but the facts I do know, while 
they are not at all conclusive (and I hope they may never prove 
so), tend the other way. 

First, I have scarcely seen anything from you at any time that 
did not contain imputations against your superiors, and a chafing 
against acting the part they had assigned you. You have con- 
stantly urged the idea that you were persecuted because you did 
not come from West Point, and you repeat it in these letters. This, 
my dear general, is, I fear, the rock on which you have split. 

In the Winchester case you were under General Schenck, and he 
under General HaUeck. I know by General Halleck's order-book 
that he, on the 11th of June, advised General Schenck to call you 
in from Winchester to Harpei-'s Ferry; and I have been told, but 
do not know, that General Schenck gave you the order accordingly 
on the same day; and I have been told, but do not know, that on 
receiving it, instead of obeying it, you sent l)y mail a written pro- 
test against obeying it, which did not reach him until you were 
actually beleaguered at Winchester. 

I say I do not know this. You hate West Point generally and 
General Halleck particularly; but I do know that it is not his 
faidt that you were at Winchester on the 13th, 14th, and morning 
of the 15th — the days of your disaster. If General Schenck gave 
the order on the 11th, as General Halleck advised, it was an easy 
matter for you to have been off at least on the 12tli. The case is 
inevitably between General Schenck and you. 

Neither General Halleck nor any one else, as far as I know, re- 
quired you to stay and fight 60,000 with 6000, as you insinuate. 



360 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN" 

I know General Halleck, throngh General Sehenck, required you 
to get away, and that in abundant time for you to have done it. 

General Sehenck is not a West-Pointer, and has no prejudice 
against you on that score. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



June 29, 1863. — Letter to M, Birchard and Others. 

Washington, D. C, June 29, 1863. 
Messrs. M. Birchard, David A. Hour, George Bliss, T. W. 

Bartley, W. J. Gordon, John O'Neill, C. A. White, W. E. 

FiNCK, Alexander Long, J. W. White, George H. Pendleton, 

George L. Converse, Warren P. Noble, Jajies R. Morris, 

W. A. HuTCHiNS, Abner L. Backus, J. F. McKinney, F. C. Le 

Blond, Louis Schaefer. 

Gentlemen : The resolutions of the Ohio Democratic State Conven- 
tion, which you present me, together with your introductory and 
closing remarks, being in position and argument mainly the same 
as the resolutions of tlie Democratic meeting at Albany, New York, 
I refer you to my response to the latter as meeting most of the 
points in the former. 

This response you evidently used in preparing your remarks, and 
I desire no more than that it be used with accuracy. In a single 
reading of your remarks, I only discovered one inaccuracy in matter 
which I suppose you took from that paper. It is where you say : 
" The undersigned are unable to agree with you in the opinion you 
have expressed that the Constitution is different in time of insur- 
rection or invasion from what it is in time of peace and public 
security." 

A recurrence to the paper will show you that I have not expressed 
the opinion you suppose. I expressed the opinion that the Constitu- 
tion is diff'erent in its application in cases of rebellion or invasion, 
involving the public safety, from what it is in times of profound 
peace and public security ; and this opinion I adhere to, simply be- 
cause, by the Constitution itself, things may be done in the one case 
which may not be done in the other. 

I dislike to waste a word on a merely personal point, but I must 
respectfully assure you that you will find yourselves at fault should 
you ever seek for evidence to prove your assumption that I " op- 
posed, in discussions before the people, the policy of the Mexican 
war." 

You say: "Expunge from the Constitution this limitation upon 
the power of Congress to suspend the writ of habeas corpns, and yet 
the other guarantees of personal liberty, would remain unchanged." 
Doubtless, if this clause of the Constitution, improper-ly called, as I 
think, a limitation upon the power of Congress, were expunged, the 
other guarantees would remain the same; but the question is not 
how those guarantees would stand with that clause out of the 
Constitution, but how they stand with that clause remaining 
in it, in case of rebellion or invasion involving the public safety. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 361 

If the liberty could be indulged of expunging that clause, letter 
aud spirit, I really think the constitutional argument would be 
with you. 

My general view on this question was stated in the Albany re- 
sponse, and hence I do not state it now. I only add that, as seems 
to me, the benefit of the writ of habeas corpus is the great means 
through which the guarantees of personal liberty are conserved and 
made available in the last resort ; and corroborative of this view is 
the fact that Mr. Vallandigham, in the very case in question, under 
the advice of able lawyers, saw not where else to go but to the habeas 
corpus. But by the Constitution the benefit of the writ of habeas 
corpus itself may be suspended when, in case of rebellion or invasion, 
the public safety may require it. 

You ask, in substance, whether I really claim that I may override 
all the guaranteed rights of individuals, on the plea of conserving the 
public safety — when I may choose to say the public safety requires 
it. This question, divested of the phraseology calculated to represent 
me as struggling for an arbitrary personal prerogative, is either 
simply a question who shall decide, or an affirmation that nobody 
shall decide, what the public safety does require in cases of rebellion 
or invasion. 

The Constitution contemplates the question as likely to occur 
for decision, but it does not expressly declare who is to decide 
it. By necessai'y implication, when rebellion or invasion comes, 
the decision is to be made from time to time ; and I think the man 
whom, for the time, the people have, under the Constitution, made 
the commander-in-chief of their army and navy, is the man who 
holds the power and bears the responsibility of making it. If he 
uses the power justly, the same people will probably justify him; if 
he abuses it, he is in their hands to be dealt with by all the modes 
they have reserved to themselves in the Constitution. 

The earnestness with which you insist that persons can only, in 
times of rebellion, be lawfully dealt with in accordance with the 
rules for criminal trials and punishments in times of peace, induces 
me to add a word to what I said on that point in the Albany 
response. 

You claim that men may, if they choose, embarrass those whose 
duty it is to combat a giant rebellion, and then be dealt with in 
turn, only as if there were no rebellion. The Constitution itself 
rejects this view. The military arrests and detentions which have 
been made, including those of Mr. Vallandigham, which are not 
different in principle fi-om the others, have been for prevention, and 
not for punishment — as injunctions to stay injury, as proceedings 
to keep the peace ; and hence, like proceedings in such cases and 
for like reasons, they have not been accompanied with indictments, 
or trials by juries, nor in a single case by any punishment what- 
ever, beyond what is purely incidental to the prevention. The 
original sentence of imprisonment in Mr. Vallandigham's case was 
to prevent injury to the military service only, and the modification 
of it was made as a less disagreeable mode to him of securing the 
same prevention. 



362 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

I am unable to perceive an insult to Ohio in the case of Mr. Val- 
landig'hani. Quite surely nothing of the sort was or is intended. 
I was wholly unaware that Mr. Vallandighani was, at the time of 
his arrest, a candidate for the Democratic nomination for governor 
until so informed by your reading to me the resolutions of the con- 
vention, I am grateful to the State of Ohio for many things, espe- 
cially for the brave soldiers and offtcers she has given in the present 
national trial to the armies of the Union. 

You claim, as I understand, that according to my own position 
in the Albany response, Mr. Vallandigham should be released ; and 
this because, as you claim, he has not damaged the military service 
by discouraging enlistments, encouraging desertions, or otherwise ; 
and that if he had, he should have been turned over to the civil 
authorities under the recent acts of Congress. I certainly do 
not know that Mr. Vallandigham has specifically and by direct lan- 
guage advised against enlistments and in favor of desertion and re- 
sistance to drafting. 

We all know that combinations, armed in some instances, to resist 
the arrest of deserters began several months ago; that more recently 
the like has appeared in resistance to the enrolment preparatory to 
a draft ; and that quite a number of assassinations have occurred 
from the same animus. These had to be met by military force, 
and this again has led to bloodshed and death. And now, under 
a sense of responsibility more weighty and enduring than any which 
is merely official, I solemnly declare my belief that this hindrance 
of the military, including maiming and murder, is due to the course 
in which Mr. Vallandigham has been engaged in a greater degree 
than to any other cause ; and it is due to him personally in a greater 
degree than to any other one man. 

These things have been notorious, known to all, and of course 
known to Mr. Vallandigham. Perhaps I would not be wrong to say 
they originated with his special friends and adherents. With per- 
fect knowledge of them, he has frequently if not constantly made 
speeches in Congress and before popular assemblies ; and if it can 
be shown that, with these things staring him in the face, he has ever 
uttered a word of rebuke or counsel against them, it will be a fact 
greatly in his favor with me, and one of whicJi as yet I am totally 
ignorant. When it is known that the whole burden of his speeches 
has been to stir up men against the prosecution of the war, and that 
in the midst of resistance to it he has not been known in any in- 
stance to counsel against such resistance, it is next to impossible to 
repel the inference that he has counseled directly in favor of it. 

With all this b.efore their eyes, the convention you represent have 
nominated Mr. Vallandigham for governor of Ohio, and both they 
and you have declared the purpose to sustain the National Union by 
all constitutional means. But of course they and you in common 
reserve to yourselves to decide what are constitutional means; and, 
unlike the" Albany meeting, you omit to state or intimate that in 
your opinion an army is a constitutional means of saving the Union 
against a rebellion, or even to intimate that you are conscious of an 
existing rebellion being in progress with the avowed object of de- 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LIXCOLX 363 

stroying that very Union. At the same time your nominee for 
governor, in whose behalf you appeal, is known to you and to the 
world to declare against the use of an army to suppress the rebel- 
lion. Your own attitude, therefore, encourages desertion, resistance 
to the draft, and the like, because it teaches tliose Avho incline to 
desert and to escape the draft to believe it is your purpose to protect 
them, and to hope that you will become strong enough to do so. 

After a short personal intercourse with you, gentlemen of the 
committee, I cannot say I think you desire this effect to follow 
your attitude ; but I assure you that both friends and enemies of 
the Union look upon it in this light. It is a substantial hope, and 
by consequence a real strength to the enemy. If it is a false hope 
and one which you would willingly dispel, I will make the way ex- 
ceedingly easy. 

I send you duplicates of this letter in order that you, or a major- 
ity of you, may, if you choose, indorse your names upon one of 
them and return it thus indorsed to me with the understanding that 
those signing are thereby committed to the following propositions 
and to nothing else : 

1. That there is now a rebellion in the United States, the object 
and tendency of which is to destroy the National Union ; and that, 
in your opinion, an army and navy are constitutional means for 
suppressing that rebellion ; 

2. That no one of you will do anything which, in his own judg- 
ment, will tend to hinder the increase, or favor the decrease, or les- 
sen the efficiency of the army or navy while engaged in the effort to 
suppress that rebellion ; and 

8. That each of you will, in his sphere, do all he can to have the 
officers, soldiers, and seamen of the army and navv, while engaged 
in the effort to suppress the rebellion, paid, fed, clad, and other \Ndse 
well provided for and supported. 

And with the further understanding that upon receiving the letter 
and names thus indorsed, I will cause them to be published, which 
publication shall be, within itself, a revocation of the order in rela- 
tion to Mr, Vallaudigham. 

It will not escape observation that I consent to the release of Mr. 
Vallaudigham upon terms not embracing any pledge from him or 
from others as to what he will or will not do. I do this because he 
is not present to speak for himself, or to authorize others to speak 
for him; and because I should expect that on his returning he would 
not put himself practically in antagonism with the position of his 
friends. But I do it chiefly because I thereby prevail on other 
influential gentlemen of Ohio to so define their position as to be of 
immense value to the army — thus more than compensating for the 
consequences of any mistake in allowing Mr. Vallaudigham to re- 
turn; so that, on the whole, the public safety will not have suffered 
by it. Still, in regard to Mr. Vallaudigham and all others, I must 
hereafter, as heretofore, do so much as the public safety may seem 
to require. 

I have the honor to be respectfully yours, etc., 

A. Lincoln. 



3G4 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



June 30, 1863. — Letter to General D. Hunter. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 30, 1863. 
Major-General Hunter. 

My dear General: I have just received your letter of the 25th 
of June. 

I assure you, and you may feel authorized in stating, that the 
recent chang-e of commanders in the Department of the South was 
made for no reasons which convey any imputation upon your known 
energy, efficiency, and patriotism; but for causes which seemed suffi- 
cient, while they were in no degree incompatible with the respect 
and esteem in which I have always held you as a man and an officer. 

I cannot, by giving my consent to a publication of whose details 

I know nothing, assume the responsibility of whatever you may 

write. In this matter your own sense of military propriety must be 

your guide, and the regulations of the service your rule of conduct. 

I am very truly your friend, A. Lincoln. 



July 4, 1863. — Draft of Telegram to Rear- Admiral Lee. 

(Not Sent.) 

Navy Department, Washington, D. C, July 4, 1863. 
Rear- Admiral S. P. Lee : 

Your despatch transmitting a note from Mr. Alexander H. 
Stephens has been received. 

You will not permit Mr. Stephens to proceed to Washington or 
to pass the blockade. He does not make known the subjects to 
which the communication in writing from Mr. Davis relates, which 
he bears and seeks to deliver in person to the President, and upon 
which he desires to confer. Those subjects can only be military or 
not military, or partly both. Whatever may be military will be 
readily received if offered through the well-understood military 
channel. Of course nothing else will be received by the President 
when offered, as in this case, in terms assuming the independence 
of the so-called Confederate States ; and anything will be received, 
and carefully considered by him, when offered by any influential 
person or persons in terms not assuming the independence of the 
so-called Confederate States. 



July 4, 1863. — Telegram to Rear-Admiral Lee. 

Navy Department, Washington, D. C, July 4, 1863. 
Rear- Admiral S. P. Lee: 

The request of A. H. Stephens is inadmissible. The customary 
agents and channels are adequate for all needful communication 
and conference between the United States forces and the insurgents. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 365 



July 4, 1863. — Announcement op News from Gettysburg. 

• Washington, July 4. 10.30 a. m. 
The President announces to the country that news from thciVi'my 
of the Potomac, up to 10 p. m. of the 3d, is such as to cover that 
army with the highest honor, to promise a great success to the 
cause of the Union, and to claim the condolence of all for the many 
gallant fallen ; and that for this he especially desires that on this 
day He whose will, not ours, should ever be done be everywhere 
remembered and reverenced with profoundest gratitude. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 4, 1863. — Telegram to General R. C. Schenck. 

Washington, July 4, 1863. 9.20 p. m. 
Ma.jor-General Schenck, Baltimore, Maryland : 

Your despatches about negro regiments are not uninteresting or 
unnoticed by us, but we have not been quite ready to respond. 
You will have an answer to-morrow, 

A. Lincoln. 



July G, 1863.— Telegrasi to General H. W. Halleck. 

Soldiers' Home, Washington, July 6, 1863. 7 p. m. 
Major-General Halleck : 

I left the telegraph office a good deal dissatisfied. You know I 
did not like the phrase — in Orders, No. 68, I believe — "Drive the 
invaders from our soil." Since that, I see a despatch from General 
French, saying the enemy is crossing his wounded over the river 
in flats, without saying why he does not stop it, or even intimating 
a thought that it ought to be stopped. Still later, another despatch 
from General Pleasonton, by direction of General Meade, to General 
French, stating that the main armv is halted because it is believed 
the rebels are concentrating *' on tlie road toward Hagerstown, be- 
yond Fairfield," and is not to move until it is ascertained that the 
rebels intend to evacuate Cumberland Valley. 

These things all appear to me to be connected with a })urpose to 
cover Baltimore and Washington^ and to get the enemy across the 
river again without a further collision, and they do not appear con- 
nected with a purpose to prevent his crossing and to destroy him. 
I do fear the former purpose is acted upon and the latter is rejected. 

If you are satisfied the latter purpose is entertained, and is judi- 
ciously pursued, I am content. If you are not so satisfied, please 
look to it. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



366 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



July 7, 1863. — Response to a Serenade. 

Fellow-citizens : I am very glad indeed to see yon. to-night, and 
yet I will not say I thank you for this call ; but I do most sincerely 
thank Almighty God for the occasion on which you have called. 
How long ago is it f — -eighty-odd years since, on the Fourth of July, 
for the hrst time in the history of the world, a nation, by its rep- 
resentatives, assembled and declared, as a self-evident truth, "that 
all men are created equal." That was the birthday of the United 
States of America. Since then the Fourth of July has had several 
very peculiar recognitions. The two men most distinguished in the 
framing and support of the Declaration were Thomas Jefferson and 
John Adams — the one having penned it, and the other sustained it 
the most forcibly in debate — the only two of the fifty-five who 
signed it that were elected Presidents of the United States. Pre- 
cisely fifty years after they put their hands to the paper, it pleased 
Almighty God to take both from this stage of action. This was in- 
deed an extraordinary and remarkable event in our history. Another 
President, five years after, was called from this stage of existence 
on the same day and month of the year ; and now on this last Fourth 
of July just passed, when we have a gigantic rebellion, at the bot- 
tom of which is an effort to overthrow the principle that all men 
are created equal, we have the surrender of a most powerful posi- 
tion and army on that very day. And not only so, but in a succes- 
sion of battles in Pennsylvania, near to us, through three days, so 
rapidly fought that they might be called one great battle, on the first, 
second, and third of the month of July; and on the fourth the 
cohorts of those who opposed the Declaration that all men are created 
equal " turned tail " and run. Gentlemen, this is a glorious theme, 
and the occasion for a speech, but I am not prepared to make one 
worthy of the occasion. I would like to speak in terms of praise 
due to the many brave officers and soldiers who have fought in the 
cause of the Union and liberties of their country from the begin- 
ning of the war. These are trying occasions, not only in success, 
but for the want of success. I dislike to mention the name of one 
single officer, lest I might do wrong to those I might forget. Recent 
events bring up glorious names, and particularly prominent ones; 
but these I will not mention. Having said this much, I will now 
take the music. 



July 7, 1863. — Telegram from General Halleck to General 

G. G. Meade. 

Washington, D. C, July 7, 1863. 
Major-General Meade, Army of the Potomac : 

I have received from the President the following note, which I re- 
spectfully communicate : 

Major-G-eneral Halleck: 

We have certain iuformation that Vieksbuvg surrendered to General 
Grant on the Fourth of July. Now, if General Meade can complete his work 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 367 

so ji:loriously prosecuted thus far, by the literal or substantial destruction 
of Lee's army, the rebellion will be over. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. 



July 8, 18G3. — Telegram from General Halleck to General 

G. G. Meade. 

Washington, D. C, July 8, 1863. 
Major-General Meade, Frederick, Maryland: 

There is reliable information that the enemy is crossing at Wil- 
liarasport. The opportunity to attack his divided forces should not 
be lost. The President is urgent and anxious that your army 
should move against him by forced marches. 

H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. 



July 8, 1863. — Telegram to General Thomas. 

War Department, Washington, July 8, 1863. 12.30 p. m. 
General Lorenzo Thomas, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: 

Your despatch of this morning to the Secretary of War is before 
me. The forces you speak of will be of no imaginable service if they 
cannot go forward with a little more expedition. Lee is now pass- 
ing the Potomac faster than the forces you mention are passing 
Carlisle. Forces now beyond Carlisle to be joined by regiments 
still at HaiTisburg, and the united force again to join Pierce some- 
where, and the whole to move down the Cumberland Valley, will, in 
my unprofessional opinion, be quite as likely to capture the "man 
in the moon" as any part of Lee's army. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 11, 1863.— Telegram to J. K. Dubois. 

Washington, D. C, July 11, 1863. 9 a. m. 
Hon. J. K. Dubois, Springfield, 111.: 

It is certain that after three days' fighting at Gettysburg, Lee 
witMrew and made for the Potomac; that he found tlie river so 
swollen as to prevent his crossing ; that he is still this side, near 
Hagerstown and Williamsport, preparing to defend himself; and 
that Meade is close u{)on Inm, and preparing to attack him, heavy 
skirmishing having occurred nearly all day yesterday. 

I am more than satisfied witli what lia's "hai)pened north of the 
Potomac so far, and am anxious and hopeful for what is to come. 

A. Lincoln. 



368 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



July 13, 1863. — Letter to General Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 13, 1863. 
Major-General Grant. 

il/y dear Qeneral : I do not remember that you and I ever met 
personally. I write this now as a grateful acknowledgment for the 
almost inestimable service you have done the country. I wish to 
say a word further. When you first reached the vicinity of Vicks- 
burg, I thought you should do what you finally did — march the 
troops across the neck, run the batteries with the transports, and 
thus go below; and I never had any faith, except a general hope 
that you knew better than I, that the Yazoo Pass expedition and 
the like could succeed. When you got below and took Port Gibson, 
Grand Gulf, and vicinity, I thought you should go down the river 
and join General Banks, and when you turned northward, east of 
the Big Black, I feared it was a mistake, I now wish to make the 
personal acknowledgment that you were right and I was wrong. 
Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

July 13, 1863.— Telegraph to H. T. Blow. 

War Department, Washington, July 13, 1863. 
Hon. H. T. Blow, St. Louis, Mo.: 

I saw your despatch to the Secretary of War. The publication of 
a letter without the leave of the writer or the receiver I think can- 
not be justified, but in this case I do not think it of sufficient conse- 
quence to justify an arrest; and again, the arrest being, through a 
parole, merely nominal, does not deserve the importance sought to 
be attached to it. Cannot this small matter be dropped on both 
sides without further difficulty I ^ Lincoln 

July 13, 1863.— Telegram to General J. M. Schofield. 

War Department, Washington, July 13, 1863. 
General Schofield, St. Louis, Mo.: 

I regret to learn of the arrest of the " Democrat " editor. I fear 
this loses you the middle position I desired you to occupy. I have 
not learned which of the two letters I wrote you it was that the 
" Democrat " published, but I care very little for the publication of 
any letter I have written. Please spare me the trouble this is likely 

to'bi-i^g- A.Lincoln. 

July 14, 1863. — Draft of Letter to General G. G. Meade, 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 14, 1863. 
Major- General Meade: 

I have just seen your despatch to General Halleck, asking to be 
relieved of your command because of a supposed censure of mine. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 369 

I am very, very grateful to you for the magnificent success you gave 
the cause of the country at Gettysburg ; and I am sorry now to be 
the author of the sHghtest pain to you. But I was in such deep dis- 
tress myself that I could not restrain some expression of it. I have 
been oppressed nearly ever since the battles at Gettysburg by what 
appeared to be evidences that yourself and General Couch and 
General Smith were not seeking a colhsion with the enemy, but 
were trying to get him across the river without another battle. 
What these evidences were, if you please, I hope to tell you at some 
time when we shall both feel better. The case, sunmiarily stated, is 
this : You fought and beat the enemy at Gettysburg, and, of course, 
to say the least, his loss was as great as yours. He retreated, and 
you did not, as it seemed to me, pressingly pursue him ; but a flood 
in the river detained him till, by slow degrees, you were again upon 
him. You had at least twenty thousand veteran troops directly 
with you, and as many more raw ones within supporting distance, 
all in addition to those who fought with you at Getty sbui-g, while it 
was not })ossil3le that he had received a single recruit, and yet you 
stood and let the flood run down, bridges be built, and the enemy 
move away at his leisure without attacking him. And Couch and 
Smith ! TThe latter left Carlisle in time, upon all ordinary calcula- 
tion, to have aided you in the last battle at Gettysburg, but he did 
not arrive. At the end of more than ten days, I believe twelve, un- 
der constant urging, he reached Hagerstown from Carlisle, which is 
not an inch over fifty-five miles, if so much, and Couch's movement 
was very little different. 

Again, my dear general, I do not believe you appreciate the mag- 
nitude of the misfortune involved in Lee's escape. He was within 
your easy grasp, and to have closed upon him would, in connection 
with our other late successes, have ended the war. As it is, the war 
will be prolonged indefinitely. If you could not safely attack Lee last 
Monday, how can you possibly do so south of the river, when you 
can take with you very few more than two thirds of the force you 
then had in hand ? It would be unreasonable to expect, and I do not 
expect [that], you can now effect much. Your golden opportunity 
is gone, and I am distressed immeasm*ably because of it. 

I beg you will not consider this a prosecution or persecution of 
yourself. As you had learned that I was dissatisfied, I have thought 
it best to kindly tell you why. 

[Indorsement on the Envelop.] 
To General Meade, never sent or signed. 



July 14, 18G3.— Telegraini to General R. C. Schenck. 

Washington, D. C, July 1-4, 1863. 1.40 p. m. 
Major-General Schenck, Baltimore, Maryland. 

Mr. Jaquess is a very worthy gentleman, but I can have nothing 
to do, directly, or indirectly with the matter he has in view. 

A. Lincoln. 
Vol. II.— 24. 



370 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

July 15, 1863. — Proclamation for Thanksgiving. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

It has pleased Almighty God to hearken to the supplications and 
prayers of an afflicted people, and to vouchsafe to the army and navy 
of the United States victories on land and on the sea so signal and 
so effective as to furnish reasonable grounds for augmented confi- 
dence that the union of these States will be maintained, their Con- 
stitution preserved, and their peace and prosperity permanently 
restored. But these victories have been accorded not without sacri- 
fices of life, limb, health, and liberty, incurred by brave, loyal, and 
patriotic citizens. Domestic affliction in every part of the country fol- 
lows in the train of these fearful bereavements. It is meet and right 
to recognize and confess the presence of the Almighty Father, and the 
power of his hand equally in these triumphs and in these sorrows. 

Now, therefore, be it known that I do set apart Thursday, the 
6th day of August next, to be observed as a day for national thanks- 
giving, praise, and prayer, and I invite the people of the United 
States to assemble on that occasion in their customary places of 
worship, and, in the forms approved by their own consciences, ren- 
der the homage due to the Divine Majesty for the wonderful things 
he has done in the nation's behalf, and invoke the influence of his 
Holy Spirit to subdue the anger which has produced and so long 
sustained a needless and cruel rebellion, to change the hearts of the 
insurgents, to guide the counsels of the government with wisdom 
adequate to so great a national emergency, and to visit with tender 
care and consolation throughout the length and breadth of our land 
all those who, through the vicissitudes of marches, voyages, battles, 
and sieges have been brought to suffer in mind, body, or estate, and 
finally to lead the whole nation through the paths of repentance and 
sulunission to the Divine Will back to the perfect enjoyment of 
union and fraternal peace. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of July, 
r 1 in the year of oiu" Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
I ' *■' sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States 
of America the eighty-eighth. Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

July 15, 1863. — Telegram to J. O. Broadhead. 

Washington, D. C, July 15, 1863. 8 a. m. 
J. 0. Broadhead, St. Louis, Mo. : 

The effect on political position of McKee's arrest will not be re- 
lieved any by its not having been made with that purpose. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 371 



July 17, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, July 17, 18G3. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Mij dear Sir : It is proper on principle that the governor of Kan- 
sas should stand on the same ground as other loyal governors, 
in giving original commissions and in filling va(;ancies for troops 
raised in his State ; and I wisli him to be so placed at once, unless 
you know some substantial reason to the contrary. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln, 

July 17, 1863. — Letter to General Lane. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 17, 1863. 
Hon. J. H. Lane. 

3f{/ dear Sir : Governor Carney has not asked to [have] General 
Blunt removed, or interfered with, in his military operations. He has 
asked that he, the governor, be allowed to commission officers for 
troops raised in Kansas, as other governors of loyal States do ; and 
I thiutc he is right in this. 

He has asked that General Blunt shall not take persons charged 
with civil crimes out of the hands of the courts and turn them over 
to mobs to be hung; and I think he is right in this also. He has 
asked that General Ewing's department be extended to include all 
Kansas ; and I have not determined whether this is right or not. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

July 20, 1863. — Letter to Governor Parker. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 20, 1863. 
His Excellency Joel Parker, Governor of New Jersey. 

Dear Sir : Yours of the fifteenth has been received, and consid- 
ered by the Secretary of War and myself. I was pained to be in- 
formed this morning by the Provost-Marshal-General that New 
Jersey is now behind twelve thousand, irrespective of the draft. 
I did not have time to ascertain by what rules this was made out ; 
and I shall be very glad if it shall, by any means, ])rove to be in- 
correct. He also tells me that eight thousand will be about the 
quota of New Jersey on the first draft ; and the Secretary of War 
says the first draft in that State would not be made for some time 
in any event. As every man obtained otherwise lessens the draft 
so much, and this may supersede it altogether, I hope you will 
push forward your volunteer regiments as fast as possible. 

It is a very delicate matter to postpone the draft in one State, 
because of tlie argument it furnishes others to have postponement 
also. If we could have a reason in one case which would be good 
if presented in all cases, we could act upon it. 

I will thank you, therefore, to inform me, if you can, by what day, 



372 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

at tlie earliest, you can promise to have ready to be mustered iuto 
the United States service the eight thousand men. 

If you can make a reliable promise (I mean one which you can 
rely on yourself) of this sort, it will be of great value, if the day is 
not too remote. 

I beg you to be assured, I wish to avoid the difficulties you 
dread as much as yourself. Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 



July 20, 1863. — Letter to General Schofield. 

Executi\t: Mansion, Washington, July 20, 1863. 
Major-General John M, Schofield. 

My dear General : I have received and read your letter of the 14th 
of July. 

I think the suggestion you make, of discontinuing proceedings 
against Mr, McKee, a very proper one. While I admit that there is 
an apparent impropriety in the publication of the letter mentioned, 
without my consent or yours, it is still a case where no evil could re- 
sult, and which I am entirely willing to overlook. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



July 21, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 21, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Mij dear Sir : I desire that a renewed and vigorous effort be made 
to raise colored forces along the shores of the Mississippi. Please 
consult the general -in-chief, and if it is perceived that any accelera- 
tion of the matter can be effected, let it be done. I think the evi- 
dence is nearly conclusive that General Thomas is one of the best 
(if not the very best) instruments for this service. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



July 21, 1863. — Letter to Governor Carney. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 21, 1863. 
His Excellency, Governor Thomas Carney, Topeka, Kansas: 

Yours dated Pittsburg, the 19th instant, is received. 

The day after you were with me, I wrote a note to the Secretary 
of War, asking him to place you on the same ground with all other 
governors of loyal States, as to the appointment of military officers. 
In reply to this, he verbally told me, when I next met him, that he 
had never placed you on any other ground — that the forces in re- 
gard to which you and General Blunt have a controversy were 
raised on special authority from the War Department, given before 
you were governor, and that the officers were commissioned by him 
(the Secretary of War) according to the original authority; and 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 373 

that he never had required you to commission officers nominated 
by General Bhmt. 

The like of this has been done in some other States, as I remember. 

As to leaving no part of Kansas in Blunt's department, the thing 
should not be hastily done. He, with his eonimand, is now in the 
field south of Kansas; and while I do not know how much what you 
desire might interfere with his supplies, it is very certain that he can- 
not now be interfering with you. 

It is my purpose to take care that he shall not any more take per- 
sons charged with civil crimes out of the custody of the courts, and 
turn them over to mobs to be hanged. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



July 21, 1863. — Letter to General O. O. Howard. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 21, 1863. 
My dear General Howard: 

Your letter of the 18th is received. I was deeply mortified by the 
escape of Lee across the Potomac, because the substantial destruc- 
tion of his army would have ended the war, and because I believed 
such destruction was perfectly easy — believed that General Meade 
and his noble army had expended all the skill, and toil, and blood, 
up to the ripe harvest, and then let the crop go to waste. 

Perhaps my mortification was heightened because I had always 
believed — making my belief a hobby, possibly — that the main rebel 
army going north of the Potomac could never return, if well at- 
tended to ; and because I was so greatly flattered in this belief by 
the operations at Gettysburg. A few days having passed, I am now 
profoundly grateful for what was done, without criticism for what 
was not done. 

General Meade has my confidence, as a brave and skilful officer 
and a true man. Yours very truly. 

A. Lincoln. 

July 21, 1863. — Letter to General Hovey. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 21, 1863. 
General Charles E. Hovey. 

Dear Sir: I distinctly say that I will nominate you as a brigadier- 
general of volunteers, if you will furnish me with Major-Gen eral 
William T. Sherman's written request to do so. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

July 22, 1863. — Telegram to General J. M. Schofield. 

Washington, D. C, July 22, 1863. 10.45 a. m. 
Major-General Schofield, St. Louis, Mo.: 

The following despatch has been placed in my hands. Please 
look to the subject of it. 



374 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

Lexington, Mo., July 21, 1863. 
Hon. S. C. Pomeroy: 

Under Orders No. 63, the sheriff is arresting slaves of rebels inside our 
hues, and returning them in gi-eat numbers. Can he do it '? Answer. 

Gould. 
A. Lincoln. 

July 23, 1863/ — Letter to Governor Gamble. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 23, 1863. 
His Excellency, H. R. Gamble. 

Sir : My private secretary has just brought me a letter, saying it 
is a very "cross" one from you, about mine to General Schofield, 
recently published in the *' Democrat." As I am trying to preserve 
my own temper by avoiding irritants so far as practicable, I de- 
cline to read the cross letter. I think fit to say, however, that 
when I wrote the letter to General Schofield, I was totally uncon- 
scious of any malice or disrespect toward you, or of using any ex- 
pression which should offend you if seen by you. I have not seen 
the document in the " Democrat," and therefore cannot say whether 
it is a correct copy. Your obedient servant, . Lincoln 

July 23, 1863. — Letter to General R. C. Schenck. 

(Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 23, 1863. 
Major-General Schenck. 

3Ii/ dear Sir : Returning to the Executive Room yesterday, I was 
mortified to find you were gone, leaving no word of explanation. 
I went down-stairs, as I understood, on a perfect understanding 
with you that you would remain till my return. I got this impres- 
sion distinctly from ^' Edward," whom I believe you know. Possi- 
bly I misunderstood him. I had been very unwell in the morning, 
and had scarcely tasted food during the day, till the time you saw 
me go down. 

I beg you will not believe I have treated you with intentional 
discourtesy. Yours as ever, j^ Lincoln. 



July 24, 1863.— Letter to Postmaster-General Blair. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 24, 1863. 
Hon. Postmaster-General. 

Sir : Yesterday little indorsements of mine went to you in two 
cases of postmasterships sought for widows whose husbands have 
fallen in the battles of this war. These cases occurring on the same 
day brought me to reflect more attentively than I had before done, 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 375 

as to what is fairly due from us here in the dispensing of patronage 
toward the men who, by fighting our battles, bear the chief })urden 
of sa\dng our country. My conclusion is that, other claims and 
qualifications being equal, they have the better right; and this is 
especially applicable to the disabled soldier and tlie deceased sol- 
dier's family. Your obedient servant, A. Linx'OLX. 



July 24, 1863. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. 

Washington, D. C, July 24, 1863. 
Major-General Burnside, Cincinnati, Ohio : 

What, if anything, further do you hear from John [H.] Morgan ? 

A. Lincoln. 



July 25, 1863. — Letter to Governor Parker. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 25, 1863. 
His Excellency Governor Joel Parker. 

Sir : Yours of the 21st is received, and I have taken time and con- 
sidered and discussed the subject with the Secretary of War and 
Provost-Marshal-General, in order, if possible, to make you a more 
favorable answer than I finall}^ find myself able to do. 

It is a vital point with us to not have a special stipulation with the 
governor of any one State, because it would breed trouble in many, 
if not all, other States; and my idea was when I wrote you, as it 
still is, to get a point of time to which we could wait, on the reason 
that we were not ready ourselves to proceed, and which might enable 
you to raise the quota of your State, in whole, or in large part, with- 
out the draft. The points of time you fix are much farther off than 
I had hoped. We might have got along in the way I have indicated 
for twenty, or possibly thirty, days. As it stands, the best I can say 
is that every volunteer you will present us within thirty days from 
this date, fit and ready to be mustered into the United States ser\'ice, 
on the usual terms, shall be |)ro faiifo an abatement of your quota 
of the draft. That quota I can now state at eight thousand seven 
hundred and eighty-three (8783). No draft from New Jersey, other 
than for the above quota, will be made before an additional draft, 
common to [all] the States, shall be required; and I may add that 
if we get well through with this draft, I entertain a strong hope that 
any further one may never be needed. This expression of hope, 
however, must not be construed into a ]>romise. 

As to conducting the draft by townships, I find it would require 
such a waste of labor already done, and such an additional amount 
of it, and such a loss of time, as to make it, I fear, inadmissible. 
Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

P. S. Since writing the above, getting additional information, 
I am enabled to say that the draft may be made in subdistricts, as 



376 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

the enrolment has been made, or is in process of making. This will 
amount practically to drafting by townships, as the enrolment sub- 
districts are generally about the extent of townships. 

A. L. 



July 27, 1863. — Note to Secretary Stanton. 

Will the Secretary of War please glance over these papers and 
inform me on what ground Dr. Phillips's nomination was withheld 
from the Senate, and what objection there is, if any, to his reap- 
pointment ? 

T 1 or- 10C0 A. Lincoln. 

July 27, 1863. 



July 27, 1863.— Letter to General G. G. Meade. 

(Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 27, 1863. 
Major-General Meade : 

I have not thrown General Hooker away ; and therefore I would 
like to know whether it would be agreeable to you, all things con- 
sidered, for him to take a corps under you, if he himself is willing 
to do so. Write me in perfect freedom, with the assurance that I 
will not subject you to any embarrassment by making your letter or 
its contents known to any one. I wish to know your wishes before 
I decide whether to break the subject to him. Do not lean a hair's 
breadth against your own feelings, or your judgment of the public 
service, on the idea of gratifying me. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



July 27, 1863.— Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. 

War Department, Washington, July 27, 1863. 
Major-General Burnside, Cincinnati, Ohio : 

Let me explain. In General Grant's first despatch after the fall 
of Vicksburg, he said, among other things, he would send the Ninth 
Corps to you. Thinking it would be pleasant to you, I asked the 
Secretary of War to telegraph you the news. For some reasons 
never mentioned to us by General Grant, they have not been sent, 
though we have seen outside intimations that they took part in the 
expedition against Jackson. General Grant is a copious worker and 
fighter, but a very meager wi-iter or telegrapher. No doubt he 
changed his purpose in regard to the Ninth Corps for some suffi- 
cient reason, but has forgotten to notify us of it. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 377 



July 28, 18G3. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 28, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir: A young sou of Senator Brown of Mississippi, not 
yet twenty, as I understand, was wounded and made a prisoner 
at Gettysburg. His mother is sister of Mrs. P. R. Fendall, of this 
city. Mr. Fendall, on behalf of himself and family, asks that lie 
and they may have charge of the boy to cure him up, being respon- 
sible for his person and good behavior. Would it not be rather a 
grateful and graceful thing to let them have him "? 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



July 29, 1863. — Letter to General H. W. Halleck. 

Executive Mansion, July 29, 1863. 
Major- General Halleck : 

Seeing General Meade's despatch of yesterday to yourself causes 
me to fear that he supposes the government here is demanding of 
him to bring on a general engagement with Lee as soon as possible. 
I am claiming no such thing of him. In fact, my judgment is against 
it ; which judgment, of course, I will yield if yours and his are the 
contrary. If he could not safely engage Lee at Williamsport, it 
seems absurd to suppose he can safely engage him now when he has 
scared}^ more than two thirds of the force he had at Williamsport, 
while it must be that Lee has been reinforced. True, I desired Gen- 
eral Meade to pursue Lee across the Potomac, hoping, as has proved 
true, that he would thereby clear the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 
and get some advantages b}' harassing him on his retreat. These 
being past, I am unwilling he should now get into a general engage- 
ment on the impression that we here are pressing him, and I shall 
be glad for you to so inform him, unless your own judgment is 
against it. Yours truly. 



H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. 



A. Lincoln. 



July 29, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 29, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Sir: Can we not renew the effort to organize a force to go to 
Western Texas? 

Please consult with the general-in-chief on the subject. 
If the governor of New Jersey shall furnish any new regiments, 
might not they be put into such an expedition ? Please think of it. 
I believe no local object is now more desirable. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



378 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



July 30, 1863. — Order of Retaliation. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 30, 1863. 

It is the duty of every government to give protection to its citi- 
zens of whatever class, color, or condition, and especially to those 
who are duly organized as soldiers in the public service. The law 
of nations, and the usages and customs of war, as carried on by civ- 
ilized powers, permit no distinction as to color in the treatment of 
prisoners of war as public enemies. To sell or enslave any captured 
person on account of his color, and for no offense against the laws 
of war, is a relapse into barbarism and a crime against the civiliza- 
tion of the age. 

The government of the United States will give the same protec- 
tion to all its soldiers, and if the enemy shall sell or enslave any one 
because of his color, the offense shall be punished by retaliation 
upon the enemy's prisoners in our possession. 

It is therefore ordered that for every soldier of the United States 
killed in violation of the laws of war, a rebel soldier shall be exe- 
cuted; and for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold into slavery, 
a rebel soldier shall be placed at hard labor on the public works, and 
continued at such labor until the other shall be released and receive 
the treatment due to a prisoner of war. Abrahajni Lincoln. 

July 30, 1863.— Letter to F. P. Blair, Sr. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 30, 1863. 
Hon. F. p.. Blair. 

3Iy dear Sir : Yours of to-day, with inclosure, is received. Yes- 
terday I commenced trying to get up an expedition for Texas. 

I shall do the best I can. Meantime I would like to know who is 
the great man Alexander, that talks so oracularly about '*if the 
President keeps his word" and Banks not having " capacity to run 
an omnibus on Broadway " f How has this Alexander's immense 
light been obscured hitherto ? Yours truly, »^ Lincoln 



July 31, 1863.— Letter to Moulton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 31, 1863. 
My dear Sir: There has been a good deal of complaint against you 
by your superior officers of the Provost-Marshal-General's Depart- 
ment, and your removal has been strongly urged on the ground of 
" persistent disobedience of orders and neglect of duty." Firmly con- 
vinced, as I am, of the patriotism of your motives, I am unwilling to 
do anything in your case which may seem unnecessarily harsh or at 
variance with the feelings of personal respect and esteem with which 
I have always regarded you. I consider your services in your dis- 
trict valuable, and should be sorry to lose them. It is unnecessary 
for me to state, however, that when differences of opinion arise be- 
tween officers of the government, the ranking officer must be obeyed. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 379 

You of course recognize as clearly as I do the importance of this rule. 
I h()\)e you will conclude to go on in your present position under the 
regulations of the department. I wish you would write to me. I am 
very truly your friend and obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 



July 31, 1863. — Letter to General S. A. Hurlbut. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 31, 1863. 
My dear General Hurlbut: 

Your letter by Mr. Dana was duly received. I now learn that your 
resignation has reached the War Department. I also learn that an 
active command has been assigned you by General Grant. The Sec- 
retary of War and General Halleck are very partial to you, as you 
know I also am. We all wish you to reconsider the question of 
resigning; not that we would wish to retain you greatly against 
your wish and interest, but that your decision may be at least a very 
well-considered one. 

I understand that Senator [William K.] Sebastian, of Arkansas, 
thinks of offering to resume his place in the Senate. Of course the 
Senate, and not I, would decide whether to admit or reject him. 
Still I should feel great interest in the question. It may be so pre- 
sented as to be one of the very greatest national importance; and 
it may be otherwise so presented as to be of no more than temporary 
personal consequence to him. 

The emancipation proclamation applies to Arkansas. I think it 
is valid in law, and will be so held by the courts. I think I shall not 
retract or repudiate it. Those who shall have tasted actual freedom 
I believe can never be slaves or quasi-slaves again. For the rest, I 
believe some plan substantially being gradual emancipation would 
be better for both white and black. The Missouri plan, recently 
adopted, I do not object to on account of the time for ending the in- 
stitution ; but I am sorry the beginning should have been postponed 
for seven years, leaving all that time to agitate for the repeal of the' 
whole thing. It should begin at once, giving at least the new-born 
a vested interest in freedom which could not be taken away. If 
Senator Sebastian could come with something of this sort from 
Arkansas, I, at least, should take great interest in his case ; and I 
believe a single individual will have scarcely done the world so great 
a service. See him. if you can, and read this to him; but charge him 
to not make it public for the present. Write me again. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



August 1, 1863.— TELEGRAi\i TO Governor Seyjiour. 

Albany, August 1, 18G3. Eec'd 2 p. m. 

The President of the United States: 

I ask that the draft be suspended in this State until I can send you a com- 
munication I am preparing. 

Horatio Seymour. 



380 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

Washington, D. C, August 1, 1863. 4 p. m. 
His Excellency Governor Seymour, Albany, New York : 

By what day may I expect your communication to reach me"? 
Are you anxious about any part except the city and vicinity ? 

A. Lincoln, 



August 5, 1863. — Letter to General N. P. Banks. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, Aug-ust 5, 1863. 
My dear General Banks: 

Being a poor correspondent is the only apology I offer for not hav- 
ing sooner tendered my thanks for your very successful and very val- 
uable military operations this year. The final stroke in opening the 
Mississippi never should, and I think never will, be forgotten. 

Recent events in Mexico, I think, render early action in Texas more 
important than ever. I expect, however, the general-in-chief will 
adcb-ess you more fully upon this subject. 

Governor Boutwell read me to-day that part of your letter to him 
which relates to Louisiana affairs. While I very well know what 
I would be glad for Louisiana to do, it is quite a different thing for 
me to assume direction of the matter. I would be glad for her to 
make a new constitution recognizing the emancipation proclama- 
tion, and adopting emancipation in those parts of the State to which 
the proclamation does not apply. And while she is at it, I think 
it would not be objectionable for her to adopt some practical system 
by which the two races could gradually live themselves out of the 
old relation to each other, and both come oiit better prepared for the 
new. Education for young blacks should be included in the plan. 
After all, the power or element of '^ contract " may be sufficient for 
this probationary period ; and, by its simplicity and flexibility, may 
be the better. 

As an anti-slavery man, I have a motive to desire emancipation 
which pro-slavery men do not have ; but even they have strong 
enough reason to thus place themselves again under the shield of the 
Union ; and to thus pei-petually hedge against the recurrence of the 
scenes through which we are now passing. 

Governor Shepley has informed me that Mr. Durantis now taking 
a registry, with a \4ew to the election of a constitutional convention 
in Louisiana. This to me appears proper. If such convention were 
to ask my views, I could present little else than what I now say to 
you. I think the thing should be pushed forward, so tliat, if pos- 
sible, its mature work may reach here by the meeting of Congress. 

For my own part, I think I shall not, in any event, retract the 
emancipation proclamation ; nor, as executive, ever return to slavery 
any person who is freed by the terms of that proclamation, or by 
any of the acts of Congress. 

if Louisiana shall send members to Congress, their admission to 
seats will depend, as you know, upon the respective Houses, and not 
upon the President. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 381 

If these views can be of any advantage in i^'iving sliape and impe- 
tns to action tliere, I shall be glad for yon to nse them prndently for 
that oliject. Of conrse yon will confer with intelligent and trnsty 
citizens of the State, among whom I would suggest Messrs. Flanders, 
Hahn, and Dnrant; and to each of whom I now think I may send 
copies of this letter. 

JStill, it is perhaps better to not make the letter generally public. 
Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

[Indorsement.] 

Copies sent to Messrs. Flanders, Hahn, and Dnrant, each indorsed 
as follows: 

The within is a copy of a letter to General Banks. 

Please observe my dii'ections to him. Do not mention the para- 
graph about Mexico. 

A. Lincoln. 

August 6, 18G3. 



August 7, 1863. — Letter to Governor Seymour. 

ExECUTR^ Mansion, Washington, August 7, 1863. 
His Excellency Horatio Seymour, Governor of New York: 

Your communication of the third instant has been received and 
attentively considered, 

I cannot consent to suspend the draft in New York, as you re- 
quest, because^ among other reasons, time is too important. 

By the figures you send, which I presume are correct, the twelve 
districts represented fall into two classes of eight and four respec- 
tively. The disparity of the quotas for the draft in these two 
classes is certainly very striking, being the difference between an 
average of 2200 in one class, and 4864 in the other. Assuming that 
the districts are equal one to another in entire population, as re- 
quired by the plan on which they were made, this disparity is such 
as to require attention. Much of it, however, I suppose will be ac- 
counted for by the fact that so many more persons fit for soldiers 
are in the city than are in the country, who have too recently ar- 
rived from otiier parts of the United States and fi*om Europe to be 
either included in the census of 1860, or to have voted in 1862. Still, 
making due allowance for this, I am yet unwilling to stand upon it 
as an entirely sufficient explanation of the great disparity. 

I shall direct the draft to proceed in all the districts, drawing, 
however, at first from each of the four districts, to wit : the second, 
fourth, sixth, and eighth, only 2200 being the average quota of the 
other class. After this drawing, these four districts, and also the 
seventeenth and twenty-ninth, shall be carefully reenrolled, and, if 
you please, agentsof yours may witness every step of the process. Any 
deficienc}^ which may appear by the new enrolment will be supplied 
by a special draft for that object, allowing due credit for volunteers 
who may be obtained from these districts respectively during the 



382 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

interval. And at all points, so far as consistent with practical con- 
venience, due credits will be given for volunteers ; and your excel- 
lency shall be notified of the time fixed for commencing a draft in 
each district. 

I do not object to abide a decision of the United States Supreme 
Court, or of the judges thereof, on the constitutionality of the draft 
law. In fact, I sliould be willing to facilitate the obtaining of it, but 
I cannot consent to lose the time while it is being obtained. We are 
contending with an enemy, who, as I understand, drives every able- 
bodied man he can reach into his ranks, very much as a butcher 
drives bullocks into a slaughter-pen. No time is wasted, no argu- 
ment is used. This produces an army which will soon turn upon our 
now victorious soldiers, already in the field, if they shall not be sus- 
tained by recruits as they should be. It produces an army with a 
rapidity not to be matched on our side, if we first waste time to re- 
experiment with the volunteer system already deemed by Congress, 
and palpably, in fact, so far exhausted as to be, inadequate, and then 
more time to obtain a court decision as to whether a law is constitu- 
tional which requires a part of those not now in the service to go to 
the aid of those who are already in it, and stiU more time to deter- 
mine with absolute certainty that we get those who are to go in the 
precisely legal proportion to those who are not to go. My purpose 
is to be in my action just and constitutional, and yet practical, in 
performing the important duty with which I am charged, of main- 
taining the unity and the free principles of our common country. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

August 8, 1863.— Letter to Mrs. Lincoln. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 8, 1863. 

Mij dear Wife : All as well as usual, and no particular trouble 
anyway. I put the money into the Treasury at five per cent., with 
the privilege of withdrawing it any time upon thirty days' notice. I 
suppose you are glad to learn this. Tell dear Tad poor " Nanny 
Goat" is lost, and Mrs. Cuthbert and I are in distress about it. The 
day you left, Nanny was found resting herself and chewing her lit-' 
tie cud on the middle of Tad's bed; but now she 's gone! The| 
gardener kept complaining that she destroyed the flowers, till it was 
concluded to bring her down to the White House. This was done,' 
and the second day she had disappeared and has not been heard of 
since. This is the last we know of poor " Nanny." 

The weather continues dry and excessively warm here. Nothing 
very important occurring. The election in Kentucky has gone very 
strongly right. Old Mr. Wickliffe got ugly, as you know: ran for 
governor, and is terribly beaten. Upon Mr. Crittenden's death, 
Brutus Clay, Cassius's brother, was put on the track for Congress, 
and is largely elected. Mr. Menzies, who, as we thought, behaved 
very badly last session of Congress, is largely beaten in the district 
opposite Cincinnati, by Green Clay Smith, Cassius Clay's nephew. 
But enough. Affectionately, ^^ Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



383 



August 8, 1863.- Letter to General J. G. Foster. 

EXECUTIVE Mansion, Washington, August 8, 1863. 
General Foster: . , . virmnin 

This will be ^^^^^^^^^t^^'^Z^ rScuity at 
He goes, among oihe thuig^, ^eei.in ^ ^ ^^^^^^^^^, ^^ 

Norfolk and Portsmouth. ^^^ seems theie^s a 
families in Portsmouth who ^^^ dest tivte an Mv' r^^^^^ j,V 

porters are in the rebel army « ' ^^T,^^^^^ Vemfth^^^ authorities 
iti^^il^lXli^S^r't^^:?:^ ^n mLus contliet 

^^^^^^^"^^^^-^^ liz^3/^X 

Please do it. ^ Yours truly, ^^ ^^^^^^^_ 

August 9, 1863.-LETTER to J. M. Fleming and R. Morrow. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 9, 1863. 

Mtt^^rs Jno. M. Fleming and R. Morrow. . • . 

MESSRS. JNO. . ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^,^^,^ ^^g ^^^g^ 

Gentlemen : The petition oi wuii^" .y ^^ ^^^^ o^, 

been handed me. Your «arcs and no^^^^^^^^ ^^ j ^^ ^^^ 

three successive ^^^ys befoi e, and i knew m, ^^^^ .^ ^^^^ 

after reading the f titnni what youi im.suni ^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^ 

the same true and painful ^^V^ry vvhich i^oven f^/j^ore 

Maynard, Dr. Clements ^^J ^^.t^^^^. /on c^ do no good, 
than two .vears. I also kne^ J^^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ 

because I have all the while done, ana s Tennessee as I 

'^^' Toi^o^M ifmyTwu^te^anTt^^^^ in Knoxvill. 

beat the enemy now ^^^^^^^.^"^^^'^^^^^^^^ back or 

would reinforce to meet them, until we ^ii^^iii "|jYn ^nnnlv and as 
rcumulate so large a force as to be ^^Jj^^^ f.^^^^^^^ 
to ruin us entirely if a great |^isaster shoul ^^fal it. 1 ^^ . 
are too much distressed to be ^''-^^^f ^^^f ^;^f fj^ ffe^^^^^^^^ to your 
attempt it at length You know I am not indim c^ ^ 

troubles, else I should not, more .f f " % > ^ j^^^'^.^frpose to relieve 
made the effort I did to hav-e 'VT/^l^I H^llec^ Burnside, 

you make this public. Yours truly, ^ Lincoln. 



384 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



August 9, 1863. — Letter to General U, S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 9, 1863. 
My dear General Grant: 

I see by a despatch of yours that you incline quite strongly to- 
ward an expedition against Mobile. This would appear tempting to 
me also, were it not that in view of recent events in Mexico I am 
greatly impressed with the importance of reestablishing the national 
authority in Western Texas as soon as possible. I am not making 
an order, however; that I leave, for the present at least, to the 
general-in-chief. 

A word upon another subject. General Thomas has gone again 
to the Mississippi Valley, with the view of raising colored troops. 
I have no reason to doubt that you are doing what you reasonably 
can upon the same subject. I believe it is a resource which if vigor- 
ously applied now will soon close the contest. It works doubly, 
weakening the enemy and strengthening us. We were not fully 
ripe for it, until the river was opened. Now, I think at least one 
hundred thousand can and ought to be rapidly organized along its 
shores, relieving all white troops to serve elsewhere. Mr. Dana 
understands you as believing that the emancipation proclamation 
has helped some in your military operations. I am very glad if 
this is so. 

Did you receive a short letter from me dated the thirteenth of 
July ? Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 10, 1863. — Memorandum. 

After the report mentioned was made, this case, including the re- 
port, was brought before me, and upon quite full hearing and con- 
sideration, my conclusion was that Mr. Sands is probably a rather 
disagreeable man, and that these charges made to get rid of him 
are frivolous. Such is my present impression. 

A. Lincoln. 

August 10, 1863. 



August 10, 1863. — Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 10, 1863. 
My dear General Rosecrans : 

Yom"s of the 1st was received two days ago. I think you must 
have inferred more than General Halleck has intended, as to any 
dissatisfaction of mine with you. I am sure you, as a reasonable 
man, would not have been wounded could you have heard all my 
words and seen all my thoughts in regard to you. I have not 
abated in my kind feeling for and confidence in you. I have seen 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 385 

most of your despatches to General Halleck — probaljly all of tliera. 
After Grant invested Vicksbiu'g I was very anxious lest Johnston 
should overwhelm him from the outside, and when it appeared cer- 
tain that part of Bragg's force had gone and was going to Johnston, 
it did seem to me it was exactly the proper time for you to attack 
Bragg with what force he had left. In all kindness let me say it so 
seems to me yet. Finding from your despatches to General Halleck 
that your judgment was different, and being very anxious for Grant, 
I, on one occasion, told General Halleck I thought he should direct 
you to decide at once to immediately attack Bragg or to stand on 
the defensive and send part of your force to Grant. He replied he 
had already so directed in substance. Soon after, despatches from 
Grant abated my anxiety for him, and in proportion abated my 
anxiety about any movement of yours. Wlien afterward, however, 
I saw a despatch of yours arguing that the right time for you to at- 
tack Bragg was not before, but would be after, the fall of Vicks- 
burg, it impressed me very strangely, and I think I so stated to the 
Secretary of War and General Halleck. It seemed no other than 
the proposition that you could better fight Bragg when Johnston 
should be at liberty to return and assist him than you could before 
he could so return to his assistance. 

Since Grant has been entirely relieved by the fall of Vicksburg, 
by which Johnston is also relieved, it has seemed to me that your 
chance for a stroke has been considerably diminished, and I have 
not been pressing you directly or indirectly. True, I am very anxi- 
ous for East Tennessee to be occupied by us ; but I see and appre- 
ciate the difficulties you mention. The question occurs, Can the 
thing be done at all "I Does preparation advance at all ? Do you 
not consume supplies as fast as you get them forward ? Have you 
more animals to-day than you had at the battle of Stone's River? 
And yet have not more been fui'nished you since then than your 
entire present stock! I ask the same questions as to yom* mounted 
force. 

Do not misunderstand : I am not casting blame upon you ; I 
rather think by great exertion you can get to East Tennessee ; but 
a very important question is. Can you stay there! I make no 
order in the case — that I leave to General Halleck and yourself. 

And now be assured once more that I think of you in all kindness 
and confidence, and that I am not watching you with an evil eye. 
Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



August 10, 1863.— Note to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 10, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Sir: I have not heard of any charges being filed against General 
J, A. McClernand. Are there'auy ? Youi-s truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

Vol. II.— 25. 



386 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



August 10, 1863. — Letter of Acknowledgment. 

ExECUTR-E Mansion, Washington, August 10, 1863. 
Bear Madam : I tliauk you very cordially for the beautifully 
finished cushion received by your courtesy to-day. But, grateful as 
I am, it will be a greater pleasure to you to reflect that the brave 
soldiers who reap the benefit of your kindness and liberality are to- 
day more grateful still. I am yours very sincerely, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 11, 1863. — Letter to Governor Seyimour. 

Executive Mansion, "Washington, August 11, 1863. 
His Excellency Horatio Seymour, Governor of New York : 

Yours of the 8th, with Judge- Advocate-General Waterbuiy's re- 
port, was received to-day. 

Asking you to remember that I consider time as being very im- 
portant, both to the general cause of the country and to the soldiers 
already in the field, I beg to remind you that I waited, at your re- 
quest, from the 1st till the 6th iust., to receive your communication 
dated the 3d. In view of its gi'eat length, and the known time and 
apparent care taken in its preparation, I did not doubt that it con- 
tained your full case as you desired to present it. It contained 
figures for twelve districts, omitting the other nineteen, as I sup- 
posed, because you found nothing to complain of as to them. I 
answered accordingly. 

In doing so I laid down the principle to which I purpose adher- 
ing, which is to proceed with the draft, at the same time employing 
infallible means to avoid any great wrongs. With the communi- 
cation received to-day you send figures for twenty-eight districts 
including the twelve sent before, and still omitting three, from 
which I suppose the enrolments are not yet received. In looking 
over the fuller Hst of twenty-eight disti'icts, I find that the quotas 
for sixteen of them are above 2000 and l.)elow 2700, while of the 
rest, six are above 2700 and six are below 2000. Applying the 
principle to these new facts, the fifth and seventh districts must be 
added to the four in which the quotas have already been reduced to 
2200 for the first draft ; and with these, four others must be added 
to those to be reenroled. The corrected case will then stand: the 
quotas of the second, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth districts 
fixed at 2200 for the first draft. The Provost-Marshal-General in- 
forms me that the drawing is already completed in [the] sixteenth, 
seventeenth, eighteenth, twenty-second, twenty-fourth, twenty-sixth, 
twenty-seventh, twenty-eighth, twenty-ninth, and thirtieth districts. 
In the others, except the three outstanding, the drawing will be 
made upon the quotas as now fixed. After the first draft, the 
second, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, sixteenth, seventeenth, 
twenty-first, twenty-fifth, twenty-ninth, and thrity-first districts 
will be reenroled for the purpose, and in the manner stated in my 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 387 

letter of the 7th iiist. The same principle will be applied to the now 
outstanding districts when they shall come in. No part of my 
former letter is repudiated by reason of not being restated in this, 
or for any other cause. Youi' obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 11, 1863. — Letter to General G. G. Meade. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 11, 1863. 
My dear General Meade : 

Yesterday week I made known to General Hooker our brief cor- 
respondence in regard to him. He seemed gratified with the kind 
spirit manifested by both of us ; but said he was busy preparing a 
report and would consider. 

Yesterday he called again, and said he would accept the offer if it 
was still open ; would go at once if you desire, but would prefer 
waiting till the 1st of September, unless there was to be a battle, 
or you desu'e him to come sooner. I told him I would wiite you. 
Please answer. Youi's very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 11, 1863. — Indorsement. 

Secretary of "War : Please give General Logan the extended leave 
asked for, unless you know a good reason to the contrary. 

A. Lincoln. 
August 11, 1863. 

August 12, 1863. — Letter to General J. A. McClernand. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 12, 1863. 
Major-Gexeral McClernand. 

Mij dear Sir : Our friend, William G. Greene, has just presented 
a kind letter in regard to yom-seK, addressed to me by oiu' other 
friends, Yates, Hatch, and Dubois. 

I doubt whether yoiu* present position is more painful to you than 
to myself. Grateful for the patriotic stand so early taken by you in 
this life-and-death struggle of the nation, I have done whatever has 
appeared practicable to advance you and the pubUc interest together. 
No charges, with a view to a trial, have been preferred against you 
by any one ; nor do I suppose any mil be. All there is, so far as I 
have heard, is General Grant's statement of his reasons for relie\'ing 
you. And even this I have not seen or sought to see ; because it is 
a ease, as appears to me, in which I could do nothing -vvithout doing 
harm. General Grant and yourself have been conspicuous in our 
most important successes ; and for me to interfere and thus magnify 
a breach between you could not but be of evil effect. Better leave 
it where the law of the case has placed it. For me to force you back 
upon General Grant would be forcing him to resign. I cannot give 



388 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

you a new command, because we have no forces except such as 
ah"eady have commanders. 

I am constantly pressed by those who scold before they think, or 
without thinking at all, to give commands respectively to Fremont, 
McClellan, Butler, Sigel, Curtis, Hunter, Hooker, and perhaps 
others, when, all else out of the way, I have no commands to give 
them. This is now your case ; which, as I have said, pains me not 
less than it does you. My belief is that the permanent estimate of 
what a general does in the field is fixed by the " cloud of witnesses " 
who have been with him in the field ; and that relying on these, he 
who has the right needs not to fear. Your friend as ever, 

A. Lincoln. 



August [15?] 1863. — Opinion on the Draft, never issued 

OR PUBLISHED BY THE PRESIDENT. 

It is at all times proper that misunderstanding between the public 
and the public servant should be avoided ; and this is far more im- 
portant now than in times of peace and tranquillity. I therefore 
address you without searching for a precedent upon which to do so. 
Some of you are sincerely devoted to the republican institutions and 
territorial integrity of our country, and yet are opposed to what is 
called the draft, or conscription. 

At the beginning of the war, and ever since, a variety of motives, 
pressing, some in one direction and some in the other, would be pre- 
sented to the mind of each man ph;y'«ically fit for a soldier, upon the 
combined effect of which motives he would, or would not, voluntarily 
enter the service. Among these motives would be patriotism, politi- 
cal bias, ambition, personal courage, love of adventure, want of 
employment, and convenience, or the opposites of some of these. 
We already have, and have had in the service, as appears, substan- 
tially all that can be obtained upon this voluntary weighing of mo- 
tives. And yet we must somehow obtain more, or relinquish the 
original object of the contest, together with all the blood and trea- 
sure already expended in the effort to secure it. To meet this neces- 
sity the law for the draft has been enacted. You who do not wish 
to be soldiers do not like this law. This is natural ; nor does it 
limply want of patriotism. Nothing can be so just and necessary as 
Ito make us like it if it is disagreeable to us. We are prone, too, to 
find false arguments with which to excuse ourselves for opposing 
such disagreeable things. In this case, those who desire the re- 
, bellion to succeed, and others who seek reward in a different way, 
are very active in accommodating us with this class of arguments. 
' They tell us the law is unconstitutional. It is the first instance, I 
believe, in which the power of Congress to do a thing has ever been 
questioned in a case when the power is given by the Constitution in 
express terms. Whether a power can be imphed when it is not ex- 
pressed has often been the subject of controversy ; but this is the 
first case in which the degree of effrontery has been ventured upon 
of denying a power which is plainly and distinctly written down in 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 389 

the Constitution. The Constitution decLires that " The Congress 
sluiU have power ... to raise and support armies ; but no 
appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 
two years." The whole scope of the conscription act is " to raise 
and support armies." There is nothing else in it. It makes no 
appropriation of money, and hence the money clause just quoted is 
not touched by it. 

The case simply is, the Constitution provides that the Congress 
shall have power to raise and support armies ; and by this act the 
Congress has exercised the power to raise and support armies. 
This is the whole of it. It is a law made in literal pursuance of 
this part of the United States Constitution ; and another part of 
the same Constitution declares that "this Constitution, and the laws 
made in pursuance thereof, . . . shall be the supreme law of the 
land, and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any- 
thing in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary not- 
withstanding." Do you admit that the power is given to raise and 
support armies, and yet insist that by this act Congress has not 
exercised the power in a constitutional mode"? — has not done the 
thing in the right way! Who is to judge of this? The Consti- 
tution gives CongTess the power, but it does not prescribe the 
mode, or expressly declare who shall prescribe it. In such case 
Congress must prescribe the mode, or relinquish the power. There 
is no alternative. Congress could not exercise the power to do the 
thing if it had not the power of providing a way to do it, when no 
way is provided by the Constitution for doing it. In fact. Congress 
would not have the power to raise and support armies, if even by 
the Constitution it were left to the option of any other or others to 
give or withhold the only mode of doing it. If the Constitution 
had prescribed a mode. Congress could and must follow that mode ; 
but, as it is, the mode necessarily goes to Congress, with the power 
expressly given. The power is given fully, completely, uncondi- 
tionally. It is not a power to raise armies if State authorities con- 
sent; nor if the men to compose the armies are entirely willing; 
but it is a power to raise and support armies given to Congress by 
the Constitution, without an " if." 

It is clear that a constitutional law may not be expedient or 
proper. Such would be a law to raise armies when no armies were 
needed. But this is not such. The republican institutions and 
territorial integrity of our country cannot be maintained without 
the further raising and supporting of armies. There can be no 
army without luen. Men can be had only voluntarily or involun- 
tarily. We have ceased to obtain them voluntarily, and to obtain 
them involuntarily is the draft — the conscription. If you dis- 
pute the fact, and declare that men can still be had voluntarily 
in sufficient numbers, prove the assertion by yourselves volun- 
teering in such numbers, and I shall gladly give up the draft. 
Or, if not a sufficient number, but any one of you will volunteer, 
he for his single self will escape all the horrors of the draft, and 
will thereby do only what each one of at least a million of his 
manly brethren have already done. Their toil and blood have been 



390 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

given as much for you as for themselves. Shall it all be lost rather 
than that you, too, will bear your part ? 

I do not say that all who would avoid serving in the war are un- 
patriotic; but I do think every patriot should willingly take his 
chance under a law made with great care, in order to secure entire 
fairness. This law was considered, discussed, modified, and amended 
by Congress at great length, and with much labor ; and was finally 
passed by both branches, with a near approach to unanimity. At 
last, it may not be exactly such as any one man out of Congress, 
or even in Congress, would have made it. It has been said, and I 
believe truly, that the Constitution itself is not altogether such as 
any one of its framers would have preferred. It was the joint work 
of all, and certainly the better that it was so. 

Much complaint is made of that provision of the conscription law 
which allows a drafted man to substitute three hundred dollars for 
himself ; while, as I believe, none is made of that provision which 
allows him to substitute another man for himself. Nor is the three 
hundred dollar provision objected to for unconstitutionality ; but 
for inequality, for favoring the rich against the poor. The substi- 
tution of men is the provision, if any, which favors the rich to the 
exclusion of the poor. But this, being a provision in accordance 
with an old and well-known practice in the raising of armies, is not 
objected to. There would have been great objection if that pro- 
vision had been omitted. And yet, being in, the money provision 
really modifies the inequality which the other introduces. It allows 
men to escape the service who are too poor to escape but for it. 
Without the money provision, competition among the more wealthy 
might, and probatjly would, raise the price of substitutes above 
three hundred dollars, thus leaving the man who could raise only 
three hundred dollars no escape from personal service. True, by 
the law as it is, the man who cannot raise so much as three hundred 
dollars, nor obtain a personal substitute for less, cannot escape; 
but he can come quite as near escaping as he could if the money 
provision were not in the law. To put it another way : is an un- 
objectionable law which allows only the man to escape who can pay 
a thousand dollars made objectionable by adding a provision that 
any one may escape who can pay the smaller sum of three hundred 
dollars ? This is the exact difference at this point between the present 
law and all former draft laws. It is true that by this law a some- 
what larger number wiU escape than could under a law allowing 
personal substitutes only ; but each additional man thus escaping 
will be a poorer man than could have escaped by the law in the 
other form. The money provision enlarges the class of exempts 
from actual service simply by admitting poorer men into it. How 
then can the money provision be a wrong to the poor man? The 
inequality complained of pertains in greater degree to the substi- 
tution of men, and is really modified and lessened by the money pro- 
vision. The inequality could only be perfectly cured by sweeping 
both provisions away. This, being a great innovation, would 
probably leave the law more distasteful than it now is. 

The principle of the draft, which simply is involuntary or en- 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 391 

forced service, is not new. It has been practised in all ages of the 
world. It was well-known to the framers of our Constitution as 
one of the modes of raising armies, at the time they placed in that 
instrument the provision that '* the Congress shall have power to 
raise and support armies.'' It had been used just before in estab- 
lishing our independence, and it was also used under the Constitu- 
tion in 1812. Wherein is the peculiar hardship now? Shall we 
shrink from the necessary means to maintain oiu- free government, 
which our grandfathers employed to establish it and our own fa- 
thers have already employed once to maintain it ? Are we degen- 
erate ? Has the manhood of our race run out ? 

Again, a law may be both constitutional and expedient, and yet 
may be administered in an unjust and unfair way. This law be- 
longs to a class, which class is composed of those laws whose object 
is to distribute burdens or benefits on the principle of equality. 
No one of these laws can ever be practically administered with that 
exactness which can be conceived of in the mind. A tax law, the 
principle of which is that each owner shall pay in proportion to the 
value of his property, will be a dead letter, if no one can be com- 
pelled to pay until it can be shown that every other one will pay in 
precisely the same proportion, according to value ; nay, even, it wiU 
be a dead letter if no one can be compelled to pay until it is certain 
that every other one will pay at all — even in unequal proportion. 
Again, the United States House of Representatives is constituted 
on the principle that each member is sent by the same number of 
people that each other one is sent by ; and yet, in practice, no two 
of the whole number, much less the whole number, are ever sent by 
precisely the same number of constituents. The districts cannot be 
made precisely equal in population at first, and if they could, they 
would become unequal in a single day, and much more so in the 
ten years which the districts, once made, are to continue. They can- 
not be remodeled every day; nor, without too much expense and 
labor, even every year. 

This sort of difficulty applies in full force to the practical admin- 
istration of the draft law. In fact, the difficulty is greater in the 
case of the draft law. First, it starts with all the inequality of the 
congressional districts; but these are based on entire population, 
while the draft is based upon those only who are fit for soldiers, 
and such may not bear the same proportion to the whole in one 
district that they do in another. Again, the facts must be ascer- 
tained and credit given for the unequal numbers of soldiers which 
have already gone from the several districts. In all these points 
errors will occur in spite of the utmost fidelity. The government 
is bound to administer the law with such an approach to exactness 
as is usual in analogous cases, and as entire good faith and fidelity 
will reach. If so great departures as to be inconsistent with such 
good faith and fidelity, or great departures occuiTing in any way. be 
pointed out, they shall be corrected ; and any agent shown to have 
caused such departures intentionally shall be dismissed. 

With these views, and on these principles, I feel bound to tell you 
it is my purpose to see the draft law faithfully executed. 



392 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



August 16, 1863. — Telegram to Governor Seymour. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 16, 1863. 
Governor Seymour, New York : 

Your despatch of this morning is just received, and I fear I do 
not perfectly understand it. 

My view of the principle is that every soldier obtained volunta- 
rily leaves one less to be obtained by draft. The only difficulty is 
in applying the principle properly. Looking to time, as heretofore, 
I am unwilling to give up a drafted man now, even for the certainty, 
much less for the mere chance, of getting a volunteer hereafter. Again, 
after the draft in any district, would it not make trouble to take any 
di*afted man out and put a volunteer in, for how shall it be deter- 
mined which drafted man is to have the privilege of thus going out, 
to the exclusion of all the others? And even before the draft in any 
district the quota must be fixed; and the draft might be postponed 
indefinitely if every time a volunteer is offered the officers must stop 
and reconstruct the quota. At least I fear there might be this diffi- 
culty ; but, at all events, let credits for volunteers be given up to the 
last moment, which will not produce confusion or delay. That the 
principle of giving credits for volunteers shall be applied by dis- 
tricts seems fair and proper, though I do not know how far by 
present statistics it is practicable. When for any cause a fair credit 
is not given at one time, it should be given as soon thereafter as 
practicable. My purpose is to be just and fair, and yet to not 
lose time. 

A. Lincoln. 



August 16, 1863. — Note to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 16, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Sir: It seems that George W. McGuire and David Bell have been 
tried and condemned to be shot by a military commission at St. 
Louis, Missom'i, of which commission General W. K. Strong was the 
head. If a transcript of the record is at yoiu* control, please send 
it to me. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 17, 1863. — Letter to J. H. Hackett. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 17, 1863. 
James H. Hackett, Esq. 

3fy dear Sir : Months ago I should have acknowledged the re- 
ceipt of your book and accompanying kind note; and I now have to 
beg your pardon for not having done so. 

For one of my age I have seen very Httle of the drama. The fii*st 
presentation of Falstaff I ever saw was youi*s here, last winter or 



LETTERS AND STATE TAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 6V6 

spring. Perhaps the best compliment I can pay is to say, as I truly 
can, I am very anxious to see it again. Some of Shakspere's plays 
I have never read; while othei-s I have gone over j)erliaps as 
frequently as anv unprofessional reader. Among the latter are 
"Lear," ''Kicharcl III.," "Henry VIIL," "Hamlet," and especially 
"Macbeth." I think nothing equals "Macbeth." It is wonderful. 

Unlike you gentlemen of the i)rofession, I think the solihxjuy in 
"Hamlet" commencing "Oh, my offense is rank," surpasses that com- 
mencing " To be or not to be." But pardon this small attempt at 
criticism. I should like to hear you pronounce the opening speech 
of Richai'd TIL Will you not soon \isit Washington again? If 
you do, please call and let me make your personal acquaintance. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



August 17, 1863. — Letter to F. F. Lowe. 

Washington, D. C, August 17, 1863. 
Hon. F. F. Lowe, San Francisco, California: 

There seems to be considerable misunderstanding about the re- 
cent movement to take possession of the " New Almaden " mine. It 
had no reference to any other mine or mines. 

In regard to mines and miners generally, no change of policy by 
the government has been decided on, or even thought of, so far as I 
know. 

The "New Almaden" mine was peculiar in this, that its occupants 
claimed to be the legal owners of it, on a Mexican grant, and went 
into court on that claim. The case found its way into the Supreme 
Court of the United States, and last term, in and by that court, the 
claim of the occupants was decided to be utterly fraudulent. There- 
upon it was considered the duty of the government by the Secretary 
of the Interior, the Attorney-General, and myself, to take possession 
of the premises ; and the Attorney-General carefully made out the 
writ, and I signed it. It was not obtained surreptitiously, although 
I suppose General Halleck thought it had been, when he telegraphed, 
simply because he thought possession was about being taken by a 
military order, while he knew no such order had passed through his 
hands as general-in-chief. 

The wi-it was suspended, upon urgent representations from Cali- 
fornia, simply to keep the j)eace. It never had any direct or indirect 
reference to any mine, place, or person, except the "New Almaden" 
mine and the persons connected with it. 

A. Lincoln. 

August 18, 1863. — Letter to General J. G. Blunt. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 18, 1863. 
Major-General Blunt : 

Yours of July 31st is received. Governor Carney did leave some 
-papers with me concerning you; but they made no great impression 



394 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

upon me, and I believe they are not altogether such as you seem to 
think. As I am not proposing to act upon them, I do not now take 
the time to reexamine them. 

I regret to find you denouncing so many persons as liars, scoun- 
drels, fools, thieves, and persecutors of yourself. Your military 
position looks critical, but did anybody force you into it? Have 
you been ordered to confront and fight 10,000 men with 3000 men ? 
The government cannot make men ; and it is very easy, when a man 
has been given the highest commission, for him to turn on those who 
gave it and vilify them for not giving him a command according to 
his rank. 

My appointment of you first as a brigadier, and then as a major- 
general, was evidence of my appreciation of your services; and 
I have since marked but one thing in connection with you with 
which to be dissatisfied. The sending a military order twenty-five 
miles outside of your lines, and all military lines, to take men 
charged with no offense against the military, out of the hands of the 
courts, to be turned over to a mob to be hanged, can find no prece- 
dent or principle to justify it. Judge Lynch sometimes takes juris- 
diction of cases which prove too strong for the courts; but this is the 
first case within my knowledge wherein the court being able to 
maintain jurisdiction against Judge Lynch, the military has come to 
the assistance of the latter. I take the facts of this case as you state 
them yourself, and not from any report of Governor Carney, or 
other person. Yours truly, 

A. LmcOLN. 



August 19, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 19, 1863. 
Hon, Secretary of War. 

Dear Sir : The bearer of this, Judge Colt, of Missouri, introduced 
to me by the Attorney- General, tells me he has a stepson — Singleton 
Wilson — who ran away into the rebel army, then under seventeen, 
and still under nineteen, and who is now a prisoner at Camp Mor- 
ton, Indiana. He now wants to take the oath of allegiance, and go 
home with the judge, and the judge desires the same. 

May it not be safely done ? Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 21, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 21, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir: In the autumn of 1861, certain persons in armed 
rebellion against the United States, within the counties of Accomac 
and Northampton, laid down their arms upon certain terms then 
proposed to them by General Dix, in and by a certain proclamation. 
It is now said that these persons, or some of them, are about to be 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 395 

forced into the military lines of the existing rebellion, nnless they 
will take an oath prescribed to them since, and not included in 
General Dix's proclamation referred to. Now, my judgment is that 
no one of these men should be forced from his home, who has not 
broken faith with the government, according to the terms fixed by 
General Dix and these men. 

It is bad faith in the government to force new terms upon such as 
have kept faith with it — at least so it seems to me. 

A. Lincoln. 



August 22, 1863. — Letter to General D. Sickles. 

Washington, D. C, August 22, 18G3. 
Major-General Sickles. 

My dear Sir: Your note and brief about the California land 
claim are received. The question presented is a property question, 
with which I do not think I should meddle as a volunteer. It >yill 
save me labor, therefore, if you will first point me to the law which 
assigns any duty to the President in the case. This done, next 
send me a reference to the treaty, and all the statutory law which 
bears upon the case. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 24, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Usher. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, August 24, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of the Interior. 

Sir: By the within you see the claim of Illinois for the two per 
cent, on sales of public lands is again presented. 

My view of the case is not changed. I believe the law is with the 
State ; and yet I think it is ungracious to be pressing the claim at 
this time of national trouble. 

Nevertheless, I have to ask that you will determine what is your 
duty according to the law, and then do it. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



August 25, 1863.— Indorsement on Note of Secretary Stanton. 

War Department, Washington City, August 25, 1863. 
Dear Sir: Please give me the reference to the act of Congress in relation 
to the election of members of the House, wliieh you have mentioned to me 
on one or two occasions. I cannot find the act. 

Truly yours, Edwin M. Stanton. 

To the President. 

[Indorsement.] 

The little short act on page 804 of the large new volume was 
shown to me by Mr. Bingham of Ohio, as being the one, in counec- 



396 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

tion with the other laws therein referred to, which works the result. 
I have not tracked np the other laws. 

A. Lincoln. 



August 26, 1863.— Letter to J. C. Conkling. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 26, 1863. 
Hon. James C. Conkling. 

My dear Sir: Your letter inviting me to attend a mass-meeting 
of unconditional Union men, to be held at the capital of Illinois on 
the 3d day of September, has been received. It would be very agree- 
able to me to thus meet my old friends at my own home, but I 
cannot just now be absent from here so long as a visit there would 
require. 

The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional de- 
votion to the Union; and I am sure my old political friends will 
thank me for tendering, as I do, the nation's gratitude to those and 
other noble men whom no partizan malice or partizan hope can 
make false to the nation's life. 

There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would 
say : You desire peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. 
But how can we attain it"? There are but three conceivable ways: 
First, to suppress the rebellion by force of arms. This I am try- 
ing to do. Are you for it? If you are, so far we are agreed. If 
you are not for it, a second way is to give up the Union. I am 
against this. Are you for it ? If you are, you should say so plainly. 
If you are not for force, nor yet for dissolution, there only remains 
some imaginable compromise. I do not believe any compromise 
embracing the maintenance of the Union is now possible. All I 
learn leads to a directly opposite belief. The strength of the re- 
bellion is its military, "its army. That army dominates aU the 
country and all the people within its range. Any offer of terms 
made by any man or men within that range, in opposition to that 
army, is simply nothing for the present, because such man or men 
have no power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if 
one were made with them. 

To illustrate : Suppose refugees from the South and peace men of 
the North get together in convention, and frame and proclaim a 
compromise embracing a restoration of the Union. In what way 
can that compromise be used to keep Lee's army out of Pennsyl- 
vania! Meade's army can keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, 
and, I think, can ultimately drive it out of existence. But no paper 
compromise to which the controllers of Lee's army are not agreed 
can at all affect that army. In an effort at such compromise we 
should waste time which the enemy would improve to our disadvan- 
tage ; and that would be all. A compromise, to be effective, must 
be made either with those who control the rebel army, or with the 
people first liberated from the domination of that army by the suc- 
cess of our own army. Now, allow me to assure you that no word 



LETTEBS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 397 

or intimation frojn that rebel army, or from any of the men con- 
trolling- it, in relation to any peace compromise, has ever come to 
my knowledge or belief. "^All charges and insinuations to the 
contrary are deceptive and groundless. And I promise you that if 
any such proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and 
kept a secret from you. I freely acknowledge myself the servant of 
the people, according to the bond of service — the United States 
Constitution — and that, as such, I am responsible to them. 

But to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the negi-o. 
Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself 
upon that subject. I certainly wish that all men could be free, while 
I suppose you do not. Yet, I have neither adopted nor proposed 
any measure which is not consistent with even your view, provided 
you are for the Union. I suggested compensated emancipation, 
to which you replied you wished not to be taxed to buy negroes. 
IBut I had not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes, except in such 
way as to save you from greater taxation to save the Union ex- 
clusively by other means. 

You dislike the emancipation proclamation, and )ierhaps would 
have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. 
I think the Constitution' invests its commander-in-chief with the 
law of war in time of war. The most that can be said — if so much 
— is that slaves are property. Is there — has there ever been — any 
question that by the law of war, property-, both of enemies and 
friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed when- 
ever taking it helps us, or hurts the enemy? Armies, the world 
over, destroy enemies' property when they cannot use it ; and even 
destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized belligerents 
do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the enemy, except 
a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the excep- 
tions are the massacre of vanquished foes and non-combatants, 
male and female. 

But the proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not valid. If it 
is not valid, it needs no retraction. If it is valid, it cannot be re- 
tracted any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some of 
you profess to think its retraction would operate favorably for the 
Union. Why better after the retraction than before the issue ? 
There was more than a year and a half of trial to suppress the re- 
bellion before the proclamation issued ; the last one hundred days 
of which passed under an explicit notice that it was coming, unless 
averted by those in revolt returning to their allegiance. The war 
has certainly progressed as favorably for us since the issue of the 
proclamation as before. I know, as fully as one can know the 
opinions of others, that some of the commanders of our armies in 
the field, who have given us our most important successes, believe 
the emancipation policy and the use of the colored troops constitute 
the heaviest blow yet dealt to the rebellion, and that at least one of 
these important successes could not have been achieved when it was 
iDut for the aid of black soldiers. Among the commanders holding 
these views are some who have never had any affinity with what is 
called Abolitionism, or with Republican party politics, but who hold 



398 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

them purely as military opinions. I snbmit these opinions as being 
entitled to some weight against the objections often urged that eman- 
cipation and arming the blacks are unwise as military measures, and 
were not adopted as such in good faith. 

You say you will not fight to free negroes. Some of them seem 
willing to fight for you; but no matter. Fight you, then, ex- 
clusively, to save the Union. I issued the proclamation on purpose 
to aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have con- 
quered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to continue 
fighting, it will be an apt time then for you to declare you will not 
fight to free negroes. 

I thought that in your struggle for the Union, to whatever extent 
the negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that extent it weak- 
ened the enemy in his resistance to you. Do you think differently ? 
I thought that whatever negroes can be got to do as soldiers, leaves 
just so much less for white soldiers to do in saving the Union. 
Does it appear otherwise to you ? But negroes, like other people, 
act upon motives. Why should they do anything for us if we will 
do nothing for them ? If they stake their lives for us they must be 
prompted by the strongest motive, even the promise of freedom. 
And the promise, being made, must be kept. 

The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed 
to the sea. Thanks to the great Northwest for it. Nor yet wholly 
to them. Three hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, 
Keystone, and Jersey, hewing their way right and left. The sunny 
South, too, in more colors than one, also lent a hand. On the spot, 
their part of the history was jotted down in black and white. The 
job was a great national one, and let none be banned who bore an 
honorable part in it. And while those who have cleared the great 
river may well be proud, even that is not all. It is hard to say that 
anything has been more bravely and well done than at Antietam, 
Murfreesboro', Gettysburg, and on many fields of lesser note. Nor 
must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. At all the watery margins 
they have been present. Not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, 
and the rapid river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou, and 
wherever the ground was a little damp, they have been and made 
their tracks. Thanks to all: for the great republic — for the 
principle it lives by and keeps alive — for man's vast future — thanks 
to all. 

Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come 
soon, and come to stay ; and so come as to be worth the keeping in 
aU future time. It will then have been proved that among free men 
there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and 
that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay 
the cost. And then there will be some black men who can remember 
that with silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and steady eye, and 
well-poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great eon- 
summation, while I fear there will be some white ones unable to 
forget that with malignant heart and deceitful speech they strove to 
hinder it. 

Stillj let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy final triumph. Let 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 399 

US be quite sober. Let us diligeutly apply the means, never doubt- 
ing that a just God, iu his own good time, will give us the right- 
ful result. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 26, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, August 26, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Sir : In my correspondence with Governor Seymour in relation 
to the draft, I have said to him, substantially, that credits shall be 
given for volunteers up to the latest moment, before drawing in 
any district, that can be done without producing confusion or delay. 
In order to do this, let our mustering officers in New York and else- 
where be at once instructed that whenever they muster into onr 
service any number of volunteers, to at once make return to the 
War Department, both by telegraph and mail, the date of the mus- 
ter, the number mustered, and the Congressional or enrolment 
district or districts, of their residences, giving the numbers sepa- 
rately for each district. Keep these returns diligently posted, and 
by them give full credit on the quotas, if possible, on the last day 
before the draft begins in any district. 

Again, I have informed Governor Seymour that he shall be noti- 
fied of the time when the di*aft is to commence in each district iu 
his State. This is equally proper for all the States. In order to 
carry it out, I propose that so soon as the day for commencing the 
draft in any district is definitely determined, the governor of the 
State, including the district, be notified thereof, both by telegraph 
and mail, in form about as foUows : 



1863. 

Governor of. 



Ton are notified that the draft will commence in the 

district, at on the 

daijof. 1863, at A. M. of said day. 

Please acknowledge receipt of this hy telegraph and mail. 



400 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

This notice may be given by the Provost-Marshal- General here, 
the sub-provost-marshal-generals in the States, or perhaps by the 
district provost-marshals. 

Whenever we shall have so far proceeded in New York as to 
make the reenrolment specially promised there, practicable, I wish 
that also to go forward, and I wish Governor Seymour notified of 
it ; so that if he choose, he can place agents of his with ours to see 
the work fairly done. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 26, 1863. — Letter to I. N. Morris. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 26, 1863. 
Hon. I. N. Morris. 

Dear Sir : Your note asking what you were to understand, was 
received yesterday. Monday morning I sent the papers to the 
Secretary of the Interior, with an indorsement that my impression 
of the law was not changed, and that I desired him to take up the 
case and do his duty according to his view of the law. Yesterday 
I said the same thing to him verbally. 

Now, my understanding is that the law has not assigned me, 
specifieall}^, any duty in the case, but has assigned it to the Secre- 
tary of the Interior. It may be my general duty to direct him to 
act — which I have performed. WTien he shall have acted, if his 
action is not satisfactory, there may or may not be an appeal to 
me. It is a point I have not examined ; but if it be shown that 
the law gives such appeal, I shall not hesitate to entertain it when 
presented. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 27, 1863. — Letter to Governor Seymour. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, August 27, 1863. 
His Excellency Horatio Seymour, Governor of New York : 

Yours of the 21st, with exhibits, was received on the 24th. 

In the midst of pressing duties I have been unable to answer it 
sooner. In the mean time the Provost-Marshal-General has had 
access to yours, and has addressed a communication in relation 
to it to the Secretary of War, a copy of which communication I 
herewith inclose to you. 

Independently of 'this, I addressed a letter on the same subject 
to the Secretary of War, a copy of which I also inclose to you. The 
Secretary has sent my letter to the Provost-Marshal-Geueral, with 
direction that he adopt and follow the course therein pointed out. 
It will, of course, overrule any conflicting view of the Provost-Mar- 
shal-General, if there be such. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 401 

P. S. I do not mean to say tliat if the Provost- Marshal-General 
can find it practicable to give credits by snb-districts, I overrule 
him in that. On the contrary, I shall be glad of it ; but I will not 
take the risk of over-burdening him by ordering him to do it. 

A. L. 



August 27, 1863. — Telegraim to A. C. Wilder and J. H. Laxe. 

Washington, D. C, August 27, 1863. 8.30 a. m. 
Hon. a. C. Wilder, Hon. J. H. Lane, Leavenworth, Kansas: 

Notice of your demand for the removal of General Schofield is 
hereby acknowledged. 

A. Lincoln. 



August 27, 1863. — Telegraim to General J. M. Schofield. 

Washington, D. C, August 27, 1863. 8.30 a. m. 
General Schofield, St. Louis : 

I have just received the despatch which follows from two very 
influential citizens of Kansas, whose names I omit. The severe blow 
they have received naturally enough makes them intemperate even 
without there being any just cause for blame. Please do your ut- 
most to give them futui*e security and to punish their invaders. 

A. Lincoln. 



August 27, 1863. — Telegram to General G. G. Meade. 

War Department, Washington, D. C, August 27, 1863. 9 a. m. 
Major-General Meade, Warrenton, Virginia: 

Walter, Rionese, Folancy, Lai, and Kuhn appealed to me for mercy, 
without giving any ground for it whatever. I understand these are 
very flagrant cases, and that you deem their punishment as being- 
indispensable to the service. If I am not mistaken in this, please 
let them know at once that their appeal is denied. 

A. Lincoln. 

August 27, 1863. — Telegram to F. C. Sherman and J. S. Hayes. 

Washington, August 27, 1863. 
F. C. Sherman, Mayor, J. S. Hayes, Comptroller, Chicago, Illinois: 
Yours of the 24th, in relation to the draft, is received. It seems 
to me the government here will be overwhelmed if it undertakes to 
conduct these matters with the authorities of cities and counties. 
They must be conducted witli the governors of States, who will, of 
course, represent their cities and counties. Meanwhile you need not 
be uneasy until you again hear from here. 

A. Lincoln. 
Vol. II.— 26. 



402 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



August 31, 1863.— Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 31, 1863. 
My dear General Rosecrans: 

Yours of the 22d was received yesterday. When I wrote you 
before, I did [not] intend, nor do I now, to engage in an argument 
with you on military questions. You had informed me you were 
impressed through General Halleck that I was dissatisfied with you; 
and I could not bluntly deny that I was without unjustly implicat- 
ing him. I therefore concluded to tell you the plain truth, being 
satisfied the matter would thus appear much smaller than it would 
if seen by mere glimpses. I repeat that my appreciation of yoii has 
not abated. I can never forget whilst I remember anything that 
about the end of last year and beginning of this, you gave us 
a hard-earned victory, which, had there been a defeat instead, the 
nation could scarcely have lived over. 

Neither can I forget the check you so opportunely gave to a dan- 
gerous sentiment which was spreading in the North. 

Yours as ever, A. Lincoln. 



August 31, 1863. — Note to General H. W. Halleck. 

It is not improbable that retaliation for the recent great outrage 
at Lawrence, in Kansas, may extend to indiscriminate slaughter on 
the Missouri border, unless averted by very judicious action. I shall 
be obliged if the general-in-chief can make any suggestions to General 
Schofield upon the subject. A. Lincoln. 



September 1, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 1, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War, 

My dear Sir : I am now informed, contrary to my impression 
when I last talked with you, that the order compelling the four hun- 
dred on the eastern shore of Virginia to take the oath or be sent 
away is about being carried into execution. As this, and also the 
assessment for damage done to and at the lighthouse, are very 
strong measures, and as I have to bear the responsibility of them, I 
\dsh them suspended until I can at least be better satisfied of their 
propriety than I now am. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



September 2, 1863. — Draft of Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 2, 1863. 
Hon. Salmon P. Chase. 

My dear Sir : Knowing your great anxiety that the Emancipa- 
tion Proclamation shall now be applied to certain parts of Virginia 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 403 

and Louisiana whieli were exempted from it last January, I state 
briefly what appear to me to be difficulties in the way of such a step. 
The original proclamation has no constitutional or legal justification, 
except as a military measure. Tiie exemptions were made because 
the military necessity did not apply to the exempted localities. Nor 
does that necessity apply to them now any more than it did then. 
If I take the step, must I not do so without the argument of military 
necessity, and so without any argument except the one that I think 
the measure politically expedient and morally right ? Would I not 
thus give up all footiug upon Constitution or law! Would I not 
thus be in the boundless field of absolutism ! Could this pass un- 
noticed or unresisted ? Could it fail to be perceived that without 
any further stretch I might do the same in Delaware, Maryland, 
Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, and even change any law in any 
State f Would not many of our own friends shrink away appalled ? 
Would it not lose us the elections, and with them the very cause we 

seek to advance ? 

[A. Lencoln.j 



September 4, 1863.— Order concerning Coseviercial 
Regulations. 

Executive Mansion, Washington City, September 4, 1863. 
Ordered, That the Executive Order, dated November 21, 1862, 
prohibiting the exportation from the United States of arms, ammu- 
nition, or munitions of war, under which the commandants of depart- 
ments were, by order of the Secretary of War dated May 13, 1863, 
directed to prohibit the purchase and' sale for exportation from the 
United States of all horses and mules within their respective com- 
mands, and to take and appropriate to the use of the United States 
any horses, mules, and live stock designed for exportation, be so far 
modified as that any arms heretofore imported into the United 
States may be reexported to the place of original shipment, and 
that any live stock raised in any State or Territory bounded by the 
Pacific "Ocean may be exported from any port of such State or 

Territory. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



September 6, 1863.— Telegrajm to Secretary Stanton. 

War Department, Washington, September 6, 1863. 6 p. m. 
Hon. Secretary of War, Bedford, Pennsylvania : 

Burnside has Kingston and Knoxville, and drove the enemy 
across the river at Loudon, the enemy destroying the bridge there; 
captured some stores and one or two trains; very little fighting; 
few wounded and none killed. No other news of consequence. 

A. Lincoln. 



404 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 



September 7, 1863.— Telegram to F. C. Sheriian and 
J. S. Hayes. 

Washington, September 7, 1863. 
Yours of August 29 just received. I suppose it was intended by 
Congress that this government should execute the act in question 
without dependence upon any other government. State, city, or 
county. It is, however, within the range of practical convenience 
to confer with the governments of States, while it is quite beyond 
that range to have correspondence on the subject with counties and 
cities. They are too numerous. As instances, I have corresponded 
with Governor Seymour, but not with Mayor Opdykej with Gov- 
ernor Curtin, but not with Mayor Henry. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 8, 1863. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 8, 1863. 9.30 a. m. 
Hon. Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : 

Despatch of yesterday just received. I shall try to find the paper 
you mention and carefully consider it. In the mean time let me 
urge that you do your utmost to get every man you can, black 
and white, under arms at the very earliest moment, to guard roads, 
bridges, and trains, allowing all the better trained soldiers to go 
forward to Rosecrans. Of course I mean for you to act in cooper- 
ation with, and not independently of, the military authorities. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 10, 1863.— Letter to J. P. Gray. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 10, 1863. 
Dr. John P. Gray. 

Sir : Dr. David M. Wright is in military custody at Norfolk, Vir- 
ginia, having been by a military commission tried for murder and 
sentenced to death, his execution awaiting the order of the major- 
general in command of that military department, or of the Presi- 
dent of the United States. The record is before me, and a question 
is made as to the sanity of the accused. You will please proceed to 
the military department whose headquarters are at Fort Monroe, 
and take in writing all evidence which may be offered on behalf of 
Dr. Wright and against him, and any, in addition, which you may 
find within your reach, and deem pertinent ; all said evidence to be 
directed to the question of Dr. Wright's sanity or insanity, and not 
to any other questions ; you to preside with power to exclude evi- 
dence which shall appear to you clearly not pertinent to the question. 



LETTERS AND STATE "PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 405 

When the taking of the evidence shall be closed, you will report 
the same to me, together with your own conclusions as to Dr. 
Wright's sanity both at the time of the homicide and at the time of 
your examination. On reaching Fort Monroe, you will present this 
letter to the officer then commanding that department, and deliver 
to him a copy of the same, upon which he is hereby directed to no- 
tify Hon. L. J. Bowden and Hon. L. H. Chandler of the same ; to 
designate some suitable person in his command to appear for the 
government as judge-advocate or prosecuting attorney; to provide 
for the attendance of all such witnesses before you as may be de- 
sired by either party, or by yourself, and who may be within con- 
venient reach of you ; to furnish you a suitable place, or places, for 
conducting the exandnation; and to render you such other reasona- 
ble assistance in the premises as you may require. If you deem it 
proper, you will examine Dr. Wright personally, and you may in 
your discretion require him to be present during the whole or any 
part of the taking of the evidence. The military are hereby charged 
to see that an escape does not occur. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



September 11, 1863. — Letter to Governor Johnson. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 11, 1863. 
Hon. Andrew Johnson. 

Mij dear Sir : All Tennessee is now clear of armed insurrection- 
ists. You need not to be reminded that it is the nick of time for 
reinauguratin^ a loyal State government. Not a moment should 
be lost. You and the cooperating friends there can better judge of 
the ways and means than can be judged by any here. I onlj^ oifer 
a few suggestions. The reinauguration must not be such as to give 
control of the State and its representation in Congress to the ene- 
mies of the Union, driving its friends there into political exile. 
The whole struggle for Tennessee will have been profitless to both 
State and nation if it so ends that Governor Johnson is put down 
and Governor Harris is put up. It must not be so. You must 
have it otherwise. Let the reconstruction be the work of such men 
only as can be trusted for the Union. Exclude all others, and 
trust that your government so organized will be recognized here as 
being the one of republican form to be guaranteed to the State, and 
to be protected against invasion and domestic violence. It is some- 
thing on the question of time to remember that it cannot be known 
who is next to occupy the position I now hold, nor what he will do. 
I see that you have declared in favor of emancipation in Tennessee, 
for which may God bless you. Get emancipation into your new 
State government — constitution — and there will be no such word 
as fail for your case. The raising of colored troops, I think, wiU 
greatly help every wa\\ Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



406 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



September 11, 1863. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. 

"Washington, September 11, 1863. 11.30 a. m. 
Major-General Burnside, Cumberland Gap : 

Yours received. A thousand thanks for the late successes you 
have given us. We cannot allow you to resign until things shall 
be a little more settled in East Tennessee. If then, purely on your 
own account, you wish to resign, we will not further refuse you. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 12, 1863. — Letter to Josiah Quincy. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 12, 1863. 
Dear and honored Sir : Allow me to express the personal gratifi- 
cation I feel at the receipt of your very kind letter of the 7th of 
September, and to thank you most cordially for its wise and earnest 
words of counsel. 

Believe me, my dear sir, to be very respectfully and sincerely 
your friend and servant, 

A. Lincoln. 



September 14, 1863. — Letter from Secretary Stanton to 
General McClernand. 

War Department, Washington City, September 14, 1863. 
Major-General John A. McClernand, Springfield, Illinois. 

General : Your letter of the 5th instant has been submitted to the 
President, who directs me to say that a court of inquiry embracing 
any one of the subjects specified in that letter would necessarily 
withdraw from the field many officers whose presence with their 
commands is absolutely indispensable to the service, and whose ab- 
sence might cause irreparable injury to the success of operations 
now in active progress. For these reasons he declines at present 
your application, but if hereafter it can be done without prejudice 
to the service, he wiU, in view of your anxiety upon the subject, 
order a court. Your obedient servant, 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



September 15, 1863. — Proclamation Suspending Writ of 
Habeas Corpus. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, the Constitution of the United States has ordained that 
the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended 
unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 407 

require it ; and whereas, a rebellion was existing on the third day of 
March, 1863, which rebellion is still existing; and whereas, by a statute 
which was approved on that day, it was enacted by the Senate and 
House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled, 
that during the present insurrection the President of the United 
States, whenever in his judgment the public safety may require it, is 
authorized to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in any 
case throughout the United States, or any part thereof; and whereas, 
in the judgment of the President, the public safety does require the 
privilege of the said writ shall now be suspended, throughout the 
United States, in the eases where, by the authority of the President 
of the United States, military, naval, and ci\dl officers of the United 
States, or any of them, hold persons under their command, or in their 
custody, either as pi-isoners of war, spies, or aiders or abettors of the 
enemy, or officers, soldiers, or seamen enrolled or drafted or mustered 
or enlisted in, or belonging to, the land or naval forces of the United 
States, or as deserters therefrom, or otherwise amenable to military 
law, or the rules and articles of war, or the rules or regulations 
prescribed for the military or naval service by authority of the 
President of the United States ; or for resisting a draft, or for any 
other offense against the military or naval service : 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States, do hereby proclaim and make known to all whom it may 
concern, that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus is sus- 
pended throughout the United States in the several cases before 
mentioned, and that this suspension will continue throughout the 
duration of the said rebellion, or until this proclamation shall, hy a 
subsequent one to be issued by the President of the United States, 
be modified or revoked. And I do hereby require all magistrates, 
attorneys, and other civil officers within the United States, and all 
officers and others in the military and naval service of the United 
States, to take distinct notice of this suspension, and to give it 
full effect, and all citizens of the United States to conduct and 
govern themselves accordingly, and in conformity with the Consti- 
tution of the United States and the laws of Congress in such cases 
made and provided. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and 
caused the seal of the United States to be affixed, this 
[l. s.] fifteenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the inde- 
pendence of the United States of America the eighty-eighth. 

ABRAHA3I Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Sewaed, Secretary of State. 



September 15, 1863. — Letter to General H. W. Halleck. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 15, 1863. 
Major-General Halleck : 

If I did not misunderstand General Meade's last despatch, he 
posts you on facts as well as he can, and desires your views and 



408 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

those of the government as to what he shall do. My opinion is 
that he should move upon Lee at once in manner of general attack, 
leaving to developments whether he will make it a real attack. I 
think this would develop Lee's real condition and purposes better 
than the cavalry alone can do. Of course my opinion is not to 
control you and General Meade. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



September 18. 1863. — Letter to I. N. Morris. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 18, 1863, 
Hon. I. N. Morris. 

Sir: Please carefully put the argument in writing, with reference 
to authorities, in the matter intended to show that the law gives an 
appeal to me in the case referred to. When that is ready to be 
presented, I will try to give you the personal interview about Illi- 
nois matters generally. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



September 19, 1863. — Letter to Governor Johnson. 
{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, September 19, 1863. 
Hon. Andrew Johnson. 

My dear Sir: Herewith I send you a paper, substantially the 
same as the one drawn up by yourself and mentioned in your des- 
patch, but slightly changed in two particulars: First, yours was so 
drawn as that I authorized you to carry into effect the fourth sec- 
tion, etc., whereas I so modify it as to authorize you to so act as to 
require the United States to carry into effect that section. 

Secondlj^, you had a clause committing me in some sort to the 
State constitution of Tennessee, which I feared might embarrass 
you in making a new constitution, if you desire; so I dropped that 
clause. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 
[Inclostire.] 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, September 19, 1863. 
Hon. Andrew Johnson, Military Governor of Tennessee : 

In addition to the matters contained in the orders and instruc- 
tions given you by the Secretary of War, you are hereby authorized 
to exercise such powers as may be necessary and proper to enable 
the loyal people of Tennessee to present such a republican form of 
State government as will entitle the State to the guaranty of the 
United States therefor, and to be protected under such State gov- 
ernment by the United States against invasion and domestic vio- 
lence, all according to the fourth section of the fourth article of 
the Constitution of the United States. Abraham Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 409 

September 19, 1863. — Letter to General H. W. Halleck. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 19, 1863. 
Major-General Halleck : 

By General Meade's despatch to you of yesterday it appears that 
he desires your views and those of the government as to whether he 
shall advance upon the enemy. I am not prepared to order, or even 
advise, an advance in this case, wherein I know so little of particu- 
lars, and wherein he, in the field, thinks the risk is so great, and the 
promise of advantage so small. 

And yet the case presents matter for very serious consideration in 
another aspect. These two armies confront each other across a small 
river, substantially midway between the two capitals, each defending 
its own capital, and menacing the other. General Meade estimates 
the enemy's infantry in front of him at not less than 40,000. Sup- 
pose we add fifty per cent, to this for cavalry, artillery, and extra- 
dutv men stretching as far as Richmond, making the whole force 
of the enemy 60,000. 

General Meade, as shown by the returns, has with him, and be- 
tween him and Washington, of the same classes of well men, over 
90,000. Neither can bring the whole of his men into a battle ; but 
each can bring as large a percentage in as the other. For a battle, 
then. General Meade has three men to General Lee's two. Yet, it 
having been determined that choosing ground and standing on 
the defensive gives so great advantage that the three cannot safely 
attack the two, the three are left simply standing on the defen- 
sive also. 

If the enemy's 60,000 are sufficient to keep our 90,000 away 
from Richmond, why, by the same rule, may not 40,000 of ours 
keep their 60,000 away from Washington, leaving us 50,000 to put 
to some other use! Having practically come to the mere defensive, 
it seems to be no economy at all to employ twice as many men for 
that object as are needed. With no object, certainly, to mislead 
myself, I can perceive no fault in this statement, unless we admit 
we are not the equal of the enemy, man for man. I hope you will 
consider it. 

To avoid misunderstanding, let me say that to attempt to fight 
the enemy slowly back into his intrenchments at Richmond, and 
then to capture him, is an idea I have been trying to repudiate for 
quite a year. 

Mv judgment is so clear against it that I would scarcely allow 
the attempt to be made if the general in command should desire 
to make it. My last attempt upon Richmond was to get McClellan, 
when he was neai'er there than the enemy was, to run in ahead 
of him. Since then I have constantly desired the Army of the Poto- 
mac to make Lee's army, and not Richmond, its ol)jective point. If 
our army cannot fall upon the enemy and hurt him where he is, it is 
plain to me it can gain nothing l>y attenq^ting to follow him over a 
succession of intrenched lines into a fortified city. 

Yours trulv, A. Lintoln. 



410 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



September 21, 1863.— Letter to General H. W. Halleck. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, September 21, 1863. 
Major-General Halleck : 

I think it very important for General Roseerans to hold his posi- 
tion at or about Chattanooga, because if held from that place to 
Cleveland, both inclusive, it keeps all Tennessee clear of the enemy, 
and also breaks one of his most important railroad lines. To prevent 
these consequences is so vital to his cause that he cannot give up the 
effort to dislodge us from the position, thus bringing him to us and 
saving us the labor, expense, and hazard of going farther to find him, 
and also giving us the advantage of choosing our own ground and 
preparing it to fight him upon. The details must, of course, be left 
to Genera] Roseerans, while we must furnish him the means to the 
utmost of our ability. If you concur, I think he would better be in- 
formed that we are not pushing him beyond this position ; and that, 
in fact, our judgment is rather against his going beyond it. If he 
can only maintain this position, without more, this rebellion can 
only eke out a short and feeble existence, as an animal sometimes 
may with a thorn in its vitals. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



September 21, 1863. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. 

"War Department, September 21, 1863. 11 a. m. 
General Burnside, Greenville, Tennessee : 

If you are to do any good to Roseerans it will not do to waste 
time with Jonesboro. It is already too late to do the most good 
that might have been done, but I hope it will still do some good. 
Please do not lose a moment. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 21, 1863.— Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. 

, War Department, September 21, 1863. 
General Buhnside, Knoxville, Tenn.: 
Go to Roseerans with your force without a moment's delay. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 21, 1863.— Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Washington, September 21, 1863. 12.55 p. m. 
Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga : 

Be of good cheer. We have unabated confidence in you, and in 
your soldiers and officers. In the main you must be the judge as 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 411 

to what is to be done. If I were to suggest, I would say, save your 
army by taking strong positions until Burnside joins you, when, I 
hope, you can turn the tide. I think you had better send a courier 
to Burnside to hurry him up. We cannot reach him by telegraph. 
We suppose some force is going to you from Corinth, but for want 
of communication we do not know how they are getting along. 
We shall do our utmost to assist you. Send us your present 
positions. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 22, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

{In cipher.) 

War Department, September 22, 1863. 8.30 a. m. 
Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga, Tennessee : 

We have not a word here as to the whereabouts or condition of 
your army up to a later hour than sunset, Sunday, the 20th. Your 
despatches to me of 9 a. m., and to General Halleck of 2 p. m., yester- 
day, tell us nothing later on those points. Please relieve my anxiety 
as to the position and condition of your army up to the latest 
moment. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 23, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Washington, September 23, 1863. 9.15 a. m. 
Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga, Tennessee : 

Below is Bragg's despatch as found in the Richmond papers. 
You see he does not claim so many prisoners or captured guns as 
you were inclined to concede. He also confesses to heavy loss. An 
exchanged general of ours leaving Richmond yesterday says two of 
Longstreet's divisions and his entire artillery and two of Pickett's 
brigades and Wise's legion have gone to Tennessee. He mentions 
no other. 



Chickamauga RrvER, September 20 (\da Ringold, 21st). 
General Cooper, Adjutant-General : 

After two days' bard fighting we have driven the enemy, after a desper- 
ate resistance, from several positions, and now hold the field ; but he still 
confronts us. The losses are heavy on both sides, especially in our officers. 
We have taken over twenty pieces of artillery and some 2500 prisoners. 

Braxton Bragg. 

A. Lincoln. 



412 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

September 24, 1863. — Proclamation opening the Port of 
Alexandria, Virginia. 

By the President of the United States of Ajmerica: 

A Proclamation. 

"Whereas, in my proclamation of the twenty-seventh of April, 18G1, 
the ports of the States of Virginia and North Carolina were, for 
reasons therein set forth, placed under blockade; and whereas the 
port of Alexandria, Virginia, has since been blockaded, bnt as the 
blockade of said port may now be safely relaxed with advantage to 
the interests of commerce : 

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
of the United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the 
fifth section of the act of Congress, approved on the 13th of July, 
1861, entitled " An act further to provide for the collection of duties 
on imports, and for other pm'poses," do hereby declare that the 
blockade of the said port of Alexandria shall so far cease and deter- 
mine, from and after this date, that commercial intercourse with 
said port, except as to persons, things, and information contraband 
of war, may from this date be carried on, subject to the laws of the 
United States, and to the limitations, and in pursuance of the regu- 
lations which are prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury in his 
order, which is appended to my proclamation of the 12th of Mav, 
1862. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be aflSxed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-fourth day 
[l. s.] of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence of the 
United States the eighty-eighth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



September 24, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

War Department, September 24, 1863. 10 a. m. 
Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga, Tennessee: 

Last night we received the rebel accounts, through Richmond 
papers, of your late battle. They give Major-General Hood as 
mortally wounded, and Brigadiers Preston Smith, Wofford, Wal- 
thall, Helm of Kentucky, and Deshler killed, and Major-Gen erals 
Preston, Cleburne, and Gregg, and Brigadier-Generals Benning, 
Adams, Bunn, Brown, and John [B. H.J Helm wounded. By con- 
fusion the two Helms may be the same man, and Bunn and Brown 
may be the same man. With Burnside, Sherman, and from elsewhere 
we shall get to you from forty to sixty thousand additional men. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 413 

September 24, 18G3.- Telegram to Mrs. Llxcoln. 

War Defartivient, September 24, 1863. 
Mrs. a. Lincoln, Fifth Avenue Hotel, New York: 
We now have a tolerably ---^^^^^^^^^ K wf Letorstt 

which we have, they 'f ' J'^^^'^.'^'iJ-"^ indudiuL' vonr brother- 
'^t^HeCTa^roTtrwo^nd^d'thr C or-gel;eVals and fi^ 
in-law ^e^"^','^^^J. ^ '"Jv,. reduced two in number by correctious 
brigadiers. Tins list ^^^f 1 1 lo 1 m Vesterdav General Roseerans 
of confusion in ^f ^/jf/ ' . ^*^,^if .^Ve hold his^point, and I cannot 

figiit to-day." j^ Lincoln. 

September 25, 1863.-Draft of Letter to General A. E. 
BuRNSiDE. Not sent. 

Office United States Military Telegraph, 

War DEPARTMENT, Washington, D. C, September 25, 1863. 
Major-general — ^de : ^^ ^^^^^^^ 

and twice trom G'-';';"""^' ?fC^eS On th^ 20th yon telegraph 

in'g troops to Ro«««J™^i„ ^n the 21^^^^^ _^^^^ ^^^ 

'r''\T^S*tL°"23d com ir?iC Carte,^s Station, still farther 
^Z-/Roec™,sSril saving yon will assist hi,n, but g.vmg 

^:|cconnt of any PXTen'^tl^Swv Tk I^^Loudon, and 
K,riSXat£|^int^ 

sr^nr"!«J^'srin\Kifsid?ont, 



414 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

got SO by going from the direction of Chattanooga, and that, too, 
since you have assured us you would move to Chattanooga ; while 
it would seem, too, that they could recross the Holston by whatever 
means they crossed in going east. 



September 27, 1863.— Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. 

War DEPART3IENT, September 27, 1863. 6.45 P. M. 
Major-General Burnside, Knoxville, Tennessee : 

Your despatch just received. My order to you meant simply that 
you should save Rosecrans from being crushed out, believing if he 
lost his position you could not hold East Tennessee in any event ; 
and that if he held his position, East Tennessee was substantially 
safe in any event. This despatch is in no sense an order. General 
Halleck will answer you fully. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 27, 1863. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. 

War Department, September 27, 1863. 8 p. m. 
Major-General Burnside, Knoxville, Tennessee: 

It was suggested to you, not ordered, that you should move to 
Rosecrans on the north side of the river, because it was believed 
the enemy would not permit you to join him if you should move on 
the south side. Hold your present positions, and send Rosecrans 
what you can spare, in the quickest and safest way. In the mean 
time hold the remainder as nearly in readiness to go to him as you 
can consistently with the duty it is to perform while it remains. East 
Tennessee can be no more than temporarily lost so long as Chatta- 
nooga is firmly held. 

A. Lincoln. 

September 28, 1863. — Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 28, 1863. 
My dear General Rosecrans: 

We are sending you two small corps, one under General Howard 
and one under General Slocum, and the whole under General 
Hooker. 

Unfortunately the relations between Generals Hooker and Slo- 
cum are not such as to promise good, if their present relative posi- 
tions remain. Therefore, let me beg — almost enjoin upon you — 
that on their reaching you, you will make a transposition by which 
General Slocum with his corps may pass from under the command 
of General Hooker, and General Hooker, in turn, receive some other 
equal force. It is important for this to be done, though we could 
not well arrange it here. Please do it. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 415 

September 28, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

"War Department, September 28, 1863. 8 a. m. 
Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga, Tennessee : 

You can perhaps communicate with General Burnside more 
rapidly by sending telegrams directly to him at Knoxville. Think 
of it. I send a like despatch to him. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 28, 1863. — Letter to H. Aivies. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 28, 1863. 
Mr. Horatio Ames, Falls Village, Connecticut : 

If you will on or before the first day of March, 1864, within the 
State of Connecticut, or at any point nearer this city, produce fifteen 
guns, each of capacity to carry a missile of at least one hundred 
pounds' weight, and notify me thereof, I will cause some person or 
persons to examine and test said guns ; and if, upon such examina- 
tion and test, it shall be the opinion of such person or persons that 
said guns, or any of them, are, on the whole, better guns than any 
of like caliber heretofore, or now, in use in the United States, I will, 
on account of the United States, accept said guns, or so many 
thereof as shall be so favorably reported on, and advise that you 
be paid for all so accepted, at the rate of eighty-five cents per 
pound, avoirdupois weight, of said guns so accepted ; it being un- 
derstood that I have no public money at my control, with which I 
could make such payment absolutely. Yours, etc., 

A. Lincoln. 



September 29, 1863. — Reply to Sons of Temperance. 

As a matter of course, it will not be possible for me to make a re- 
spouse coextensive with the address which you have presented to me. 
If I were better known than I am, you would not need to be told that 
in the advocacy of the cause of temperance you have a friend and 
sympathizer in me. 

When I was a young man — long ago — before the Sons of Tem- 
perance as an organization had an existence — I, in a humble way, 
made temperance speeches, and I think I may say that to this day 
I have never, by my example, belied what I then said. 

In regard to the suggestions which you make for the purpose of 
the advancement of the cause of temperance in the armv, I cannot 
make particular responses to them at this time. To prevent intem- 
perance in the army is even a part of the articles of war. It is part 
of the law of the land, and was so, I' presume, long ago, to dismiss 
officers for drunkenness. I am not sure that, consistently with the 
public service, more can be done than has been done. All, there- 
fore, that I can promise you is — if you will be pleased to furnish 



416 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

me with a copy of your address — to have it submitted to the 
proper department, aud have it considered whether it contains any 
suggestions which will improve the cause of temperance and repress 
the cause of drunkenness in the army any better tlian it is already 
done. I can promise no more than that. 

I think that the reasonable men of the world have long since 
agreed that intemperance is one of the greatest, if not the very 
greatest, of all evils among mankind. That is not a matter of 
dispute, I believe. That the disease exists, and that it is a very 
great one, is agreed upon by all. 

The mode of cure is one abont which there may be differences of 
opinion. You have suggested that in an army — our army — drunk- 
enness is a great evil, and one which, while it exists to a ver}^ great 
extent, we cannot expect to overcome so entirely as to have such 
successes in our arms as we might have without it. This undoubt- 
edly is true, and while it is perhaps rather a bad source to derive com- 
fort from, nevertheless, in a hard struggle, I do not kuow but what 
it is some consolation to be aware that there is some intemperance on 
the other side, too ; and that they have no right to beat us in physi- 
cal combat on that ground. 

But I have already said more than I expected to be able to say 
when I began, and if you please to hand me a copy of your address, 
it shall be considered. I thank you very heartily, gentlemen, for 
this call, and for bringing with you these very many pretty ladies. 



October 1, 18G3. — Letter to General J. M. Schofield. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D, C, October 1, 1863. 
General John M. Schofield: 

There is no organized mihtary force in avowed opposition to the 
General Government now in Missouri, and if any such shall reap- 
pear, your duty in regard to it will be too plain to require any 
special instruction. Still, the condition of things both there and 
elsewhere is such as to render it indispensable to maintain for a 
time the United States military establishment in that State, as well 
as to rely upon it for a fair contribution of support to that estab- 
lishment generally. Your immediate duty in regard to Missouri now 
is to advance the efficiency of that establishment, and to so use it as 
far as practicable to compel the excited people there to leave one 
another alone. Under your recent order, which I have approved, 
you will only arrest individuals and suppress assemblies or newspa- 
pers when they may be working palpable injury to the military in 
your charge, and in no other case will you interfere with the expres- 
sion of opinion in any form or allow it to be interfered with vio- 
lently by others. In this you have a discretion to exercise with 
great caution, calmness, and . forbearance. With the matters of 
removing the inhabitants of certain counties en masse, aud of re- 
moving certain individuals from time to time who are supposed to 
be mischievous, I am not now interfering, but am leaving to your 
own discretion. Nor am I interfering with what may still seem to 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 417 

yon to be necessary restrictions npon trade and intercourse. I think 
proper, however, to enjoin upon you the following: 

Allow no part of the military under your command to be engaged 
in either returning fugitive slaves or in forcing or enticing slaves 
from their homes, and, so far as practicable, enforce the same 
forbearance upon the people. 

Report to me your opinion upon the availability for good of the 
enrolled militia of the State. 

Allow no one to enlist colored troops except upon orders from you 
or from here, through you. 

Allow no one to assume the functions of confiscating property 
under the law of Congress, or otherwise, except upon orders from 
here. 

At elections see that those, and only those, are allowed to vote 
who are entitled to do so by the laws of Missouri, including, as of 
those laws, the restriction laid by the Missouri convention upon 
those who may have participated in the rebellion. 

So far as practicable, you will, by means of your military force, 
expel guerrillas, marauders, and murderers, and' all who are known 
to harbor, aid, or abet them. But in like manner you will repress 
assumptions of unauthorized individuals to perform the same service 
because, under pretense of doing this, they become marauders and 
murderers themselves. 

To now restore peace, let the military obey orders, and those not 
of the military leave each other alone, thus not breaking the peace 
themselves. 

In giving the above directions, it is not intended to restrain you 
in other expedient and necessary matters not falling within their 
range. Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 



October 2, 1863. — Telegram to General J. M. Schofield. 

Washington, D. C, October 2, 1863. 9 a. m. 
Major-General Schofield : 

I have just seen your despatch to Halleck about Major-General 
Blunt. If possible, you better allow me to get through with a cer- 
tain matter here before adding to the difficulties of it. Meantime 
supply me the particulars of Major-General Blunt's case. 

A. Lincoln. 



October 3, 1863. — Proclamation for Thanksgiving. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

The year that is drawing toward its close has been filled with the 
blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. To these bounties, 
Vol. II.— 27. 



418 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

which are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the 
source from which they come, others have been added, which are of 
so extraordinary a nature that they cannot fail to penetrate and 
soften the heart which is habitually insensible to the ever-watchful 
providence of almighty God. 

In the midst of a civil war of unequaled magnitude and severity, 
which has sometimes seemed to foreign states to invite and provoke 
their aggressions, peace has been preserved with all nations, order 
has been maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, and 
harmony has prevailed everywhere, except in the theater of military 
conflict ; while that theater has been greatly contracted by the ad- 
vancing armies and navies of the Union. 

Needful diversions of wealth and of strength from the fields of 
peaceful industry to the national defense have not arrested the 
plow, the shuttle, or the ship; the ax has enlarged the borders 
of our settlements, and the mines, as well of iron and coal as of the 
precious metals, have yielded even more abundantly than heretofore. 
Population has steadily increased, notwithstanding the waste that 
has been made in the camp, the siege, and the battle-field, and the 
country, rejoicing in the consciousness of augmented strength and 
vigor, is permitted to expect continuance of years with large in- 
crease of freedom. 

No human counsel hath devised, nor hath any mortal hand worked 
out these great things. They are the gracious gifts of the most 
high God, who, while dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath 
nevertheless remembered mercy. 

It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should be solemnly, 
reverently, and gratefully acknowledged as with one heart and one 
voice by the whole American people. I do, therefore, invite my fel- 
low-citizens in every part of the United States, and also those who 
are at sea and those who are sojourning in foreign lands, to set 
apart and observe the last Thursday of November next as a day of 
thanksgiving and praise to our beneficent Father who dwelleth in 
the heavens. And I recommend to them that, while offering up the 
ascriptions justly due to him for such singular deliverances and 
blessings, they do also, with humble penitence for our national per- 
verseness and disobedience, commend to his tender care all those who 
have become widows, orphans, mourners, or sufferers in the lament- 
able civil strife in which we are unavoidably engaged, and fervently 
implore the interposition of the almighty hand to heal the wounds 
of the nation, and to restore it, as soon as may be consistent with 
the Divine purposes, to the full enjoyment of peace, harmony, tran- 
quillity, and union. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused 
the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this third day of October, 
[l. S.] in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
sixty -three, and of the independence of the United States the 
eighty-eighth. j^ Lincoln. 

By the President : "William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 419 

October 4, 18G3. — Telegram to General J. M. Sohofield. 

Washington, D. C, October 4, 1863. 11 a. m. 
Major-GtENeral Schofield, St. Louis, Mo. : 

I think you will uot have just cause to complain of my action. 

A. Lincoln. 

October 4, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

War Department, October 4, 1863. 11.30 a, m. 

Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga, Tennessee : 

Youj'S of yesterday received. If we can hold Chattanooga and 

East Tennessee, I think the rebellion must dwindle and die. I 

think you and Burnside can do this, and hence doing so is your 

main object. Of course to greatly damage or destroy the enemy in 

your front would be a greater object, because it would include the 

former and more, but it is not so certainly within your power. I 

understand the main body of the enemy is very near you, so near 

that you could ''board at home," so to speak, and menace or 

attack him any day. Would not the doing of this be your best 

mode of counteracting his raid on your communications? But this 

is uot an order. I intend doing something like what you suggest 

whenever the case shall appear ripe enough to have it accepted in 

the true understanding rather than as a confession of weakness 

and fear. . t 

A. Lincoln. 



October 5, 1863. — Letter to C. D. Drake and Others. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, October 5, 1863. 
Hon. Charles D. Drake and Others, Committee. 

Genilemen : Your original address presented on the 30th ultimo, 
and the four supplementary ones presented on the 3d instant, have 
been carefully considered. I hope you will regard the other duties 
claiming my attention, together with the great length and impor- 
tance of these documents, as constituting a sufficient apology for 
my not having responded sooner. These papers, framed for a com- 
mon object, consist of the things demanded and the reasons for de- 
nuinding them. The things demanded are : 

First. That General Schofield shall be relieved, and General 
Butler be appointed, as commander of the military department of 
Missouri. 

Second. That the system of enrolled militia in Missom-i may be 
l)r()ken up, and national forces be substituted for it ; and 

Third. That at elections persons may not be allowed to vote who 
are not entitled by law to do so. 

Among the reascms given, enough of suffering and wrong to 
Union men is certainly, and I suppose truly, stated. Yet the whole 



420 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

ease, as presented, fails to convince me that General Schofield or 
the enrolled militia is responsible for that suffering and wrong. The 
whole can be explained on a more charitable and, as I think, a more 
rational hypothesis. "We are in civil war. In such cases there always 
is a main question ; but in this case that question is a perplexing com- 
pound — Union and slavery. It thus becomes a question not of two 
sides merely, but of at least four sides, even among those who are for 
the Union, saying nothing of those who are against it. Thus, those 
who are for the Union with, but not without, slavery — those for it 
without, but not with — those for it with or without, but prefer it 
with — and those for it with or without, but prefer it without. 

Among these again is a subdivision of those who are for gradual, 
but not for immediate, and those who are for immediate, but not 
for gradual, extinction of slavery. It is easy to conceive that all 
these shades of opinion, and even more, may be sincerely enter- 
tained by honest and truthful men. Yet, all being for the Union, 
by reason of these differences each will prefer a different way of 
sustaining the Union. At once sincerity is questioned, and motives 
are assailed. Actual war coming, blood grows hot, and blood is 
spilled. Thought is forced from old channels into confusion. De- 
ception breeds and thrives. Confidence dies and universal suspi- 
cion reigns. Each man feels an impulse to kill his neighbor, lest 
he be first killed by him. Revenge and retaliation follow. And all 
this, as before said, may be among honest men only; but this is not 
all. Every foul bird comes abroad and every dirty reptile rises up. 
These add crime to confusion. Strong measures deemed indispen- 
sable, but harsh at best, such men make worse by maladministra- 
tion. Murders for old grudges, and murders for pelf, proceed 
under any cloak that will best cover for the occasion. These causes 
amply account for what has occurred in Missouri, without ascribing 
it to the weakness or wickedness of any general. The newspaper 
files, those chroniclers of current events, will show that the evils now 
complained of were quite as prevalent under Fremont, Hunter, 
Halleck, and Curtis, as under Schofield. If the former had greater 
force opposed to them, they also had greater force with which to 
meet it. When the organized rebel army left the State, the main 
Federal force had to go also, leaving the department commander at 
home relatively no stronger than before. Without disparaging 
any, I affirm with confidence that no commander of th*at department 
has, in proportion to his means, done better than General Schofield. 

The first specific charge against General Schofield is that the en- 
rolled militia was placed under his command, whereas it had not 
been placed under the command of General Curtis. The fact, I be- 
lieve, is true ; but you do not point out, nor can I conceive how that 
did or could injure loyal men or the Union cause. 

You charge that, upon General Curtis being superseded by Gen- 
eral Schofield, Franklin A. Dick was superseded by James O. Broad- 
bead as Provost-Marshal-General. No very specific showing is 
made as to how this did or could injure the Union cause. It re- 
calls, however, the condition of things, as presented to me, which 
led to a change of commander for that department. 



I 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 421 

To restrain contraband intelligence and trade, a system of searches, 
seizures, permits, and passes had been introduced, I think, by Gen- 
eral Fremont. When General Halleck came, he found and con- 
tinued this system, and added an order, applicable to some parts of 
the State, to levy and collect contributions from noted rebels, to 
compensate losses and relieve destitution caused by the rebellion. 
The action of General Fremont and General Halleck, as stated, 
constituted a sort of system, which General Curtis found in full 
operation when he took command of the department. That there 
was a necessity for something of the sort was clear, but that it could 
only be justified by stern necessity, and that it was liable to great 
abuse in administration, was equally clear. Agents to execute it, 
contrary to the great prayer, were led into temptation. Some 
might, while others would not, resist that temptation. It was not pos- 
sible to hold any to a very strict accountability, and those yielding 
to the temptation would sell permits and passes to those who would 
pay most and most readily for them ; and would seize property and 
collect levies in the aptest way to fill their own pockets. Money 
being the object, the man having money, whether loyal or disloyal, 
would be a victim. This practice doubtless existed to some extent, 
and it was a real additional evil that it could be and was plausibly 
charged to exist in greater extent than it did. 

When General Curtis took command of the department, Mr. Dick, 
against whom I never knew anything to allege, had general charge 
of this system. A controversy in regard to it rapidly grew into 
almost unmanageable proportions. One side ignored the necessity 
and magnified the evils of the system, while the other ignored the 
evils and magnified the necessity, and each bitterly assailed the mo- 
tives of the other. I coidd not fail to see that the controversy en- 
larged in the same proportion as the professed Union men there 
distinctly took sides in two opposing political parties. I exhausted 
my wits, and very nearly my patience also, in efforts to convince 
both that the evils they charged on each other were inherent in the 
case, and could not be cured by giving either party a victory over 
the other. 

Plainly the irritating system was not to be perpetual, and it was 
plausibly urged that it could be modified at once with advantage. 
The case could scarcely be worse, and whether it could be made bet- 
ter could only be determined by a trial. In this view, and not to 
ban or brand General Curtis, or to give a victory to any party, I 
made the change of commander for the department. 

I now learn that soon after this change Mr. Dick was removed, 
and that Mr. Broadhead, a gentleman of no less good character, was 
put in the place. The mere fact of this change is more distinctly 
complained of than is any conduct of the new ofiicer or other conse- 
quences of the change. 

I gave the new commander no instructions as to the administra- 
tion of the system mentioned beyond what is contained in the pri- 
vate letter afterward surreptitiously published, in which I directed 
him to act solely for the public good and independently of both par- 
ties. Neither anything you have presented me nor anything I have 



422 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

otherwise learned has convinced me that he has been unfaithful to 
this charge. 

Imbecility is urged as one cause for removing General Schofield, 
and the late massacre at Lawrence, Kansas, is pressed as evidence 
of tiiat imbecility. To my mind that fact scarcely tends to prove 
the proposition. That massacre is only an example of what Grier- 
son, John [H.] Morgan, and many others might have repeatedly 
done on their respective raids had they chosen to incur the personal 
hazard and possessed the fiendish hearts to do it. 

The charge is made that General Schofield, on purpose to protect 
the Lawrence murderers, would not allow them to be pursued into 
Missouri. While no punishment could be too sudden or too severe 
for those murderers, I am well satisfied that the preventing of the 
threatened remedial raid into Missouri was the only safe way to 
avoid an indiscriminate massacre there, including probably more 
innocent than guilty. Instead of condemning I therefore approve 
what I understand General Schofield did in that respect. 

The charges that General Schofield has purposely withheld pro- 
tection from loyal people and purposely facilitated the objects of the 
disloyal are altogether beyond my power of belief. I do not ar- 
raign the veracity of gentlemen as to the facts complained of, but I 
do more than question the judgment which would infer that those 
facts occurred in accordance with the purposes of General Schofield. 

With my present views, I must decline to remove General Scho- 
field. In this I decide nothing against General Butler. I sincerely 
wish it were convenient to assign him a suitable command. In or- 
der to meet some existing evils I have addressed a letter of instruc- 
tions to General Schofield, a copy of which I inclose to you. 

As to the enrolled militia, I shall endeavor to ascertain better 
than I now know what is its exact value. Let me say now, however, 
that your proposal to substitute national forces for the enrolled 
militia implies that in your judgment the latter is doing something 
which needs to be done ; and if so, the proposition to throw that 
force away and to supply its place by bringing other forces from 
the field where they are urgently needed seems to me very extra- 
ordinary. Whence shall they come? Shall they be withdrawn 
from Banks, or Grant, or Steele, or Rosecrans ? Few things have 
been so grateful to my anxious feelings as when, in June last, the 
local force in Missouri aided General Schofield to so promptly send 
a large general force to the relief of General Grant, then investing 
Vicksburg, and menaced from without by General Johnston. Was 
this all wrong? Should the enrolled militia then have been broken 
up and General Herron kept from Grant to police Missouri? So far 
from finding cause to object, I confess to a sympathy for whatever re- 
lieves our general force in Missouri and allows it to serve elsewhere. 
I therefore, as at present advised, cannot attempt the destruction of 
the enrolled militia of Missouri. I may add that the force being 
under the national military control, it is also within the proclamation 
in regard to the Jiaheas corpus. 

I concur in the propriety of your request in regard to elections, 
and have, as you see, directed General Schofield accordingly. I do 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 423 

not feel justified to enter upon the broad field you present in regard 
to the politieal differences between Radicals and Conservatives. 
From time to time I have done and said what appeared to me proper 
to do and say. The public knows it all. It obliges nobody to fol- 
low me, and I trust it obliges me to follow nobody. The Radicals 
and Conservatives ea(!h agree with me in some things and disagi'ee 
in others. I could wish both to agree with me in all things, for then 
they would agree with each other and would be too strong for any 
foe from any quarter. They, however, choose to do otherwise ; and 
I do not question their right. I too shall do what seems to be my 
duty. I hold whoever commands in Missouri or elsewhere respon- 
sible to me and not to either Radicals or Conservatives. It is my 
duty to hear all, but at last I must, within my sphere, judge what to 
do and what to forbear. Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 



October 5, 1863. — Memorandum concerning T. J. Carter. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 5, 1863. 
Whom if may concern : Unless something now unknown and un- 
expected shall come to my knowledge, tending to change my pur- 
pose, I shall, at the proper time, appoint Timothy J. Carter one of 
the two directors to be appointed by the President, according to a 
provision in the first section of the act of Congress, entitled " An 
act to aid in the construction of a railroad and telegraph line fi-om 
the Missouri River to the Pacific Ocean, and to secure to the gov- 
ernment the use of the same for postal, military, and other pur- 
poses, approved July 1, 1862." 

Abraham Lincoln. 



October 9, 1863. — Detail of C. B. Stewart for certain 

PURPOSES. 

Executr'^e Mansion, Washington, October 9, 1863. 
To u'liom it mcuj concern : In pursuance of a resolution of the Sen- 
ate and Assembly of the State of New York, in the words following, 
to wit : " Resolved, That the governor be and hereby is empowered 
and requested to invite the President of the United States to select 
and detail a competent engineer in behalf and at the expense of 
the G-eneral Government, to consult with the engineers so to be ap- 
pointed by the canal board, in respect to the surveys mentioned in 
the preceding resolution, and as to the mode of constructing the 
work so as most effectually to promote the national interests," and 
in response to the invitation of the governor of said State of New 
York, made in virtue of said resolution, I do hereby select and 
detail Charles B. Stewart, of Geneva, in said State, to perform the 
duties contemplated in and by said resolution, it being understood 



424: LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

by said Stewart that he is to rely upon an appropriation hereafter 
to be made by Congress, for any compensation he may receive. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



October 10, 1863. — Telegram to General G. G. Meade. 

Washington, October 10, 1863. 4.55 p. m. 
General Meade : 
Am interested with your despatch of noon. How is it now ? 

A. Lincoln. 

October 12, 1863. — Telegrajm to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

{Cipher.) 

War Department, October 12, 1863. 8.35 a. m. 
Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga, Tennessee : 

As I understand, Burnside is menaced from the west, and so can- 
not go to you without surrendering East Tennessee. I now think 
the enemy will not attack Chattanooga and I think you will have 
to look out for his making a concentrated drive at Burnside. You 
and Burnside now have him by the throat ; and he must break your 
hold or perish. I therefore think you better try to hold the road 
up to Kingston, leaving Burnside to what is above there. Sherman 
is coming to you, though gaps in the telegraph prevent our know- 
ing how far he is advanced. He and Hooker will so support you 
on the west and northwest as to enable you to look east and 
northeast. This is not an order. General Halleck will give his 
views. A. Lincoln. 

October 12, 1863. — Telegram to General G. G. Meade. 

Washington, October 12, 1863. 9 a. m. 
Major-General Meade : 

What news this morning ? A despatch from Rosecrans, leaving 
him at 7.30 p. m. yesterday, says : 

Rebel rumors that head of Ewell's eolumn reached Dalton yesterday. 
I send this for what it is worth. A. Lincoln. 

October 14, 1863. — Letter to Thurlow Weed. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 14, 1863. 
Hon. Thurlow Weed. 

My dmr Sir: I have been brought to fear recently that somehow, 
by commission or omission, I have caused you some degree of pain. 
I have never entertained an unkind feeling or a disparaging thought 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 425 

toward you; and if I have said or done anything which has been con- 
strued into such unkindness or disparagement, it has been miscon- 
strued. I am sure if we coukl meet we would not part with any 
uni)leasaut impression on either side. 

Yours as ever, A. Lincoln. 

October 16, 1863.— Letter to General H. W. Halleck. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, October 16, 1863. 
Major-GtENERAl Halleck : 

I do not believe Lee can have over 60,000 effective men. 

Longstreet's corps would not be sent away to bring an equal force 
back upon the same road ; and there is no other direction for them 
to have come from. i. j • n 

Doubtless, in making the present movement, Lee gathered m all 
available scraps, and added them to Hill's and E well's corps; but 
that is all, and he made the movement in the belief that four corps 
had left General Meade; and General Meade's apparently avoiding 
a collision with him has confirmed him in that belief. If General 
Meade can now attack him on a field no worse than equal for us, and 
will do so with all the skill and courage which he, his ofificers, and 
men possess, the honor will be his if he succeeds, and the blame may 
be mine if he fails. Yours truly, ^ Lincoln. 



October 17, 1863.— Call for 300,000 Volunteers. 

. By the President of the United States of America : 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas the term of service of a part of the volunteer forces of 
the United States will expire during the coming year, and whereas, 
in addition to the men raised by the present draft, it is deemed ex- 
pedient to call out three hundred thousand volunteers to serve for 
three vears or the war, not, however, exceeding three years : 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the L'uited 
States, and commander-in-chief of the army and navy thereof, and 
of the militia of the several States when called into actual service, 
do issue this, my proclamation, calling upon the governors of the 
different States to raise and have enlisted into the United States 
service, for the various companies and regiments in the field from 
their respective States, their quotas of three hundred thousand men. 

I further proclaim that all volunteers thus called out and duly 
enlisted shall receive advance pay, premium, and bounty, as hereto- 
fore communicated to the governors of States by the War Depart- 
ment, through the Provost-Marshal-General's office, by special letters. 

I further proclaim that all volunteers received under this call, as 
well as all others not heretofore credited, shall be duly credited on, 
and deducted from, the quotas established for the next draft. 



426 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

I further proclaim that if any State shall fail to raise the quota 
assigned to it by the War Department nnder this call, then a draft 
for the deficiency in said quota shall be made on said State, or on 
the districts of said State, for their due proportion of said qnota ; 
and the said draft shall commence on the fifth day of January, 1864. 

And I further proclaim that nothing- in this proclamation shall 
interfere with existing orders, or those which maybe issued, for the 
present draft in the States where it is now in progress, or where it 
has not yet commenced. 

The quotas of the States and districts will be assigned by the 
War Departinent, through the Provost-Marshal-GeneraPs office, due 
regard being had for the men heretofore furnished, whether by vol- 
unteeriug or drafting, and the recruiting will be conducted in ac- 
cordance with such instructions as have been or may be issued by 
that department. 

In issuing this proclamation, I address myself not only to the 
governors of the several States, but also to the good and loyal peo- 
ple thereof, invoking them to lend their willing, cheerful, and effec- 
tive aid to the measures thus adopted, with a view to reinforce our 
victorious armies now in the field, and bring our needful military 
operations to a prosperous end, thus closing forever the fountains 
of sedition and civil war. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this seventeenth day of 
r 1 October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
'- * "^ dred and sixty- three, and of the independence of the United 
States the eighty-eighth. 

Abrahaim Lincoln. 

By the President : Williaji H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

October 17, 1863. — Telegram to J. Williams and N. G-. Taylor. 

War Department, October 17, 1863. 
John Willia]\is and N. G. Taylor, Knoxville, Tennessee : 

You do not estimate the holding of East Tennessee more highly 
than I do. There is no absolute purpose of withdrawing our forces 
from it, and only a contingent one to withdraw them temporarily 
for the purpose of not losing the position permanently. I am in 
great hope of not finding it necessary to withdraw them at all, par- 
ticularly if you raise new troops rapidly for us there. 

A. Lincoln. 



October 19, 1863. — Letter to Governor Gamble. 

ExECUTR^ Mansion, Washington, D. C, October 19, 1863. 
His Excellency Hamilton R. Gamble, Governor of Missouri: 

Yours of the 1st instant was duly received; and I have delayed so 
long to answer it because of other pressing duties ; because it did not 



LETTERS AND STATil PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 427 

appear to me that the domestic violence you apprehend was very 
imminent; and because, if it were so imminent, my direction to Gren- 
eral Sehofield embraces very nearly the extent of my power to 
repress it. Beinj^ instructed to repress all violence, of course he will, 
so far as in his power, repress any which may be offered to the State 
g'overnment. At the beginning- of our present troubles, the rej^u- 
larly installed State officers of Missouri, taking: sides with the 
rebellion, were forced to give way to the provisional State govern- 
ment, at the head of which you stand, and which was placed in 
authority, as I understood, by the unanimous action and acqui- 
escence of the Union people of the State. I have seen no occasion 
to make a distinction against the provisional government because of 
its not having been chosen and inaugurated in the usual way. Nor 
have I seen any cause to suspect it of unfaithfulness to the Union. 
So far as I have yet considered, I am as ready, on a proper case 
made, to give the State the constitutional protection against inva- 
sion and domestic violence, under the provisional government, as I 
would be if it were under a government installed in the ordinary 
manner, I have not thought of making a distinction. 

In your proclamation of the 12tli instant you state the proposition 
substantially, that no objection can be made to any change in the 
State government which the people may desire to make so far as 
the end can be effected by means conforming to the constitution 
and laws through the expression of the popular will, but that 
such change should not be effected by violence. I concur in this, 
and I may add that it makes precisely the distinction I wish to keep 
in view. In the absence of such violence, or imminent danger 
thereof, it is not proper for the national executive to interfere, and 
I am unwilling by any formal action to show an appearance of be- 
lief that there is such imminent danger before I really believe there 
is. I might thereby to some extent bear false witness. You tell me 
" a party has sprung up in Missouri which openly and loudly pro- 
claims the purpose to overturn the provisional government by vio- 
lence." Does the party so proclaim, or is it only that some members 
of the party so proclaim f If I mistake not, the party alluded to re- 
cently held a State convention and adopted resolutions. Did they 
therein declare violence against the provisional State government ? 
No party can be justly held responsible for what individual mem- 
bers of it may say or do. Nothing in this letter is written with 
reference to any State which may have maintained within it no State 
government professedly loyal to the United States 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

October 19, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

War Department, October 19, 18G3. 9 a. m. 
Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga, Tennessee : 

There has been no battle recently at Bull Run. I snp])oso what 
you have heard a rumor of was not a general battle but an *' affair" 
at Bristow Station, on the railroad a few miles beyond Manassas 



428 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

Junction toward the Rappahannock, on Wednesday, the 14th. It 
began by an attack of the enemy upon General Warren, and ended 
in the enemy being repulsed with a loss of four cannon and from 
foui* to seven hundred prisoners. 

A. Lincoln. 



October 21, 1863. — Telegram to General R. C. Schenck. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 21, 1863. 2.45 p. m. 
Major-General Schenck, Baltimore, Maryland : 

A delegation is here saying that our armed colored troops are at 
many, if not all, the landings on the Patuxent River, and by their 
presence with arms in their hands are frightening quiet people and 
producing great confusion. Have they been sent there by any order, 
and if so, for what reason ? 

A. Lincoln. 



October 22, 1863. — Telegram to General R. C. Schenck. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 22, 1863. 1.30 p. m. 
Major-General Schenck, Baltimore, Maryland: 

Please come over here. The fact of one of our officers being 
killed on the Patuxent is a specimen of what I would avoid. It 
seems to me we could send white men to recruit better than to send 
negroes and thus inaugurate homicides on punctilio. Please come 
over. 

A. Lincoln. 

October 24, 1863. — Letter to General H. W. Halleck. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 24, 1863. 
Major-General Halleck : 

Taking all our information together, I think it probable that 
EwelFs corps has started for East Tennessee by way of Abingdon, 
marching last Monday, say, from Meade's front directly to the rail- 
road at Charlottesville, 

First, the object of Lee's recent movement against Meade ; his 
destruction of the Alexandria and Orange Railroad, and subse- 
quent withdrawal, without more motive, not otherwise apparent, 
would be explained by this hypothesis. 

Secondly, the direct statement of Sharpe's men that Ewell has 
gone to Tennessee. 

Thirdly, the Irishman's statement that he has not gone through 
Richmond and his further statement of an appeal made to the peo- 
ple at Richmond to go and protect their salt, which could only refer 
to the works near Abingdon. 

Fourthly, Graham's statement from Martinsburg that Imboden is 
in retreat "for Harrisonburg. This last patches with the idea that 



LETTEHS AND STATE PAPERS OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN 429 

Lee has retained his ^^^y^^^J^^^^Z^t' 
scraps to join Ewell. Upon ttii. P «^f ^;\\^,,^'\^^^ say. If you have 

If\you have a Plf';,;j;f ^j '^n po s^^^^^^^^ the Army of 

not, then I su-gest that, ^itU all po^^^ F ^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^ 

the Potomac g^treadv to attack Lee ami tnat^ Lvnchburg. 

raid shall, at all hazards, break the aihoad Lincoln 



Yours truly, 



October 26, 1863.-Letter Teansmitting Origdjal Draft of 
Emancipation Proclamation. 
ExECUTm: Mansion, Washington, October 26, 1863. 
Labifs HAvma in Charge thf Northwfstern Fair for the 

ceive, are not in my handwriting They were w»"^\!^ ^^^^^^^ 

z^^a t.V;tnrcS!,°. ^^^^^^^- 

Your obedient servant, A. ijiNtui..N. 

October 26, 1863.— Letter to G. H. Boker. 

Executive Mansion, October 26, 1863. 

OEORGF H. BOKER ^^^^^^^,^^„, that I acknowledge 
th /ecdp you omm'iTcatiou of the 6th, and the acoompanying 
medal by which I am made au honorary member of the Uniou 

^TT.lf i^w'I^fbearwith me the consciousness ol having en- 
deivtS to'KyVutyl the tn-ing tunes thi^ig^^ w jc we^are 

the iionor you have conferred upon me. 

tlie nouoi JO ^^ ^^^ ^^^^, obedient servant, 

•^ A. Lincoln. 



430 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

October 26, 1863. — Letter to E. B. Washburne. 

{Private and confidential.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 26, 1863. 
Hon. E. B. Washburne. 

Ml/ dear Sir : Yours of the 12th has been in my hands several 
days. Inclosed I send the leave of absence for your brother, in as 
good form as I think I can safely put it. Without knowing 
whether he would accept it, I have tendered the coUeetorship at 
Portland, Maine, to your other brother, the governor. 

Thanks to both you and our friend Campbell for your kind words 
and intentions. A second term would be a great honor and a great 
labor, which, together, perhaps I would not decline if tendered. 

Yours truly, a. Lincoln. 

October 26, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 26, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary op the Treasury. 

M}/ dear Sir : The writer of the accompanying letter is one of 
Mrs. Lincoln's numerous cousins He is a grandson of " Milliken's 
Bend," near Vicksburg — that is, a grandson of the man who gave 
name to Milliken's Bend. His father was a brother to Mrs. Lin- 
coln's mother. I know not a thing about his loyalty beyond what 
he says. Supposing he is loyal, can any of his requests be granted, 
and if any, which of them ? Yours truly, a. Lincoln. 



October 27, 1863. — Opinion on the Loss of General R. H. 
Milroy's Division. 

October 27, 1863. 

In June last a division was substantially lost at or near Win- 
chester, Va. At the time, it was under General Milroy as immediate 
commander in the field. General Schenck as department com- 
mander at Baltimore, and General Halleck as general-in-chief at 
Washington. 

General Milroy, as immediate commander, was put in arrest, and 
subsequently a court of inquiry examined chiefly with reference to 
disobedience of orders, and reported the evidence. 

The foregoing is a synoptical statement of the evidence, together 
with the judge-advocate-general's conclusions. The disaster, when 
it came, was a surprise to all. It was very well known to Generals 
Schenck and Milroy for some time before, that General Halleck 
thought the division was in great danger of a surprise at Winches- 
ter; that it was of no service commensurate with the risk it in- 
curred, and that it ought to be withdrawn ; but, although he more 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 431 

than once advised its withdrawal he never Po^i^i^'^^^ ."^;^}f:^,!i^|,t 
General Schenck, on the contrary, believed the service of the force 
at Winchester was worth the hazard, and so did not positively 
order its withdrawal until it was so late that the enemy cut the wiie 
and prevented the order reaching General Milroy. 

Gcnieral Milrov seems to have concurred with General Schenck 
in the i;hii.ui that the force should be kept at Winchester at least 
until the approach of danger, but he disobeyed no order upon the 

'''some question can be made whether some of General HaUe^ck's 
despatches to General Schenck should not have been construed to 
be orders to withdraw the force, and obeyed accordingly ; but no 
such question can be made against General Milroy. In ±act the 
last order he received was to be prepared to withdraw, but not to 
actually withdraw until further order, which further ordei never 

^^'ser^ous' biame is not necessarily due to any serious disaster, and 
I cannot say that in this case any of the officers are deserving of 
serious blame. No court-martial is deemed necessary or proper in 

^^® ^^^^- • A. Lincoln. 

October 27, 1863.— Letter to T. Swann. 

{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, October 27, 1863. 

Hon. Thomas Swann. t ip * 

Dear Sir: Your letter, a copy of which is on the other halt ot 
this sheet, is received. I trust there is no Jnst ground fo^' t^^e siis- 
picion vou mention; and I am somewhat mortified that there could 
be any"doubt of my views upon the point of your inquiry 1 ^vis h 
all loyal qualified voters in Maryland and elsewhere to have the un- 
disturbed privilege of voting at elections ; and neither my authority 
nor my name can be properly used to the contrary. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

Publish both letters, if either. ^- ^• 

October28, 1863.— Letter to Gener.\l Schofield. 
{Private and Confidential) 
Executive Mansion, Washington, October 28, 1863. 
General John M. Schofield. 

There have recently reached the War Department, and thence 
been laid before me, from Missouri, three commnnications, all smii- 
lar in import and identical in object. One of them, addressed to 
nobodv, and without place or date, but having the signature ot (ap- 
parently) the writer, is a letter of eight closely written foolscap 



432 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OP ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

pages. The other two are written by a different person, at St. Jo- 
seph, Mo., and of the dates, respectively, October 12 and 13, 1863, 
and each inclosing a large nmnber of affidavits. The general state- 
ments of the whole are that the Federal and State authorities are 
arming the disloyal and disarming the loyal, and that the latter 
will all be killed or driven out of the State unless there shall be a 
change. In particular, no loyal man who has been disarmed is 
named, but the affidavits show by name forty-two persons as dis- 
loyal who have been armed. They are as follows : [The names are 
omitted.] 

A majority of these are shown to have been in the rebel service. 
I believe it could be shown that the government here has deliber- 
ately armed more than ten times as many captured at Gettysburg, 
to say nothing of similar operations in East Tennessee. These pa- 
pers contain altogether thirty-one manuscript pages, and one news- 
paper in extenso, and yet I do not find it anywhere charged in them 
that any loyal man has been harmed by reason of being disarmed, 
or that any disloyal one has harmed anybody by reason of being 
armed by the Federal or State Government. Of course, I have not 
had time to carefully examine all ; bnt I have had most of them 
examined and briefed by others, and the result is as stated. The re- 
markable fact that the actual evil is yet only anticipated — in- 
ferred — induces me to suppose I understand the case; but I do not 
state my impression, because I might be mistaken, and because your 
duty and mine is plain in any event. The locality of nearly all this 
seems to be St. Joseph and Buchanan County. I wish you to give 
special attention to this region, particularly on election day. Prevent 
violence from whatever quarter, and see that the soldiers themselves 
do no wrong. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



October 29, 1863.— Note to General C. B. Fisk. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 29, 1863. 
General Clinton B. Fisk. 

My dear Sir : I have just received and read your very kind and in- 
structive letter of the 24th, for which please accept my thanks. It 
is so free from passion, and so full of charity and good-will, that 
I regret not having time to do more than acknowledge the receipt 
of it. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



October 29, 1863.— Letter to Vice-President Haivilin. 

An Act to regulate the duties of the Clerk or the House of Rep- 
resentatives IN PREPARING FOR THE ORGANIZATION OF THE HoUSE. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress asseml^led, that, before the first meeting of 
the next Congress, and of every subsequent Congi-ess, the clerk of the next 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 433 

preceding House of Representatives shall make a roll of the Representa- 
tives-elect, and place thereon the names of all persons, and of such persons 
only, whose credentials show that they were regularly elected in accordance 
with the laws of their States respectively, or the laws of the United States. 
Ai)proved March 3, 18G3. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, October 29, 1863. 
His Excellency H. Hamlin, Vice-President. 

My dear Sir : The alcove act of Congress was passed, as I suppose, 
to exclude improper applicants from seats in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, and there is danger now that it will be used to exclude 
proper ones. The attempt will be made, if at all, upon the members 
of those States whose delegations are entirely, or by a majority. 
Union men, and of which your State is one. 

I suppose your members already have the usual certificates — 
which let them bring on. I suggest that for greater caution, yourself, 
the two senators, Messrs. Fessenden and Morrill, and the (xovernor 
consider this matter, and that the Cloveruor make out an additional 
certificate, or set of certificates, in the form on the other half of this 
sheet, and still another, if on studying the law you gentlemen shall 
be able to frame one which will give additional security; and bring 
the whole with you, to be used if found necessary. Let it all be 
done quietly. The members of Congress themselves need not know 
of it. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



October 3l, 1863. — Memorandum. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 31, 1863. 
The Provost-Marshal-General has issued no proclamation at all. 
He has in no form announced anything recently in regard to troops 
in New York, except in his letter to Governor Seymour of October 
21, which has been published in the newspapers of that State. It 
has not been announced or decided in any form by the Provost- 
Marshal-General, or any one else in authority of the government, that 
every citizen who has paid his three hundred dollars commutation 
is liable to be immediately drafted again, or that towns that have 
just raised the money to pay their quotas will have again to be sub- 
ject to similar taxation or suffer the operations of the new conscrip- 
tion, nor is it probable that the like- of them ever will be announced 
or decided. 



November 2, 1863, — Letter to Postihaster-General Blair. 

Executrt: Mansion, Washington, November 2, 1863. 
Hon. Montgomery Blair. 

Mi/ dear Sir : Some days ago I understood you to say that j^our 
brother. General Frank Blair, desires to be guided by my wishes as 
to whether he will occupy his seat in Congress or remain in the field. 
Vol. II.— 28. 



434 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

My wish, then, is compounded of what I believe will be best for the 
country and best for him, and it is that he will come here, put his mili- 
tary commission in my hands, take his seat, go into caucus with our 
friends, abide the nominations, help elect the nominees, and thus 
aid to organize a House of Representatives which will really sup- 
port the government in the war. If the result shall be the election 
of himself as Speaker, let him serve in that position ; if not, let him 
retake his commission and return to the army. For the country 
this will heal a dangerous schism ; for him it will relieve from a dan- 
gerous position. By a misunderstanding, as I think, he is in danger 
of being permanently separated from those with whom only he can 
ever have a real sympathy — the sincere opponents of slavery. It 
will be a mistake if he shall allow the provocations offered him by 
insincere time-servers to drive him out of the house of his own 
building. He is young yet. He has abundant talent — quite enough 
to occupy all his time without devoting any to temper. He is rising 
in military skill and usefulness. His recent appointment to the com- 
mand of a corps by one so competent to judge as General Sherman 
proves this. In that line he can serve both the country and himself 
more profitably than he could as a member of Congress on the floor. 
The foregoing is what I would say if Frank Blair were my brother 
instead of yours. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



November 2, 1863. — Letter to Governor Bradford. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 2, 1863. 
His Excellency A. W. Bradford, Governor of Maryland. 

Sir : Yours of the 31st ult. was received yesterday about noon, 
and since then I have been giving most earnest attention to the sub- 
ject-matter of it. At my call General Schenck has attended, and he 
assures me it is almost certain that violence will be used at some of 
the voting places on election day unless prevented by his provost- 
guards. He says that at some of those places Union voters will not 
attend at all, or run a ticket, unless they have some assurance of 
protection. This makes the Missouri case, of my action in regard 
to which you express your approval. 

The remaining point of your letter is a protest against any person 
offering to vote being put to any test not found m the laws of 
Maryland. This brings us to a difference between Missouri and 
Maryland. With the same reason in both States, Missouri has, by 
law, provided a test for the voter with reference to the present re- 
bellion, while Maryland has not. For example. General Trimble, 
captured fighting us at Gettysburg, is, without recanting his treason, 
a legal voter by the laws of Maryland. Even General Schenck's or- 
der admits him to vote, if he recants upon oath. I think that is 
cheap enough. My order in Missouri, which you approve, and Gen- 
eral Schenck's order here, reach precisely the same end. Each as- 
sures the right of voting to all loyal men, and whether a man is 
loyal, each allows that man to fix by his own oath. Your suggestion 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 435 

that nearly all the candidates are loyal, I do not think quite meets 
the case. In this strug'gie for the nation's life, I cannot so confi- 
dently rely on those whose elections may have depended upon dis- 
loyal votes. Such men, when elected, may prove true ; but such 
votes are given them in the expectation that they will prove false. 

Nor do I think that to keep the peace at the polls, and to prevent 
the persistently disloyal from voting, constitutes just cause of offense 
to Maryland. I think she has her own examj)le for it. If I mistake 
not, it is precisely what General Dix did when your Excellency was 
elected governor. 

I revoke the first of the three propositions in General Schenck's 
General Order No. 53 ; not that it is wrong in ])rinciple, l)ut he- 
cause the military, being of necessity exclusive judges as to who 
shall be arrested, the provision is too liable to abuse. For the 
revoked part I substitute the following: 

That all provost-marshals and other military officers do prevent all dis- 
turbance and violence at or about the polls, whether offered by such 
persons as above described, or by any other person or persons whomsoever. 

The other two propositions of the order I allow to stand. General 
Schenck is fully determined, and has my strict orders besides, that 
all loyal men may vote, and vote for whom they please. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



November 2, 1863. — Letter to J. H. Hackett. 

(Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 2, 1863. 
James H. Hackett. 

My dear Sir : Yours of October 22 is received, as also was in due 
course that of October 3. I look forward with pleasure to the ful- 
filment of the promise made in the former. 

Give yourself no uneasiness on the subject mentioned in that of 
the 22d. 

My note to you I certainly did not expect to see in print ; yet I 
have not been much shocked by the newspaper comments upon it. 
Those comments constitute a fair specimen of what has occurred to 
me through life. I have endured a great deal of ridicule without 
much malice ; and have received a great deal of kindness, not quite 
free from ridicule. I am used to it. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

November 5, 1863. — Letter to General N. P. Banks. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 5, 1863. 
Major-General Banks: 

Three mouths ago to-day I wrote you about Louisiana affairs, 
stating, on the word of Governor Shepley, as I understood him, 



436 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OP ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

that Mr. Durant was taking a registry of citizens preparatory to 
the election of a constitutional convention for that State. I sent a 
copy of the letter to Mr. Durant, and I now have his letter, written 
two months after, acknowledging receipt, and saying he is not tak- 
ing such registry ; and he does not let me know that he personally 
is expecting to do so. Mr. Flanders, to whom I also sent a copy, is 
now here, and he says nothing has yet been done. This disappoints 
me bitterly ; yet I do not throw blame on you or on them. 

I do, however, urge both you and them to lose no more time. 

Governor Shepley has special instructions from the War Depart- 
ment. I wish him — those gentlemen and others cooperating — 
without waiting for more territory, to go to work and give me a 
tangible nucleus which the remainder of the State may rally around 
as fast as it can, and which I can at once recognize and sustain as 
the true State government. And in that work I wish you and all 
under your command to give them a hearty sympathy and support. 

The instruction to Governor Shepley bases the movement (and 
rightfully, too) upon the loyal element. Time is important. There 
is danger, even now, that the adverse element seeks insidiously to 
preoccupy the ground. If a few professedly loyal men shall draw 
the disloyal about them, and colorably set up a State government, 
repudiating the Emancipation Proclamation, and reestablishing 
slavery, I cannot recognize or sustain their work. I should fall 
powerless in the attempt. This government in such an attitude 
would be a house divided against itself. 

1 have said, and say again, that if a new State government, acting 
in harmony with this government, and consistently with general 
freedom, shall think best to adopt a reasonable temporary arr-ange- 
ment in relation to the landless and homeless freed people, I do not 
object ; but my word is out to be for and not against them on the 
question of their permanent freedom. I do not insist upon such 
temporary arrangement, but only say such would not be objection- 
able to me. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



November 9, 1863. — Letter to J. J. Astor, Jr., and Others. 

{Private, except to General Dix.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, November 9, 1863. 
Messrs. J. J. Astor, Jr., R. B. Roosevelt, and Nathaniel Sands. 
Gentlemen : Upon the subject of your letter, I have to say that it 
is beyond my province to interfere with New York city politics; that 
I am very grateful to General Dix for the zealous and able military 
and quasi-civil support he has given the government during the 
war, and that if the people of New York should tender him the 
mayoralty, and he accept it, nothing on that subject could be more 
satisfactory to me. In this I must not be understood as saying 
aught against any one, or as attempting the least degree of dicta- 
tion in the matter. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 437 

To state it in another way, if General Dix's present relation to 
the General Government lays any restraint upon him in tliis matter, 
I wish to remove that restraint. Yours truly, 

A. Ll\X'OLN. 



November 9, 1863. — Letter to B. F. Flanders. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, November 9, 18G3. 
Hon. B. F. Flanders. 

3ri/ dear Sir: In a conversation with General Butler, he made 
a sug'g-estion which impressed me a good deal at the time. It was 
that, as a preliminary step, a vote be taken, yea or nay, whether 
there shall be a State convention to repeal the ordinance of seces- 
sion and remodel the State constitution. I send it merely as a sug- 
g;estion for your consideration, not having considered it maturely 
myself. 

The point which impressed me was, not so much the questions to 
be voted on, as the effect of crystallizing, so to speak, in taking such 
popular vote on any proper question. 

In fact, I have always thought the act of secession is legally no- 
thing, and needs no repealing. Turn the thought over in your mind, 
and see if in your own judgment you can make anything of it. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



November 9, 1863. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. 

War Department, Washington, November 9, 1863. 4 p. m. 
Major-General Burnside, Kuoxville, Tennessee : 

Have seen despatch from General Grant about your loss at 
Rogersville. Per contra, about the same time, Averell and Duffie got 
considerable advantage of the enemy at and about Lewisburg, Vir- 
ginia; and on Saturday, the seventh, Meade drove the enemy from 
Rappahannock Station and Kelly's Ford, capturing eight l»attle- 
flags, four guns, and over 1800 prisoners, with very little loss to 
himself. Let me hear from you. 

A. Lincoln. 



November 9, 1863. — Telegram to General G. G. Meade. 

Washington, November 9, 1863. 7.30 p. m. 
Major-General Meade : 

I have seen your despatches about operations on the Rappahan- 
nock on Saturday, and I wish to say, "Well done!" Do the loOO 
prisoners reported by General Sedgwick include the 400 taken by 
General French, or do the whole amount to 1900 ? 

A. Lincoln. 



438 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



November 11, 1863. — Note to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 11, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Bear Sir : I personally wish Jacob Freese, of New Jersey, to be 
appointed colonel for a colored regiment, and this regardless of 
whether he can tell the exact shade of Julius Caesar's hair. 

Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. 



November 11, 1863. — Letter to Postmaster-General Blair. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, November 11, 1863. 
Hon. Montgomery Blair. 

My dear Sir : Mr. Crisfield's letter, which you inclose, is received.' 

Let Mr. S procure the sworn statement of the election judges at 

any voting place as to what may be deemed the misconduct of any 
military officer, and present it to me, and I will call any such officer 
to account who shall by such statement appear to have violated or 
transcended his orders. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



November 14, 1863.— Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

War Department, Washington, November 14, 1863. 12.15 p. m. 
Major-General Rosecrans, Cincinnati, Ohio : 

I have received and considered your despatch of yesterday. Of 
the reports you mention, I have not the means of seeing any except 
your own. "^Besides this, the publication might be improper in view 
of the court of inquiry which has been ordered. With every dis- 
position, not merely to do justice, but to oblige you, I feel constrained 
to say I think the publications better not be made now. 

A. Lincoln. 



November 17, 1863.— Note to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 17, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

3Iy dear Sir : I expected to see you here at Cabinet meeting, and 
to say something about going to Gettysburg. There will be a train 
to take and return us. The time for starting is not yet fixed, but 
when it shall be I will notify you. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF .ABRAHAM LINCOLN 439 



November 17, 18G3.— Indorsement on Note of Secretary 

Stanton. 

War Department, Washington City, November 17, 18C3. 
3Ir. President: It is proposed by the Baltimore and Ohio road — 
First, To leave Washino-ton Thursday morning at G A. M. ; and 
Second, To leave Baltimore at 8 A. M., arriving at Gettysburg at 12 
noon, thus giving two hours to view the ground before the dedication 
ceremonies commence. 

Third, To leave Gettysburg at G P. M., and amve at Washington, mid- 
night ; thus doing all in one day. 

Mr. Smith says the Northern Central road agi-ees to this arrangement. 
Please consider it, and if any change is desii-ed, let me know, so that it 
can be made. Yom-s truly, 

Edwin M. Stanton. 

[Indorsement.] 

I do not like this arrangement. I do not wish to so go that by 
the slightest accident we fail entirely, and, at the best, the whole 
to be a mere breathless running of the gauntlet. But, any way. 

A. Lincoln. 

November 17, 1863. 



November 19, 1863. — Address at the Dedication of the 
Gettysburg National Cemetery. 

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this 
continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the 
proposition that all men are created equal. 

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that 
nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. 
We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to 
dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who 
here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether 
fitting and proper that we should do this. 

But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate — we cannot consecrate 
— we cannot hallow — this ground. The brave men, living and dead, 
who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power 
to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember 
what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It 
is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinislied 
work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. 
It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining 
before us— that from these hcmored dead we take increased devo- 
tion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of 
devotion ; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have 
died in vain ; that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth 
of freedom ; and that government of the people, by the people, for 
the people, shall not perish from the earth. 



440 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



November 20, 1863, — Letter to Edward Everett. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 20, 1863. 
Hon. Edward Everett. 

3Iy dear Sir : Your kind note of to-day is received. In onr re- 
spective parts yesterday, you could not have been excused to make a 
short address, nor I a long one. I am pleased to know that, in your 
judgment, the little I did say was not entirely a failure. Of course 
1 knew Mr. Everett would not fail, and yet, while the whole discourse 
was eminently satisfactory, and will be of great value, there were 
passages in it which transcended my expectations. The point made 
against the theory of the General Government being only an agency 
whose principals are the State's, was new to me, and, as I think, is 
one of the best arguments for the national supremacy. The tribute 
to our noble women for their angel ministering to the suffering 
soldiers surpasses in its way, as do the subjects of it, whatever has 
gone before. 

Our sick boy, for whom you kindly inquire, we hope is past the 
worst. Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 



November 20, 1863. — Letter to Z. Chandler. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 20, 1863. 
Hon. Zachaeiah Chandler. 

Mp dear Sir: Your letter of the 15th, marked ^'private," was re- 
ceived to-day. I have seen Governor Morgan and Thurlow Weed, 
separately, but not together, within the last ten days ; but neither 
of them mentioned the forthcoming message, or said anything, so 
far as I can remember, which brought the thought of the message 
to my mind. I am very glad the elections this autumn have gone 
favorably, and that I have not, by native depravity or under evil in- 
fluences, done anything bad enough to prevent the good result. I 
hope to " stand firm " enough to not go backward, and yet not go 
forward fast enough to wreck the country's cause. 

Yours tridy, A. Lincoln. 



November 23, 1863. — Note to Secretary Seward. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, November 23, 1863. 
3Ii/ dear Sir: Two despatches since I saw you; one not quite so 
late on firing as we had before, but giving the"^ points that Burnside 
thinks he can hold the place, that" he is not closely invested, and 
that he forages across the river. The other brings the firing up 
to 11 A. M. yesterday, being twenty -three hours later than we" had 
before. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 441 

November 24, 1863.— Note to Secretary Seward. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, November 24, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of State. 

311/ dear Sir : A despatch from Foster, at Cincinnati, received half 
an lionr ati:o, contains one from Wilcox at Cumberland Gap, with- 
out date, saying: "Fighting going on at Knoxville to-day." The 
want of date makes the time of fighting uncertain, but I rather 
think it means yesterday, the 23d. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



November 25, 1863.— Telegram to General Grant. 

Washington, November 25, 1863. 8.40 a. m. 
Major-General U. S. Grant: 

Your despatches as to fighting on Monday and Tuesday are here. 
Well done ! Many thauks to all. Remember Burnside. 

A. Lincoln. 



December 1, 1863.— Letter from John Hay to General Dix. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 1, 1863. 
Major-General John A. Dix, President of the Union Pacific Rail- 
road Company, New York : 

I have not been permitted until to-day to present to the President 
your communication of November 23. He directs me to express his 
deep regret that his illness will prevent him from giving on this 
occasion expression to the profound interest he feels in the success 
of a work so vast and so beneficent as that which you are about to 
inaugurate. Respectfully your obedient servant, 

John Hay, Assistant Private Secretary. 



December 2, 1863.— Letter to George Opdyke and Others. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 2, 1863. 
Messrs. George Opdyke, Joseph Sutherland, Benjamin F. Mani- 
erre. Prosper M. Wetmore, and Spencer Kirby, Committee: 
Yours of the 28th ultimo, inviting me to be present at a meet- 
ing to be held at the Cooper Institute on the 3d instant, to 
promote the raising of volunteers, is received. Nothing would be 
more grateful to my feelings, or better accord with my judgment, 
than to contribute, if I could, by my presence or otherwise, to that 
eminently patriotic object. Nevertheless, the now early meeting of 
Congress^, together with a temporary illness, render my attendance 
impossible. 



442 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

You propose also to celebrate our Western victories. Freed from 
the apprehension of wounding the just sensibilities of brave soldiers 
fighting elsewhere, it would be exceedingly agreeable to me to join 
in a suitable acknowledgment to those of the great West, with 
whom I was born and have passed my life. And it is exceedingly 
gratifying that a portion, lately of the Army of the Potomac, but 
now serving with the great Army of the West, has borne so con- 
spicuous a part in the late brilliant triumphs in Georgia. 

Honor to the soldier and sailor everywhere who bravely bears his 
country's cause. Honor also to the citizen who cares for his brother 
in the field, and serves, as he best can, the same cause — honor to 
him, only less than to him who braves, for the common good, the 
storms of heaven and the storms of battle. 

Yours trul}^, A. Lincoln. 



December 1, 1863.— Announcement of Union success in East 

Tennessee. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, December 7, 1863, 
Reliable information being received that the insurgent force is 
retreating from East Tennessee, under circumstances rendering it 
probable that the Union forces cannot hereafter be dislodged from 
that important position, and esteeming this to be of high national 
consequence, I recommend that all loyal people do, on receipt of 
this information, assemble at their places of worship and render 
special homage and gratitude to almighty God for this great ad- 
vancement of the national cause. 

A. Lincoln. 



December 8, 1863. — Proclamation of Amnesty and 
Reconstruction. 

By the President op the United States of America : 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, in and by the Constitution of the United States, it is 
provided that the President " shall have power to grant reprieves 
and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in eases 
of impeachment''; and 

Whereas a rebellion now exists whereby the loyal State govern- 
ments of several States have for a long time been subverted, and 
many persons have committed, and are now guilty of, treason against 
the United States; and 

Whereas, with reference to said rebellion and treason, laws have 
been enacted by Congress, declaring forfeitures and confiscation of 
property and liberation of slaves, all upon terms and conditions 
therein stated, and also declaring that the President was thereby 
authorized at any time thereafter, by proclamation, to extend to 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 443 

persons who may have participated iu the existing rebellion, in any 
State or part thereof, pardon and amnesty, with such exceptions and 
at such times and on sueh conditions as he may deem expedient for 
the public welfare ; and 

Whereas the congiessional declaration for limited and conditional 
pardon accords with well-established judicial exposition of the par- 
doning power ; and 

Whereas, with reference to said rebellion, the President of the 
United States has issued several i)roclamations, with provisions in 
regard to the liberation of slaves ; and 

Whereas it is now desired by some persons heretofore engaged 
in said rebellion to resume their allegiance to the United States, 
and to reinaugurate loyal State governments within and for their 
respective States ; therefore 

I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do proclaim, 
declare, and make known to all persons who have, directly or ])y 
implication, participated in the existing rebellion, except as herein- 
after excepted, that a full pardon is hereby granted to them and 
each of them, with restoration of all rights of property, except as to 
slaves, and in property cases where rights of third parties shall have 
intervened, and upon the condition that every such person shall take 
and subscribe an oath, and thenceforward keep and maintain said 
oath inviolate; and which oath shall be registered for permanent 
preservation, and shall be of the tenor and effect following, to wit : 

I, , do solemnly swear, in presence of almighty (lod, that I will 

henceforth faithfully support, protect, and defend the Constitution of the 
United States, and the union of the States thereunder ; and that I will, in 
like manner, abide by and faitlif uUy support all acts of Congress passed dm*- 
ing the existing rebellion with reference to slaves, so long and so far as not 
repealed, modified, or held void by Congress, or by decision of the Supreme 
Coiu't ; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully support all 
proclamations of the President made during the existing rebellion having 
reference to slaves, so long and so far as not modified or declared void 
by decision of the Supreme Court. So help me God. 

The persons exempted from the benefits of the foregoing provi- 
sions are all who are, or shall have been, civil or diplomatic officers 
or agents of the so-called Confederate Government; all who have 
left judicial stations under the United States to aid the rebellion ; 
all who are or shall have been military or naval officers of said so- 
called Confederate Government above the rank of colonel iu the 
army or of lieutenant in the nav}^ ; all who left seats in the United 
States Congress to aid the rebellion ; all who resigned commissions 
in the army or navy of the United States and afterward aided the 
rebellion ; and all who have engaged in any way in treating colored 
persons, or white persons in charge of such, otherwise than lawfully 
as prisoners of war, and which persons nuiy have been found in the 
United States, service as soldiers, seamen, or iu any other capacity. 

And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known that when- 
ever, in any of the States of Arkansas, Texas, Limisiana, Missis- 
sippi, Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, South Carolina, and 



444 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

North Carolina, a number of persons, not less than one tenth in 
number of the votes cast in such State at the presidential election of 
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty, each 
having taken the oath aforesaid and not having since violated it, 
and being a qualified voter by the election law of the State existing 
immediately before the so-called act of secession, and excluding all 
others, shall reestablish a State government which shall be republi- 
can, and in nowise contravening said oath, such shall be recognized 
as the true government of the State, and the State shall receive 
thereunder the benefits of the constitutional provision which de- 
clares that *' the United States shall guaranty to every State in this 
Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of 
them against invasion ; and, on application of the legislature, or the 
executive (when the legislature cannot be convened), against domes- 
tic violence." 

And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known, that any 
provision which may be adopted by such State government in rela- 
tion to the freed people of such State, which shall recognize and de- 
clare their permanent freedom, provide for their education, and 
which may yet be consistent as a temporary arrangement with their 
present condition as a laboring, landless, and homeless class, will 
not be objected to by the national executive. 

And it is suggested as not improper that, in constructing a loyal 
State government in any State, the name of the State, the boundary, 
the subdivisions, the constitution, and the general code of laws, as 
before the rebellion, be maintained, subject only to the modifications 
made necessary by the conditions hereinbefore stated, and such 
others, if any, not contravening said conditions, and which may 
be deemed expedient by those framing the new State government. 

To avoid misunderstanding, it may be proper to say that this proc- 
lamation, so far as it relates to State governments, has no reference 
to States wherein loyal State governments have all the while been 
maintained. 

And, for the same reason, it may be proper to further say, that 
whether members sent to Congress from any State shall be admitted 
to seats, constitutionally rests exclusively with the respective houses, 
and not to an;^ extent with the executive. And still further, that this 
proclamation is intended to present the people of the States wherein 
the national authority has been suspended, and loyal State govern- 
ments have been subverted, a mode in and by which the national 
authority and loyal State governments may l)e reestablished within 
said States, or in any of them ; and while the mode presented 
is the best the executive can suggest, with his present impressions, 
it must not be understood that no other possible mode would be 
acceptable. 

Given under my hand at the city of Washington, the 
I 1 eighth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thon- 
^ ' '-' sand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of. the indepen- 
dence of the United States of America the eighty-eighth. 

Abraham Ldtcoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 445 



December 8, 1863.— Annual Message to Congress. 

FeUoiv-rifizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : Another 
year of health, and of sufficiently abundant harvests, has passed. 
For these, and especially for the improved condition of our national 
affairs, our renewed and profoundest gratitude to God is due. 

We remain in peace and friendship with foreign powers. 

The efforts of disloyal citizens of the United States to involve us 
in foreign wars, to aid an inexcusable insurrection, have been un- 
availing! Her Britannic Majesty's government, as was justly ex- 
pected, have exercised their authority to prevent the departure of 
new hostile expeditions from British ports. The Emperor of France 
has, l)y a like proceeding, promptly vindicated the neutrality which 
he proclaimed at the beginning of the contest. Questions of great 
intricacy and importance have arisen out of the blockade, and other 
belligerent operations, between the government and several of the 
maritime powers, but they have been discussed, and, as far as was 
possible, accommodated, in a spirit of frankness, justice, and mutual 
good-will. It is especially gratifying that our prize courts, by the 
impartiality of their adjudications, have commanded the respect and 
confidence of maritime powers. 

The supplemental treaty between the United States and Great 
Britain for the suppression of the African slave-trade, made on the 
17th day of February last, has been duly ratified and carried into 
execution. It is believed that, so far as American ports and Ameri- 
can citizens are concerned, that inhuman and odious traffic has been 
brought to an end. 

I shall submit, for the consideration of the Senate, a convention 
for the adjustment of possessory claims in Washington Territory, 
arising out of the treaty of the 15th of June, 1846, between the 
United States and Great Britain, and which have been the source of 
some disquiet among the citizens of that now rapidly impro\nngpart 
of the country. 

A novel and important question, involving the extent of the mari- 
time jurisdiction of Spain in the waters which surround the island 
of Cuba, has been debated without reaching an agreement, and it is 
proposed, in an amicable spirit, to refer it to the arbitrament of a 
f rientUy power. A convention for that purpose will be submitted to 
the Senate. 

I have thought it proper, subject to the approval of the Senate, to 
concur with the interested commercial powers in an arrangement for 
the li([uidation of the Scheldt dues upon the principles which have 
been heretofore adopted in regard to the imposts upon navigation 
in the waters of Denmark. 

The long-pending controversy between this government and that 
of Chile, touching the seizure at Sitana, in Peru, by Chilian officers, 
of a large amount in treasure belonging to citizens of the United 
States, has been brought to a close by the award of his Majesty the 
King of the Belgians,'to whose arbitration the question was referred 
by the parties. The subject was thoroughly and patiently examined 



446 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OP ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

by that justly respected magistrate, and although the sum awarded 
to the claimants may not have been as large as they expected, there 
is no reason to distrust the wisdom of his Majesty's decision. That 
decision was promptly comj)lied with by Chile, when intelligence in 
regard to it reached that country. 

The joint commission, under the act of the last session, for carry- 
ing into effect the convention with Peru, on the subject of claims, 
has been organized at Lima, and is engaged in the business intrusted 
to it. 

Difficulties concerning inter-oceanic transit through Nicaragua are 
in course of amicable adjustment. 

In conformity with principles set forth in my last annual message, 
I have received a representative from the United States of Colombia, 
and have accredited a minister to that republic. 

Incidents occurring in the progress of our civil war have forced 
upon my attention the uncertain state of international questions 
touching the rights of foreigners in this country and of United 
States citizens abroad. In regard to some governments, these rights 
are at least partially defined by treaties. In no instance, however, 
is it expressly stipulated that, in the event of civil war, a foreigner 
residing in this country, within the lines of the insurgents, is to be 
exempted from the rule which classes him as a belligerent, in whose 
behalf the government of his country cannot expect any privileges 
or immunities distinct from that character. I regret to say, how- 
ever, that such claims have been put forward, and, in some instances, 
in behalf of foreigners who have lived in the United States the greater 
part of their lives. 

There is reason to believe that many persons born in foreign 
countries, Avho have declared their intention to become citizens, or 
who have been fully naturalized, have evaded the military duty re- 
quired of them by denying the fact,, and thereby throwing upon the 
government the burden of proof. It has been found difficult or 
impracticable to obtain this proof, from the want of guides to 
the proper sources of information. These might be supplied by 
requiring clerks of courts, where declarations of intention may 
be made, or naturalizations effected, to send, periodically, lists 
of the names of the persons naturalized, or declaring their inten- 
tion to become citizens, to the Secretary of the Interior, in whose 
department those names might be arranged and printed for general 
information. 

There is also reason to believe that foreigners frequently become 
citizens of the United States for the sole purpose of evading duties 
imposed by the laws of their native countries, to which, on becom- 
ing naturalized here, they at once repair, and, though never return- 
ing to the United States, they still claim the interposition of this 
government as citizens. Many altercations and great prejudices 
have heretofore arisen out of this abuse. It is, therefore, submitted 
to your serious consideration. It might be advisable to fix a limit, 
beyond which no citizen of the United States residing abroad may 
claim the interposition of his government. 

The right of suffrage has often been assumed and exercised by 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 447 

aliens, under pretenses of naturalization, which they have disavowed 
when drafted into the military service. I submit the expediency of 
sucli an amendment of the law as will make the fact of voting an 
estoppel against any plea of exemption from military service, or 
other civil ol)ligation, on the ground of alienage. 

In common with other Western powers, our relations with Japan 
have been brought into serious jeopardy, through the perverse op- 
position of the hereditary aristocracy of the empire to the enlight- 
ened and liberal policy of the Tycoon, designed to bring the country 
into the society of nations. It is hoped, although not with entire 
confidence, that these difficulties may be peacefully overcome. I 
ask your attention to the claim of the minister residing there for 
the damages he sustained in the destruction by fire of the residence 
of the legation at Yeddo. 

Satisfactory arrangements have been made with the Emperor of 
Russia, which, it is believed, will result in effecting a continuous line 
of telegraph through that empire fi'om our Pacific coast. 

I recommend to your favorable consideration the subject of an 
international telegraph across the Atlantic Ocean ; and also of a 
telegraph between this capital and the national forts along the 
Atlantic; seaboard and the Gulf of Mexico. Such communications, 
established with any reasonable outlay, would be economical as well 
as effective aids to the diplomatic, military, and naval service. 

The consular system of the United States, under the enactments 
of the last Congress, begins to be seK-sustaiuing ; and there is reason 
to hope that it may become entirely so, with the increase of trade 
which will ensue whenever peace is restored. Our ministers abroad 
have been faithful in defending American rights. In protecting 
commercial interests, our consuls have necessarily had to encounter 
increased lal)ors and responsibilities, growing out of the war. These 
they have, for the most part, met and dischai-ged with zeal and effi- 
ciency. This acknowledgment justly includes those consuls who, 
residing in Morocco, Egypt, Turkey, Japan, China, and other Ori- 
ental countries, are charged with complex functions and extraordi- 
nary powers. 

The condition of the several organized Territories is generally 
satisfactory, although Indian disturbances in New Mexico have 
not been entirely suppressed. The mineral resources of Cohn-ado, 
Nevada, Idaho, New Mexico, and Arizona are proving far richer 
than has been heretofore understood. I lay before you a communi- 
cation on this subject from the governor of New Mexico I again 
submit to your consideration the expediency of establishing a sys- 
tem for the encouragement of immigration. Although this source 
of national wealth and strength is again flowing with greater free- 
dom than for several years before the insurrection occurred, there is 
still a great deficiency of laborers in every field of industry, espe- 
cially in agriculture, and in our mines, as well of iron and coal as of 
the precious metals. While the demand for labor is thus increased 
here, tens of thousands of persons, destitute of remunerative occu- 
pation, are thronging our foreign consulates, and offering to emi- 
grate to the United States if essential, but very cheap, assistance 



448 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

can be afforded them. It is easy to see that, under the sharp disci- 
pline of civil war, the nation is beginning a new life. This noble 
effort demands the aid, and ought to receive the attention and sup- 
port of the government. 

Injimes, unforeseen by the government and unintended, may, in 
some cases, have been inflicted on the subjects or citizens of foreign 
countries, both at sea and on land, by persons in the service of the 
United States. As this government expects redress from other 
powers when similar injuries are inflicted by persons in their ser- 
vice upon citizens of the United States, we must be prepared to do 
justice to foreigners. If the existing judicial tribunals are inade- 
quate to this purpose, a special court may be authorized, with power 
to hear and decide such claims of the character referred to as may 
have arisen under treaties and the public law. Conventions for ad- 
justing the claims by joint commission have been proposed to some 
governments, but no definitive answer to the proposition has yet 
been received from any. 

In the course of the session I shall probably have occasion to re- 
quest you to provide indemnification to claimants where decrees of 
restitution have been rendered, and damages awarded by admiralty 
courts ; and in other cases, where this government may be acknow- 
ledged to be liable in principle, and where the amount of that liability 
has been ascertained by an informal arbitration. 

The proper officers of the treasury have deemed themselves re- 
quired by the law of the United States upon the subject to demand 
a tax upon the incomes of foreign consuls in this country. While 
such a demand may not, in strictness, be in derogation of public law, 
or perhaps of any existing treaty between the United States and a 
foreign country, the expediency of so far modifying the act as to 
exempt from tax the income of such consuls as are not citizens of 
the United States, derived from the emoluments of their office, or 
from property not situated in the United States, is submitted to 
your serious consideration. I make this suggestion upon the 
ground that a comity which ought to be reciprocated exempts our 
consuls, in all other countries, from taxation to the extent thus in- 
dicated. The United States, I think, ought not to be exceptionally 
illiberal to international trade and commerce. 

The operations of the treasury during the last year have been suc- 
cessfully conducted. The enactment by Congress of a national bank- 
ing law has proved a valuable support of the public credit; and the 
general legislation in relation to loans has fully answered the ex- 
pectations of its favorers. Some amendments may be required to 
perfect existing laws, but no change in their principles or general 
scope is beheved to be needed. 

Since these measures have been in operation, all demands on the 
treasury, including the pay of the army and navy, have been 
promptly met and fully satisfied. No considerable body of troops, 
it is believed, were ever more amply provided, and more liberally 
and punctually paid; and it may be added, that by no people were 
the burdens incident to a great war ever more cheerfully borne. 

The receipts during the year from all sources, including loans and 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 449 

the balance in the treasury at its commencement, were $901,125,074.- 
86, and the ajjgrej^ate disbursements $895,796,030.05, leaving a balance 
on the 1st of July, 1863, of $5,329,044.21. Of the receipts there were 
derived from cu-stonis $69,059,642.40; from internal revenue, $37.- 
640,787.95; from direct tax, $1,485,103.61; froin lands, $167,617.17; 
from miscellaneous sources, $3,046,615.35; and from loans, $776,- 
682,361.57; making the aggregate, $901,125,674.86. Of the disburse- 
ments there were for the civil service, $23,253,922.08 ; for pensions 
and Indians, $4,216,520.79: for interest on public debt, $24,729,846.51; 
for the War Department, $599,298,600.83; for the Navy Department, 
$63,211,105.27; for payment of funded and temporary debt. $181,- 
086,635.07; making the aggregate, $895,796,630.65, and leaving the 
balance of $5,329,04:4.21. But the payments of funded and temporary 
debt, having been made from moneys borrowed during the year, 
must be regarded as merely nominal payments, and the moneys bor- 
rowed to make them as merely nominal receipts; and their amount, 
$181,086,635.07, should therefore be deducted both from receipts and 
disbursements. This being done, there remain as actual receipts, 
$720,039,039.79, and the actual disbursements, $714,709,995.58, leav- 
ing the balance as already stated. 

The actual receipts and disbursements for the first quarter, and 
the estimated receipts and disbursements for the remaining three 
quarters, of the current fiscal year, 1864, will be shown in detail by 
the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to which I invite your 
attention. It is sufficient to say here that it is not believed that ac- 
tual results will exhibit a state of the finances less favorable to the 
country than the estimates of that officer heretofore submitted; 
while it is confidently expected that at the close of the year both dis- 
bursements and debt will be found very considerably less than has 
been anticipated. 

The report of the Secretary of War is a document of great inter- 
est. It consists of — 

1. The military operations of the year, detailed in the report of 
the General-in-Chief. 

2. The organization of colored persons into the war service. 

3. The exchange of prisoners, fully set forth in the letter of Gren- 
eral Hitchcock. 

4. The operations under the act for enrolling and calling out 
the national forces, detailed in the report of the Provost-Marshal- 
General. 

5. The organization of the invalid corps; and 

6. The operation of the several departments of the Quartermas- 
ter-General, Commissary-General, Paymaster-General, Chief of En- 
gineers, Chief of Ordnance, and Surgeon-General, 

It has appeared impossible to make a valuable summary of this 
report except such as would be too extended for this place, and 
hence I content myself by asking your careful attention to the re- 
port itself. 

The duties devolving on the naval branch of the service during 
the year, and throughout the whole of this unhappy contest, have 
been discharged with fidelity and eminent success. The extensive 
Vol. II.— 29. 



450 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

blockade has been constantly increasing in efficiency, as the navy 
has expanded ; yet on so long a line it has so far been impossible to 
entirely suppress illicit trade. From returns received at the Navy 
Department, it appears that more than one thousand vessels have 
been captured since the blockade was instituted, and that the value 
of prizes already sent in for adjudication amounts to over thirteen 
millions of dollars. 

The naval force of the United States consists at this time of five 
hundred and eighty-eight vessels, completed and in the course of 
completion, and of these, seventy-five are iron-clad or armored steam- 
ers. The events of the war give an increased interest and impor- 
tance to the navy which will probably extend beyond the war itself. 

The armored vessels in our navy, completed and in service, or 
which are under contract and approaching completion, are believed 
to exceed in numljer those of any other power. But while these 
may be relied upon for harbor defense and coast service, others of 
greater strength and capacity will be necessary for cruising pur- 
poses, and to maintain our rightful position on the ocean. 

The change that has taken place in naval vessels and naval war- 
fare since the introduction of steam as a motive power for ships of 
war demands either a corresponding change in some of our existing 
navy-yards, or the establishment of new ones, for the construction 
and necessary repair of modern naval vessels. No inconsiderable 
embarrassment, delay, and public injury have been experienced from 
the want of such governmental establishments. The necessity of 
such a navy-yard, so furnished, at some suitable place upon the At- 
lantic seaboard, has on repeated occasions been brought to the at- 
tention of Congress by the Navy Department, and is again presented 
in the report of the Secretary which accompanies this communica- 
tion. I think it my duty to in\dte your special attention to this 
subject, and also tothat of establishing a yard and depot for naval 
purposes upon one of the western rivers. A naval force has been 
created on those interior waters, and under many disadvantages, 
within little more than two years, exceeding in numbers the whole 
naval force of the country at the commencement of the present ad- 
ministration. Satisfactory and important as have been the per- 
formances of the heroic men of the navy at this interesting period, 
they are scarcely more wonderful than the success of our mechanics 
and artisans in the production of war vessels which has created a 
new form of naval power. 

Our country has advantages superior to any other nation in our 
resources of iron and timber, with inexhaustible quantities of fuel 
in the immediate vicinity of both, all available, and in close proxim- 
ity to navigable waters. Without the advantage of public works 
tlie resources of the nation have been developed, and its power dis- 
played, in the construction of a navy of such magnitude, which has, 
at the very period of its creation, rendered signal service to the 
Union. 

The increase of the number of seamen in the public service, from 
seven thousand five hundred men, in the spring of 1861, to about 
thirty-four thousand at the present time, has been accomplished 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 451 

without special legislation, or extraordinary bounties to promote 
that increase. It has beeu found, however, that the operation of the 
draft, with the hii-'h bounties })aid for army recruits, is beginning 
to affect injuriously the naval service, and will, if not corrected, be 
likely to impair its efficiency, by detachiug seamen from theii- proper 
vocation and inducing them to enter the army. I therefore re- 
spectfully suggest that Congress might aid both the army and naval 
services by a definite provision on this subject, which would at the 
same time be equitable to the communities more especially interested. 

I commend to your consideration the suggestions of the Secretary 
of the Navy in regard to the policy of fostering and training sea- 
men, and also the education of officers and engineers for the naval 
service. The Naval Academy is rendering signal service in prepar- 
ing midshipmen for the highly responsible duties which in after 
life they will be required to perform. In order that the country 
should not be deprived of the proper quota of educated officers, for 
which legal ])rovision has been made at the naval school, the vacan- 
cies caused by the neglect or omission to make nominations from 
the States in insurrection have been filled by the Secretary of the 
Navy. The school is now more full and complete than at any former 
period, and in every respect entitled to the favorable consideration 
of Congress. 

During the past fiscal year the financial condition of the Post 
Office Department has been one of increasing prosperity, and I am 
gratified in being able to state that the actual postal revenue has 
nearlv equaled the entire expenditures; the latter amounting to 
$11,314,206.84, and the former to $11,103,789.59, leaving a deficiency 
of but $150,417.25. In 1860, the year immediately preceding the 
rebellion, the deficiencv amounted to $5,656,705.49. the postal receipts 
of that year being $2,645,722.19 less than those of 1863. The 
decrease since 1860 in the annual amount of transportation has been 
only about 25 per cent., but the annual expenditure on account of 
the same has been reduced 35 per cent. It is manifest, therefore, 
that the Post Office Department may become self-sustaining in a few 
years even with the restoration of the whole service. 

The international conference of postal delegates from the princi- 
pal countries of Europe and America, which was called at the sug- 
gestion of the Postmaster-General, met at Paris on the 11th of May 
last, and concluded its deliberations on the 8th of June. The prin- 
ciples established by the conference as best adapted to facilitate 
postal intercourse between nations, and as the basis of future postal 
conventions, inaugurate a general system of uniform international 
charges, at reduced rates of postage, and cannot fail to produce 
beneficial results. 

I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Interior, which is 
hei'ewith laid before you, for useful and varied information in rela- 
tion to the public lands, Indian affairs, patents, pensions, and other 
matters of p\i])lic concern pertaining to his department. 

The qmintity of land disposed of during the last and the fii'st 
quarter of the present fiscal years was three million eight hundred 
and forty-one thousand five hundred and forty-nine acres, of which 



452 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

one hundred and sixty-one thousand nine hundred and eleven acres 
were sold for cash, one million four hundred and fifty-six thousand 
five hundred and fourteen acres were taken up under the homestead 
law, and the residue disposed of under laws granting lands for mil- 
itary bounties, for railroad and other purposes. It also appears that 
the sale of the public lands is largely on the increase. 

It has long been a cherished opinion of some of our wisest' states- 
men that the people of the United States had a higher and more en- 
during interest in the early settlement and substantial cultivation of 
the public lands than in the amount of direct revenue to be derived 
from the sale of them. This opinion has had a controlling influence 
in shaping legislation upon the subject of our national domain. I 
may cite, as evidence of this, the liberal measures adopted in refer- 
ence to actual settlers; the grant to the States of the overflowed 
lands within their limits in order to their being reclaimed and 
rendered fit for cultivation; the grants to railway companies of al- 
ternate sections of land upon the contemplated lines of their roads, 
which, when completed, will so largely multiply the facilities for 
reaching our distant possessions. This policy has received its most 
signal and beneficent illustration in the recent enactment granting 
homesteads to actual settlers. Since the first day of January last 
the before-mentioned quantity of one million four hundred and 
fifty-six thousand five hundred and fourteen acres of land have been 
taken up under its provisions. This fact, and the amount of sales, 
furnish gratifying evidence of increasing settlement upon the public 
lands notwithstanding the great struggle in which the energies of 
the nation have been engaged, and which has required so large a 
withdrawal of our citizens from their accustomed pursuits. I cordi- 
ally concur in the recommendation of the Secretary of the Interior, 
suggesting a modification of the act in favor of those engaged in 
the military and naval service of the United States. I doubt not 
that Congress will cheerfully adopt such measures as will, without 
essentially changing the general features of the system, secure, to 
the greatest practicable extent, its benefits to those who have left 
their homes in defense of the country in this arduous crisis. 

I invite your attention to the views of the Secretary as to the 
propriety of raising, by appropriate legislation, a revenue from the 
mineral lands of the United States. 

The measures provided at your last session for the removal of cer- 
tain Indian tribes have been carried into effect. Sundry treaties have 
been negotiated, which will, in due time, be submitted for the con- 
stitutional action of the Senate. They contain stipulations for 
extinguishing the possessory rights of the Indians to large and 
valuable tracts of land. It is hoped that the effect of these treaties 
will result in the establishment of permanent friendly relations 
with such of these tribes as have been brought into frequent and 
bloody collision with our outlying settlements and emigrants. 
Sound policy, and our imperative duty to these wards of the gov- 
ernment, demand our anxious and constant attention to their mate- 
rial well-being, to their progress in the arts of civilization, and, above 
all, to that moral training which, under the blessing of Divine Provi- 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 453 

denee, will confer upon them the elevated and sanctifying influences, 
the hopes and consolations, of the Christian faith. 

I suggested in my last annual message the propriety of remodel- 
ing our Indian system. Subsequent events liav'e satisfied me of its 
necessity. The details set forth in the report of the Secretary evince 
the urgent need for immediate legislative action. 

I commend the benevolent institutions established or patron- 
ized by the government in this District to your generous and fos- 
tering care. 

The attention of Congress, during the last session, was engaged 
to some extent with a proposition for enlarging the water communi- 
cation between the Mississippi River and the northeastern seaboard, 
which proposition, however, failed for the time. Since then, upon 
a call of the greatest respectability, a convention has been held at 
Chicago upon tlie same subject, a summary of whose views is con- 
tained in a memorial addressed to the President and Congress, and 
which I now have the honor to lay before you. That this interest 
is one which, ere long, will force its own way, I do not entertain a 
doubt, while it is submitted entirely to your wisdom as to what can 
be done now. Augmented interest is given to this subject by the 
actual commencement of work upon the Pacific railroad, under aus- 
pices so favorable to rapid progress and completion. The enlarged 
navigation becomes a palpable need to the great road. 

I transmit the second annual report of the Commissioner of the 
Department of Agricultm-e, asking your attention to the develop- 
ments in that vital interest of the nation. 

When Congress assembled a year ago the war had already lasted 
nearly twenty months, and there had been many conflicts on both land 
and sea with varying results. The rebellion had been pressed back 
into reduced limits ; yet the tone of public feeling and opinion, at 
home and a))road, was not satisfactory. With other signs, the pop- 
ular elections, then just past, indicated uneasiness among ourselves, 
while, amid much that was cold and menacing, the kindest words 
coming from Europe were uttered in accents of pity that we were 
too blind to surrender a hopeless cause. Our commerce was suffer- 
ing greatly l)y a few armed vessels built upon, and furnished from, 
foreign shores, and we were threatened with such additions from 
the same quarter as would sweep our trade from the sea and raise 
our blockade. We had failed to elicit from European governments 
anything hopeful upon this subject. The preliminary emancipation 
proclamation, issued in September, was running its assigned period 
to the ])eginning of the new year. A month later the final procla- 
mation came, including the announcement that colored men of suit- 
able condition would be received into the war service. The policy 
of emancipation, and of employing black soldiers, gave to the future 
a new aspect, about which hope, and fear, and doubt contended in 
uncertain conflict. According to our ])olitieal system, as a matter 
of civil administration, the General Government had no lawful 
power to eifect emancipation in any State, and for a long time it 
had been hoped that the rebellion could be suppressed without re- 
sorting to it as a military measure. It was all the while deemed 



454 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

possible that the necessity for it might come, and that if it shoukl, 
the crisis of the contest would then be presented. It came, and, as 
was anticipated, it was followed by dark and doubtful days. Eleven 
months having now passed, we are permitted to take another review. 
The rebel borders are pressed still further back, and, by the com- 
plete opening of the Mississippi, the country dominated by the 
rebellion is divided into distinct parts, with no practical communi- 
cation between them. Tennessee and Arkansas have been sub- 
stantially cleared of insurgent control, and influential citizens in 
each, owners of slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of 
the rebellion, now declare openly for emancipation in their respec- 
tive States. Of those States not included in the Emancipation Proc- 
lamation, Maryland and Missouri, neither of which three years ago 
would tolerate any restraint upon the extension of slavery into new 
Territories, only dispute now as to the best mode of removing it 
within their own limits. 

Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion, full 
one hundred thousand are now in the United States military ser- 
vice, about one half of which number actually bear arms in the 
ranks ; thus giving the double advantage of taking so much labor 
from the insurgent cause, and supplying the places which otherwise 
must be filled with so many white men. So far as tested, it is diffi- 
cult to say they are not as good soldiers as any. No servile insur- 
rection, or tendency to violence or cruelty, has marked the measures 
of emancipation and arming the blacks. These measures have been 
much discussed in foreign countries, and contemporary with such 
discussion the tone of public sentiment there is much improved. 
At home the same measures have been fully discussed, supported, 
criticized, and denounced, and the annual elections following are 
highly encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the 
country through this great trial. Thus we have the new reckon- 
ing. The crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the 
Union is past. 

Looking now to the present and future, and with reference to a 
resumption of the national authority within the States wherein that 
authority has been suspended, I have thought fit to issue a procla- 
mation, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. On examination 
of this prpclamation it will appear, as is believed, that nothing is 
attempted beyond what is amply justified by the Constitution. True, 
the form of an oath is given, but no man is coerced to take it. The 
man is only promised a pardon in case he voluntarily takes the oath. 
The Constitution authorizes the executive to grant or withhold the 
pardon at his own absolute discretion ; and this includes the power 
to grant on terms, as is fully established by judicial and other 
authorities. 

It is also proffered that if, in any of the States named, a State 
government shall be, in the mode prescribed, set up, such govern- 
ment shall be recognized and guaranteed by the United States, and 
that under it the State shall, on the constitutional conditions, be 
protected against invasion and domestic violence. The constitutional 
obligation of the United States to guarantee to every State in the 



LETTERS AND S'x'ATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 455 

Union a republican form of government, and to protect the State 
in the cases stated, is explicit and full. But whv tender the benefits 
of this provision only to a State government' set up in this par- 
ticular way f This section of the Constitution contemplates a case 
wherein the element within a State favorable to republi(;an govern- 
ment in the Union may be too feeble for an opposite and hostile 
element external to, or even within, the State ; and such are precisely 
the cases with which we are now dealing. 

An attempt to guarantee and protect a revived State government, 
constructed in whole, or in preponderating part, from the very element 
against whose hostility and violence it is to be protected, is simply 
absurd. There must l)e a test by which to separate the opposing 
elements, so as to build only from the sound ; and that test is a suf- 
ficiently liberal one which accepts as sound whoever will make a 
sworn recantation of his former unsoundness. 

But if it be proper to require, as a test of admission to the politi- 
cal body, an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of the United 
States, and to the Union under it, why also to the laws and proc- 
lamations in regard to slavery? Those laws and proclamations 
were enacted and put forth for the purpose of aiding in the sup- 
pression of the rebellion. To give them their fullest effect, there 
had to be a pledge for their maintenance. In my judgment they 
have aided, and will further aid, the cause for which they were in- 
tended. To now abandon them would be not only to relinquish a 
lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astounding breach 
of faith. I may add, at this point, that while I remain in my pres- 
ent position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipa- 
tion Proclamation ; nor shall I return to slavery any person who is 
free by the terms of that proclamation, or bv any of the acts of 
Congress. For these and other reasons it is thought best that sup- 
port of these measures shall be included in the oath ; and it is be- 
lieved the executive may lawfully claim it in return for pardon and 
restoration of forfeited rights, which he has clear constitutional 
power to withhold altogether, or grant upon the terms which he 
shall deem wisest for the public interest. It should be observed 
also, that this part of the oath is subject to the modifying and abro- 
gating power of legislation and supreme judicial decision. 

The proposed acquiescence of the national executive in any rea- 
sonable temporary State arrangement for the freed people is made 
with the view of possibly modifying the confusion and destitution 
which must at best attend all classes bv a total revolntion of labor 
throughout whole States. It is hoped' that the already deeplv af- 
flicted people in those States mav be somewhat more readv to give 
up the cause of their affliction, if, to this extent, tliis vital matter be 
left to themselves ; while no power of the national executive to pre- 
vent an abuse is abridged by the proposition. 

The suggestion in the proclamation as to maintaining the political 
framework of the States on what is called reconstruction is made 
in the hope that it may do good without danger of harm. It will 
save labor, and avoid great confusion. 

But why any proclamation now upon this subject? This ques- 



456 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

tion is beset with the eouflicting views that the step might be de- 
layed too loug or be taken too soon. In some States the elements 
for resumption seem ready for action, but remain inactive appar- 
ently for want of a rally in g-point — a plan of action. Why shall 
A adopt the plan of B, rather than B that of A ? And if A and B 
should agree, how can they know but that the General Government 
here will reject their plan "? By the proclamation a plan is presented 
which may be accepted by them as a rallying-poiut, and which they 
are assured in advance will not be rejected here. This may bring 
them to act sooner than they otherwise would. 

The objection to a premature presentation of a plan by the na- 
tional executive consists in the danger of committals on points 
which could be more safely left to further developments. Care has 
been taken to so shape the document as to avoid embarrassments 
from this source. Saying that, on certain terms, certain classes will 
be pardoned, with rights restored, it is not said that other classes, 
or other terms, will never be included. Saying that reconstruction 
will be accepted if presented in a specified way, it is not said it will 
never be accepted in any other way. 

The movements, by State action, for emancipation in several of 
the States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, are. mat- 
ters of profound gratulation. And while I do not repeat in detail 
what I have heretofore so earnestly urged upon this subject, my 
general views and feelings remain unchanged ; and I trust that Con- 
gress will omit no fair opportunity of aiding these important steps 
to a great consummation. 

In the midst of other cares, however important, we must not lose 
sight of the fact that the war power is still our main reliance. To 
that power alone can we look, yet for a time, to give confidence to 
the people in the contested regions that the insurgent power will 
not again overrun them. Until that confidence shall be established, 
little can be done anywhere for what is called reconstruction. Hence 
our chiefest care must still be directed to the army and navy, who 
have thus far borne their harder part so nobly and well. And it 
may be esteemed fortunate that in giving the greatest efficiency to 
these indispensable arms, we do also honorably recognize the gallant 
men, from commander to sentinel, who compose them, and to whom, 
more than to others, the world must stand indebted for the home of 
freedom disenthralled, regenerated, enlarged, and perpetuated. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

December 8, 1863. 



December 8, 1863. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : In conformity to the 
law of July 16, 1862, 1 most cordially recommend that Captain John 
Rogers, United States Navy, receive a vote of thanks from Con- 
gress for the eminent skill and gallantry exhibited by him in the 
engagement with the rebel armed iron-clad steamer Fingal, alias 
Atlanta, whilst in command of the United States iron-clad steamer 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 457 

Weehaivken, which led to her capture on the 17th of June, 1863, and 
also for the zeal, bravery, and general good conduct shown by this 
ofliccr on many occasions. 

This recommendation is specially made in order to comply with 
the requirements of the ninth section of the aforesaid act, which is 
iu the following words, viz. : 

That any line officer of the Davy or marine coitus may be advanced one 
grade, if, upon recommendation of the President, by uame, he receives the 
thanks of Congress for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the 
enemy, or for extraordinary hei'oism in the line of his profession. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 8, 1863. 



December 8, 1863. — Telegram to General U. S. GtRANT. 

Washington, December 8, 1863. 
Major-General Grant: 

Understanding that your lodgment at Chattanooga and Knoxville 
is now secure, I wish to tender you, and all under your command, 
my more than thanks, my profoundest gratitude, for the skill, cou- 
rage, and perseverance with which you and they, over so great diffi- 
culties, have effected that important object. God bless you all ! 

A. Lincoln. 

December 9, 1863. — Letter to Governor Curtin. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 9, 1863. 
His Excellency A. G. Curtin, Governor of Pennsylvania. 

Ml/ dear Sir : I have to urge my illness, and the preparation of 
the message, in excuse for not having sooner transmitted you the 
inclosed from the Secretary of War and Provost-Marshal-General in 
response to yours in relation to recruiting in Pennsylvania. Though 
not quite as you desire, I hope the grounds taken will be reasonably 
satisfactory to you. Allow me to exchange congratulations witli 
you on the organization of the House of Representativ'es, and espe- 
cially on recent military events in Georgia and Tennessee. 

Yours very truly, a. Lincoln. 



December 10, 1863. — Message to the Senate, 

To the Senate of the United States: 1 transmit herewith a report 

dated the 9th instant, with the accompanying papers, received from 

the Secretary of State, in compliance with the requirements of the 

sixteenth and eighteenth sections of the act entitled : "An act to 

regulate the diplomatic and consular systems of the United States," 

approved August 18, 1856. . ,. 

^^ to > Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 10, 1863. 



458 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



December 14, 1863. — Amnesty to Mrs. E. T. Helm. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 14, 1863. 
Mrs. Emily T. Helm, not being excepted from the benefits of the 
proclamation by the President of the United States issued on the 
eighth day of December, 1863, and having on this day taken and sub- 
scribed the oath according to said proclamation, she is fully relieved 
of all penalties and forfeitures, and remitted to all her rights — all 
according to said proclamation, and not otherwise; and, in regard 
to said restored rights of person and property, she is to be protected 
and afforded facilities as a loyal person, 

Abraham Lincoln. 

P. S. Mrs. Helm claims to own some cotton at Jackson, Missis- 
sippi, and also some in Georgia; and I shall be glad, upon either 
place being brought within our lines, for her to be afforded the 
proper facilities to show her ownership, and take her property. 

A. Lincoln. 
District of Columbia, } 

Washing-ton County, ^ ' 

I, Emily T. Helm, do solemnly swear in presence of Almighty God that 
I will henceforth faithfully support, protect, and defend the Constitution of 
the United States, and the union of the States thereunder ; and that I will, 
in like manner, aljide by and faithfully support all acts of Congress passed 
during the existing rebellion with reference to slaves, so long and so far as 
not repealed, modified, or held void by Congress, or by decisions of the 
Supreme Court; and that I wUl, in Uke manner, abide by and faithfully 
support all proclamations of the President, made during the existing re- 
bellion, having reference to slaves so long and so far as not modified or 
declared void by the Supreme Com*t. So help me God. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 14, 1863. 
Whom it mat/ concern : It is my wish that Mrs. Emily T. Helm 
(widow of the late General B. H. Helm, who fell in the Confed- 
erate service), now returning to Kentucky, may have protection of 
person and property, except as to slaves, of which I say nothing. 

A. Lincoln. 



December 15, 1863. — Letter to T. Cottman. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 15, 1863. 
Dr. Thomas Cottman. 

My dear Sir: You were so kind as to say this morning that you 
desire to return to Louisiana, and to be guided by my wishes, to 
some extent, in the part you may take in bringing that State to re- 
sume her rightful relation to the General Government. 

My wishes are in a general way expressed, as well as I can express 
them, in the proclamation issued on the 8th of the present month, 
and in that part of the annual message which relates to that procla- 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 459 

mation. It there appears that I deem the sustaining of the Einanci- 
patiou Proehiiiiation, where it a[)plies, as indispensal)le ; and I add 
here that I woidd esteem it fortunate; if the ])eople of Louisiana 
shoukl themselves pLace the remainder of the State upon the same 
footing, and then, if in their discretion it should appear best, make 
some temporary provision for the whole of the freed j)eople, sub- 
stantially as sugg'ested in the last proclamation. 

I have not put forth the plan in that proclamation as a Procrus- 
tean bed, to which exact conformity is to be indispensable ; and, in 
Louisiana particularly, I wish that labor already done, which varies 
from that plan in no important particular, may not be thrown away. 

The stron<?est wish I have, not already publicly expressed, is that 
in Louisiana and elsewhere all sincere Union men would stoutly es- 
chew cliquism, and, each yielding something in minor matters, all 
work together. Nothing is likely to be so baleful in the great work 
before us as stepping aside from the main object to consider who will 
get the offices if a small matter shall go thus, and who else will get 
them if it shall go otherwise. It is a time now for real patriots to 
rise above all this. As to the particulars of what I may think best 
to be done in any State, I have publicly stated certain points which I 
have thought indispensable to the reestablishment and maintenance 
of the national authority ; and I go no further than this because I 
wish to avoid both the substance and the appearance of dictation. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



December 15, 1863. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : In answer to the resolution 
of the Senate of the 11th of March last, requesting certain infor- 
mation touching persons in the service of this government, I trans- 
mit a report from the Secretary of State, to whom the resolution 
was referred. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 15, 1863. 



December 15, 1863. — Letter to Judge Hoffman. 

ExECUTrvT: Mansion, December 15, 1863. 
Hon. Ogden Hoffman, U. S. District Judge, San Francisco, Cal.: 

The oath in the proclamaticm of December 8 is intended for 
those who may voluntarily take it, and not for those who may 
be constrained to take it in order to escape actual imprisonment 
or punishment. It is intended that the latter class shall abide 
the granting or withholding of the pardoning power in the ordi- 
nary way. 

A. Lincoln. 



460 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

December 16, 1863.— Proclamation concerning Discriminating 

Duties. 

By THE President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, by an act of the Congress of the United States of the 
twenty-fourth of May, one thousand eight hundred and twenty- 
eight, entitled ''An act in addition to an act entitled 'An act con- 
cerning discriminating duties of tonnage and impost,' and to 
equalize the duties on Prussian vessels and their cargoes," it is 
provided that, upon satisfactory evidence being given to the Presi- 
dent of the United States, by the government of any foreign nation, 
that no discriminating duties of tonnage or impost are imposed or 
levied in the ports of said nation upon vessels wholly belonging to 
citizens of the United States, or upon the produce, manufactures, or 
merchandise imported in the same from the United States, or from 
any foreign country, the President is thereby authorized to issue his 
proclamation declaring that the foreign discriminating duties of ton- 
nage and impost within the United States are and shall be suspended 
and discontinued so far as respects the vessels of the said foreign 
nation, and the produce, manufactures, or merchandise imported 
into the United States in the same from the said foreign nation, 
or from any other foreign country; the said suspension to take 
effect from the time of such notification being given to the Presi- 
dent of the United States, and to continue so long as the reciprocal 
exemption of vessels belonging to citizens of the tJnited States, and 
their cargoes, as aforesaid, shall be continued, and no longer; 

And whereas, satisfactory evidence has lately been received by me, 
through an official communication of Senor Don Luis Molina, Envoy 
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of 
Nicaragua, under date of the 28th of November, 1863, that no other 
or higher duties of tonnage and impost have been imposed or levied 
since the second day of August, 1838, in the ports of Nicaragua, 
upon vessels wholly belonging to citizens of the United States, and 
upon the produce, manufactures, or merchandise imported in the 
same from the United States, and from any foreign country what- 
ever, than are levied on Nicaraguan ships and their cargoes in the 
same ports under like circumstances: 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States of America, do hereby declare and proclaim that so much 
of the several acts imposing discriminating duties of tonnage and 
impost within the United States are, and shall be, suspended and 
discontinued so far as respects the vessels of Nicaragua, and the 
produce, manufactures, and merchandise imported into the United 
States in the same from the dominions of Nicaragua, and from any 
other foreign country whatever; the said suspension to take effect 
from the day above mentioned, and to continue thenceforward so 
long as the reciprocal exemption of the vessels of the United States, 
and the produce, manufactures, and merchandise imported into the 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 461 

dominions of Nicaragua in the same, as aforesaid, shall be continued 
on the part of the government of Nicaragua. 

Given under my hand at the city of Washington, the six- 
teenth day of December, in the year'of our Lord one thousand 
l-^-^-J eight hundred and sixty-three, and the eighty-eighth of the 
independence of the United States. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

December 17, 1863.— Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : Herewith I lay before 
you a letter addressed to myself by a committee of gentlemen repre- 
senting the Freedmen's Aid Societies in Boston, New York, Phila- 
delphia, and Cincinnati. . 

The subject of the letter, as indicated above, is one ot great 
magnitude and importance, and one which these gentlemen ()f 
known ability and high character seem to have considered with 
great attention and care. Not having the time to form a mature 
judgment of my own as to whether the plan they suggest is the 
best, I submit the whole subject to Congress, deeming that their 
attention thereto is almost imperatively demanded. 

ABRAHAii Lincoln. 

Washington, December 17, 1863. 

December 18, 1863.— Note to E. B. Washburne. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, December 18, 1863. 
Hon. E. B. Washburne. 

Mif dear Sir : The joint resolution of thanks to General Grant 
and those under his command has been before me, and is approved. 
If agreeable to you, I shall be glad for you to superintend the get- 
ting up of the medal, and the making of the copy to be engrossed 
on parchment, which I am to transmit to the general. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

December 18, 1863.— Letter to Secretary Stanton. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, December 18, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Mi/ dear Sir : I believe General Sehofield must be relieved from 
command of the department of Missouri; otherwise a question of 
veracity, in relation to his declarations as to his interfering, or not, 
with tiie Missouri legislature, will be made with him, which will 
create an additional amount of trouble, not to be overcome by even 
a correct decision of the question. The question itself must be 
avoided. Now for the mode. Senator Henderson, his friend, thinks 
he can be induced to ask to be relieved, if he shall understand he 



462 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

will be generously treated ; and, on this latter point, Gratz Brown 
will help his nomination as a major-general through the Senate. 
In no other way can he be confirmed; and upon his rejection alone 
it would be difficult for me to sustain him as commander of the 
department. Besides, his being relieved from command of the de- 
partment, and at the same time confirmed as a major-general, will 
be the means of Henderson and Brown leading off together as 
friends, and will go far to heal the Missouri difficulty. Another 
point. I find it is scarcely less than indispensable for me to do 
something for General Rosecrans ; and I find Henderson and Brown 
will agree to him for the commander of their department. 

Again, I have received such evidence and explanations, in regard 
to the supposed cotton transactions of General Curtis, as fully re- 
store in my mind the fair presumption of his innocence; and, as 
he is my friend, and what is more, as I think, the country's friend, 
I would be glad to relieve him from the impression that I think 
him dishonest by giving him a command. Most of the Iowa and 
Kansas delegations, a large part of that of Missouri, and the dele- 
gates from Nebraska and Colorado, ask this in behalf of General 
C., and suggest Kansas and other contiguous territory west of 
Missouri as a department for him. In a purely military point of 
view it may be that none of these things are indispensable, or per- 
haps advantageous ; but in another aspect, scarcely less important, 
they would give great relief ; while, at the worst, I think they could 
not injure the military service much. I therefore shall be greatly 
obliged if yourself and General Halleck can give me your hearty 
cooperation in making the arrangement. Perhaps the first thing 
would be to send General Schofield's nomination to me. Let me 
hear from you before you take any actual step in the matter. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



December 19, 18G3. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

War Department, Washington, December 19, 1863. 
General Grant, Chattanooga, Tennessee: 

The Indiana delegation in Congress, or at least a large part of 
them, are very anxious that General Milroy shaU enter active service 
again, and I share in this feeling. He is not a difficult man to 
satisfy — sincerity and courage being his strong traits. Believing 
in our cause, and wanting to fight for it, is the whole matter with 
him. Could you, without embarrassment, assign him a place, if 
directed to report to you ? ^ Lincoln. 

December 20, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Welles. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 20, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of the Navy. 

My dear Sir : General Gillmore, believing that a joint movement 
of the army and navy is not likely to be made against Charleston 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 463 

very soou, lias written asking leave to operate independently of the 
navy for a time. As this application comes to me, I will thank 
you to inform me how long, according to any plan or reasonable 
calculation of the navy, it will be before it will need the actual co- 
operation of the army before Charleston. 

Yours very truly, A. LiNCOiiN. 



December 21, 18G3. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, December 21, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Ml/ dear Sir: Sending a note to the Secretary of the Navy, as I 
promised, he called over and said that the strikes in the ship-yards 
had thrown the completion of vessels back so much that he thought 
General Gillmore's proposition entirely proper. He only wishes 
(and in which I concur) that General Gillmore will courteously con- 
fer with, and explain to. Admiral Dahlgren. 

In regard to the Western matter, I believe the program will have 
to stand substantially as I first put it. Henderson, and especially 
Brown, believe that the social influence of St. Louis would inevita- 
bly tell injuriously upon General Pope in the particular difficulty ex- 
isting there, and I think there is some force in that view. 

As to retaining General Schofield temporarily, if this should be 
done, I believe I should scarcely be able to get his nomination 
through the Senate. Send me over his nomination, which, how- 
ever, I am not quite ready to send to the Senate. 

Yours as ever, A. Lincoln. 



December 21, 1863. — Permit to Mr. and Mrs. Craig. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 21, 1863. 
Mr. and Mrs. Craig, of Arkansas, whose plantation, situated upon 
the Mississippi River a few miles below Helena, has been desolated 
during the present war, propose returning toreoccupy and cultivate 
said i)lantation; and it is my wish that they be permitted to do so, 
and that the United States military forces in that vicinity will not 
molest them or allow them to be molested, so long as the said Mr. 
and Mrs. Craig shall demean themselves as peaceful loyal citizens 
of the United States. Abraham Lincoln. 



December 22, 1863. — Letter to O. D. Filley. 

ExECUTH^E Mansion, Washington, December 22, 1863. 
O. D. Filley, St. Louis, Missouri : 

I have just looked over a petition signed by some three dozen citi- 
zens of St. Louis, and three accompanying letters, one by yourself, 



464 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

one by a Mr. Nathan Ranney, and one by a Mr. John D. Coalter, the 
whole rehiting to the Rev. Dr. McPheeters. The petition prays, in 
the name of justice and mercy, that I will restore Dr. McPheeters 
to all his ecclesiastical rights. This gives no intimation as to what 
ecclesiastical rights are withheld. 

Your letter states that Provost-Marshal Dick, about a year ago, 
ordered the arrest of Dr. McPheeters, pastor of the Vine Street 
Church, prohibited him from officiating, and placed the manage- 
ment of the affairs of the church out of the control of its chosen 
trustees ; and near the close you state that a certain course '^ would 
insure his release." Mr. Ranney's letter says : " Dr. Samuel S. Mc- 
Pheeters is enjoying all the rights of a civilian, but cannot preach 
the Gospel ! ! ! " Mr. Coalter, in his letter, asks : '' Is it not a strange 
illustration of the condition of things, that the question of who shall 
be allowed to preach in a church in St. Louis shall be decided by the 
President of the United States ? " 

Now, all this sounds very strangely ; and, withal, a little as if you 
gentlemen making the application do not understand the case alike; 
one affii-ming that tlie doctor is enjoying all the rights of a civilian, 
and another pointing out to me what will secure his release! On the 
second day of January last, I wrote to General Curtis in relation to 
Mr. Dick's order upon Dr. McPheeters ; and, as I suppose the doctor 
is enjoying all the rights of a civilian, I only quote that part of my 
letter which relates to the church. It is as follows : " But I must 
add that the United States Government must not, as by this order, 
undertake to run the chnrches. When an individual, in a church 
or out of it, becomes dangerous to the public interest, he must be 
checked; but the churches, as such, must take care of themselves. 
It will not do fo)' the United States to appoint trustees, supervisors, 
or other agents for the churches." 

This letter going to General Curtis, then in command there, I sup- 
posed, of course, it was obeyed, especially as I heard no further com- 
plaint from Dr. McPheeters or his friends for nearly an entire year. 
I have never interfered, nor thought of interfering, as to who shall 
or shall not preach in any church ; nor have I knowingly or believ- 
ingly tolerated any one else to so interfere by my authority. If any 
one is so interfering by color of my authority, I would like to have 
it specifically nuide known to me. 

If, after all, what is now sought is to have me put Dr. McPhee- 
ters back over the heads of a majority of his own congregation, that, 
too, will be declined. I will not have control of any church on any 
side. Yours respectfully, 

A. Lincoln. 



December 22, 1863. — Indorsement on Petition concerning 
Dr. McPheeters. 

The assumptions of this paper, so far as I know, or believe, are 
entirely false. I have never deprived Doctor McPheeters of any 
ecclesiastical right, or authorized or excused its being done by any 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 465 

one deriving authority from me. On the contrary, in regard to 
this very ease, I directed a long time ago that Doctor McPheeters 
was to be arrested, or remain at large, upon the same rule as any 
one else ; and that in no event was any one to interfere, by my 
authority, as to who should or should not preach in any church. 
This was done, I think, in a letter, in the nature of an order, to Mr. 
Dick. The assumption that I am keeping Dr. McPheeters from 
preaching in his church is monstrous. If any one is doing this, by 
pretense of my authority, I will thank any one who can to make 
out and present me a specific case against him. If, after all, the 
doctor is kept out by the majority of his own parishioners, and my 
official power is sought to force him in over their heads, I decline 

^^^^ ^1««- A. Lincoln. 

December 22, 18G3. 



December 23, 1863. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and Souse of Representatives : I transmit to Con- 
gress a copy of the report to the Secretary of State of the commis- 
sioners on the part of the United States under the convention with 
Peru, of the 12th of January last, on the subject of claims, 

It will be noticed that two claims of Peruvian citizens on this 
government have been allowed. An appropriation for the discharge 
of the obligations of the United States in these cases is requested. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 23, 1863. 



December 24, 1863. — Letter to General N. P. Banks. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 24, 1863. 
Major-General Banks : 

Yours of the sixth instant has been received and fully considered. I 
deeply regret to have said or done anything which could give you pain 
or uneasiness. I have all the while intended you to be master, as well 
in regard to reorganizing a State government for Louisiana, as in 
regard to the military matters of the department; and hence my 
letters on reconstruction have nearly, if not quite, all been addressed 
to you. My error has been that it did not occur to me that Gover- 
nor Shepley or any one else would set up a claim to act indepen- 
dently of you ; and hence I said nothing expressly upon the point. 

Language has not been guarded at a point where no danger was 
thought of. I now tell you that in every dispute with whomsoever, 
you are master. 

Governor Shepley was appointed to assist the commander of the 
department, and not to thwart him or act independently of him. 
Instructions have been given directly to him merely to spare you 
detail labor, and not to supersede your authority. This, in its lia- 
bility to be misconstrued, it now seems was an error in us. But it 
is past. I now distinctly tell you that you are master of all, and 
Vol. II.— 30. 



466 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

that I wish you to take the case as you find it, and give us a free 
State reorganization of Louisiana in the shortest possible time. What 
I say here is to have a reasonable construction. I do not mean that 
you are to withdraw from Texas, or abandon any other military 
measure which you may deem important. Nor do I mean that you 
are to throw away available work already done for reconstruction; 
nor that war is to be made upon Governor Shepley, or upon any one 
else, unless it be found that they will not cooperate with yon, in which 
case, and in all cases, you are master while you remain in command 
of the department. 
My thanks for your successful and valuable operations in Texas. 

Yours as ever, A. Lincoln. 



December 29, 1863. — Letter to General N. P. Banks. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 29, 1863. 
Major-General Banks : 

Yours of the sixteenth is received, and I send you, as covering 
the ground of it, a copy of my answer to yours of the sixth, it being 
possible the original may not reach you. I intend you to be master 
in every controversy made with you. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



December 31, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 31, 1863. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Sir : Please fix up the department to which Curtis is to go, with- 
out waiting to wind up the Missouri matter. Lane is very anxious 
to have Fort Smith in it, and I am willing, unless there be decided 
military reasons to the contrary, in which case of course, I am not 
for it. It will oblige me to have the Curtis department fixed at once. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



January 5, 1864. — Message to the Senate. 

Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives : By a joint 
resolution of your honorable bodies, approved December 23, 1863, 
the paying of bounties to veteran volunteers, as now practised by 
the War Department, is, to the extent of three hundred dollars in 
each case, prohibited after this fifth day of the present month. I 
transmit,for your consideration, a communication from the Secretary 
of War, accompanied by one from the Provost-Marshal-General to 
him, both relating to the subject above mentioned. I earnestly 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 467 

recommend that the law be so modified as to allow bounties to be 
paid as they now are, at least until the ensuing first day of Febru- 
ary. I am not without anxiety lest I appear to be importunate in 
thus recalling your attention to a subject upon which you have so 
recently acted, and nothing but a deep conviction that the public 
interest demands it could induce me to incur the hazard of being 
misunderstood on this point. The executive approval was given 
by m(^ to the resolution mentioned ; and it is now, by a closer at- 
tention and a fuller knowledge of facts, that I feel constrained to 
recommend a reconsideration of the subject. 

Washington, January 5, 1864. Abraham Lincoln. 



January 5, 1864. — Letter to General F. Steele. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 5, 1864. 
Major-Gteneral Steele : 

I wish to afford the people of Arkansas an opportunity of taking 
the oath prescribed in the proclamation of December 8, 1863, pre- 
paratory to reorganizing a State government there. 

Accordingly I send you by General Kimball some blank books 
and other blanks, the manner of using which will, in the main, be 
suggested by an inspection of them ; and General Kimball will add 
some verbal explanations. 

Please make a trial of the matter immediately at such points as 
you may think likely to give success. I suppose Helena and Little 
Rock are two of them. Detail any officer you may see fit to take 
charge of the subject at each point ; and which officer, it may be as- 
sumed, will have authority to administer the oath. These books of 
course are intended to be permanent records. Report to me on the 
subject. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



January 6, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Bramlette. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 6, 1864. 2 p. m. 
Governor Bramlette, Frankfort, Kentucky : 

Yours of yesterday received. Nothing is known here about Gen- 
eral Foster's order, of which you complain, beyond the fair presump- 
tion that it comes from General Grant, and that it has an object 
which, if you understood, you w<Hild be loath to frustrate. True, 
these troops are, in strict law, only to be removed by my order ; but 
General Grant's judgment would l)e the highest incentive to me to 
make such order. Nor can I understand how doing so is bad faith 
and dishonor, nor yet how it so exposes Kentucky to ruin. Military 
men here do not perceive how it exposes Kentucky, and I am sure 
Grant would not permit it if it so appeared to him. 

A. Lincoln. 



468 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

January 1, 1864. — Indorsement. 

Cincinnati, January 7, 1864. 
To Hon. S. P. Chase : 

One Andrews is to be shot for desertion at Covington, to-moiTow. The 
proceedings have never been submitted to the President. Is this right ? 

Governor Hoadley. 

[Indorsement.] 

The case of Andrews is really a very bad oue, as appears by the 

record already before me. Yet before receiving this I had ordered 

his punishment commuted to imprisonment for during the war at 

hard labor, and had so telegraphed. I did this, not on any merit in 

the case, but because I am trying to evade the butchering business 

lately. , ^ 

•^ A. Lincoln. 

January 7, 1864. — Letter to C. J. Wright and 
C. K. Hawkes. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, January 7, 1864. 
Messrs. Craft J. Wright and C. K. Hawkes. 

Gentlemen: You have presented me a plan for getting cotton and 
other products from within the rebel lines, from which you think 
the United States will derive some advantage. 

Please, carefuUy and considerately, answer me the following 
questions : 

First. If now, without any new order or rule, a rebel should come 
into our lines with cotton, and offer to take the oath of December 8, 
what do you understand would be done with him and his cotton ? 

Second. How will the physical difficulty and danger of getting 
cotton from within the rebel lines be lessened by your plan ! Or 
how will the owner's motive to surmount that difficulty and danger 
be heightened by it 1 

Third. If your plan be adopted, where do you propose putting the 
cotton, etc., into market ? how assure the government of your good 
faith in the business 1 and how be compensated for your services f 

Very respectfully, A. Lincoln. 

January 7, 1864. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate mid House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- 
gress a copy of the decree of the district court of the United States 
for the southern district of New York, awarding the sum of seven- 
teen thousand one hundred and fifty dollars and sixty-six cents for 
the illegal capture of the British schooner Glen, and request that 
an appropriation of that amount may be made as an indemnification 
to the parties interested. Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, January 7, 1864. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEllS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 469 



January 11, 1864. — Note to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 11, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

My dear Sir: I am receiving letters and despatches indicating an 
expectation that Mr. Barney is to leave the Custom House at New- 
York. Have you anything on the subject f 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



January 12, 1864. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senette of the United States : In accordance with the request 
of the Senate, conveyed in their resolution of the 16th of December, 
1863, desiring any information in my possession relative to the al- 
leged exceptional treatment of Kansas troops when captured by 
those in rebellion, I have the honor to transmit a communication 
from the Secretary of War, accompanied by reports from the general- 
in-chief of the army and the commissary-general of prisoners rela- 
tive to the subject-matter of the resolution. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, January 12, 1864. 



January 13, 1864. — Letter to GtENERAL N. P. Banks. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 13, 1864. 
Major-General Banks : 

I have received two letters from you, which are duplicates each of 
the other, except that one bears date the 27th and the other the 30th 
of December. Your confidence in the practicability of constructing 
a free-State government speedily for Louisiana, and your zeal to 
accomplish it are very gratifying. It is a connection than in which 
the words '' can " and " will " were never more precious. I am much 
in hope that on the authority of my letter of December 24, you have 
already begun the work. Whether you shall have done so or not, 
please, on receiving this, proceed with all possible despatch, using 
your own absolute discretion in all matters which may not carry 
you away from the conditions stated in your letters to me, nor from 
those of the message and proclamation of December 8. Frame or- 
ders, and fix times and places for this and that, according to your 
own judgment. I am much gratified to know that Mr. Dennison, 
the Collector at New Orleans, and who bears j'ou this, understands 
your views and will give you his full and zealous cocipei-ation. It 
is my wish and purpose that all others holding authority from me 
shall do the like; and, to spare me writing, I will thank you to make 
this known to them. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



470 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



January 13, 1864. — Letter to General Q. A. Gillmore. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 13, 1864. 
Major-General Gillmore : 

I understand an effort is being made by some worthy gentlemen 
to reconstruct a loyal State government in Florida. Florida is in 
your department, and it is not unlikely that you may be there in 
person. I have given Mr. Hay a commission of major, and sent him 
to you, with some blank-books and other blanks, to aid in the recon- 
struction. He will explain as to the manner of using the blanks, 
and also my general views on the subject. It is desirable for all to 
cooperate, but if irreconcilable differences of opinion shall arise, you 
are master. I wish the thing done in the most speedy way possible, 
so that when done, it lie within the range of the late proclamation 
on the subject. The detail labor, of course, will have to be done by 
others ; but I shall be greatly obliged if you will give it such general 
supervision as you can find consistent with your more strictly mili- 
tary duties. Yours very truly, . ^ 

•^ . J Ji ^_ Lincoln. 



January 16, 1864. — Letter to Crosby and Nichols. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 16, 1864. 
Messrs. Crosby and Nichols. 

Gentlemen : The number for this month and year of the '^ North 
American Review " was duly received, and for which please accept 
my thanks. Of course, I am not the most impartial judge ; yet, with 
due allowance for this, I venture to hope that the article entitled 
" The President's Policy " will be of value to the country. I fear 
I am not quite worthy of all which is therein kindly said of me 
personally. 

The sentence of twelve lines, commencing at the top of page 252, 
I could wish to be not exactly as it is. In what is there expressed, 
the writer has not correctly understood me. I have never had a 
theory that secession could absolve States or people from their obli- 
gations. Precisely the contrary is asserted in the inaugural address; 
and it was because of my belief in the continuation of these ohliga- 
tions that I was puzzled, for a time, as to denying the legal rights of 
those citizens who remained individually innocent of treason or re- 
bellion. But I mean no more now than to merely call attention to 

this point. Yours respectfully, . -r 

^ ^ •^' A. Lincoln. 



January 17, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Bramlette. 

Executive Mansion, January 17, 1864. 
Governor Bramlette, Frankfort, Kentucky : 

Your letter of the eighth is just received. To your question, 
" May I not add q. e. d. f " I answer " No," because you omit the 



I 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 471 

"premise " in the law, that the President mnv in i.; r 

these troops out of Keutn(±v lu^J^^ ^/^ l^^^^^^^ 

on the iud.nnent of Geioryrv. f ."^ V^''""^ '^ ^^^ ^^^^^^ ^'^ so, 

conference with him '' Kentucky, and I hope you have had a 

A. Lincoln. 

January 18, 1864.— Letter to T. B. Bryan. 

TRO^r.. P ^^^^^'^^Z,^ ^^^'SiON, Washington, January' 18, 1864 
Thomas B. Bryan, Esq., Chicago, Illinois. ' 

faSi:;f' the m^n-dSof H '^ ''''''' ''■ '''' ^^^^ographed 

ta. .et It i.presserUtvS^^^ T}JS^\^^ 
^-^ I ours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

January 20, 1864._Letter to General J. J. Eetnolds 

M..o..G.^TuZf^:r' '''^^-'^^^-^' •^— .V 20, 1864. 

building, pi-ernises and fur, if rr!,f t ^'■''' '".'\band, of a certain 
been oetu^ying^X^rf, ^"^^7/^^^^^^^ her children, has 

ta^:^?,rL-i£SSSSISf- 

tins would not have required the s?i7nir?fi i' •. ^ ^'^^' ^^^cause 
ally not the return of tSt'u^rpre" fslf ^^'X^'^ '''' ^^i^^^^" 
te:'^^Xh r^c^^^i^T ^^^- ^cSeation, a mat- 
military officers, are ?oiudr iTtV ' Pro^o^t-marslmls or other 
the questions, "Is eUhlr fit b^ Ih^ 7'''^ '^'' "^""^^ probably be 

marshal to aLle to de'cid" '"''' " ''^ "d'™'"'"' for a provost- 



472 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

tou and other staple articles of commerce are seizable for military- 
reasons. Dwelling-houses and furniture are seldom so. If Mrs. 
Morton is playing traitor to the extent of practical injury, seize her, 
but leave her house to the courts. Please revise and adjust this 
case upon these principles. Youi's, etc., 

A. Lincoln. 



January 20, 1864. — Letter to General F. Steele. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 20, 1864. 
Major-General Steele: 

Sundry citizens of the State of Arkansas petition me that an 
election may be held in that State, at which to elect a governor 
thereof; . . . that it be assumed at said election and thence- 
forward that the constitution and laws of the State, as before 
the rebellion, are in full force, except that the constitution is so 
modified as to declare that "there shall be neither slavery nor 
involuntary servitude, except in the punishment of crime whereof 
the party shall have been duly convicted ; but the General Assembly 
may make such provision for the freed people as shall recognize and 
declare their permanent freedom, provide for their education, and 
which may yet be consistent, as a temporary arrangement, with 
their present condition as a laboring, landless, and homeless class"; 
and also except that all now existing laws in relation to slaves are 
inoperative and void; that said election be held on the twenty- 
eighth day of March next at all the usual voting places of the State, 
or all such as voters may attend for that purpose ; that the voters 
attending at each place, at eight o'clock in the morning of said day, 
may choose judges and clerks of election for that place; that all 
persons qualified by said constitution and laws, and taking the oath 
prescribed in the President's proclamation of December the 8th, 
1863, either before or at the election, and none others, may be voters, 
provided that persons having the qualifications aforesaid, and being 
in the volunteer military service of the United States, may vote 
once wherever they may be at voting places; that each set of judges 
and clerks may make return directly to you on or before the eleventh 
day of April next ; that in all other respects said election may be 
conducted according to said modified constitution and laws ; that on 
receipt of said returns, you count said votes, and that if the number 
shall reach or exceed five thousand four hundred and six, you can- 
vass said votes and ascertain who shall thereby appear to have been 
elected governor; and that on the eighteenth day of April next, 
the person so appearing to have been elected, and appearing before 
you at Little Rock to have, by you, administered to him an oath to 
support the Constitution of the United States and said modified 
constitution of the State of Arkansas, and actually taking said 
oath, be, by you, declared qualified, and be enjoined to immediately 
enter upon the duties of the office of governor of said State ; and 
that you thereupon declare the constitution of the State of Arkan- 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 473 

sas to have been modified and amended as aforesaid by tlie action 
of the people as aforesaid. 

You will please order an election immediately, and perform the 
other parts assigned you, with necessary incidentals, all according 
to the foregoing. 

A. Lincoln. 



January 20, 1864. — Message to Congress. 

Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives : In accor- 
dance with a letter addressed by the Secretary of State, with my 
ap])roval, to the Hon. Joseph A. Wright of Indiana, that patriotic 
and distinguished gentleman repaired to Europe and attended the 
international agi'ieultural exhibition held at Hamburg last year, and 
has, since his return, made a report to me which, it is believed, can- 
not fail to be of general interest, and especially so to the agricul- 
tural community. I transmit for your consideration copies of the 
letter and report. While it appears by the letter that no reim- 
bursement of expenses or compensation was promised him, I sub- 
mit whether reasonable allowance should not be made him for them. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

WASfflNGTON, January 20, 1864. 

January 21, 1864. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : In compliance with the reso- 
lution of the Senate of yesterday, respecting the recent destruction 
by fire of the Church of the Compauia, at Santiago, Chili, and the 
efforts of citizens of the United States to rescue the victims of the 
conflagration, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, with 
the papers accompanying it. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, January 21, 1864. 

January 23, 1864.— Letter to A. Lewis. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 23, 1864. 
Alpheus Lewis, Esq. 

Ml/ dear Sir : You have inquired how the government would re- 
gard and treat cases wherein the owners of plantations, in Arkansas, 
for instance, might fully recognize the freedom of those formerlv 
slaves, and by fair contracts of hire with them, recommence the cul- 
tivation of their plantations. I answer, I should regard such eases 
with great favor, and should as a principle treat them ]n'ecisely as I 
would treat the same number of free white people in the same rela- 
tion and condition. Whether white or black, reasonable effort should 
be made to give government protection. In neither case should the 
giving of aid and comfort to the rebellion, or otliei* practices injuri- 
ous to the government, be allowed on such plantations; and in either, 



474 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

the government would claim the right to take, if necessary, those of 
proper ages and conditions into tlie military service. Such plan 
must not be used to break up existing leases or arrangements of 
abandoned plantations which the government may have made to give 
employment and sustenance to the idle and destitute people. With 
the foregoing qualifications, and explanations, and in view of its 
tendency to advance freedom, and restore peace and prosperity, such 
hiring and employment of the freed people, would be regarded by 
me with rather especial favor. 

To be more specific, I add that all the military, and others acting 
by authority of the United States, are to favor and facilitate the in- 
troduction and carrying forward, in good faith, the free-labor sys- 
tem as above indicated, by allowing the necessary supplies therefor 
to be procured and taken to the proper points, and by doing and for- 
bearing whatever will advance it, providing that existing military 
and trade regulations be not transcended thereby. I shall be glad 
to learn that planters adopting this system shall have employed one 
so zealous and active as yourself to act as an agent in relation 
thereto. Yours trulv, 

A. Lincoln. 



Executive Mansion, Washington, , 1864. 

Confiding in the representations and assurances made and given by Hon. 
Brutus J. Clay, of Keutucky, that if permitted and afforded reasonable pro- 
tection and facilities by the government, his brother-in-law, Christopher F. 
Field, and his son, Christopher F. Clay, ha\'ing, prior to the rebellion, liad 
ownership and lawful control of several plantations in Mississippi and Ar- 
kansas would put said plantations into cultivation, upon the system of free 
hired labor, recognizing and acknowledging the freedom of the laborers, 
and totally excluding from said plantations the slave system of labor, and 
all actual slavery, and would neither do nor permit anything on said planta- 
tions which Avould aid the rebellion, it is hereby ordered that said Christo- 
pher F. Field, and Christopher F. Clay, or either of them, be pennitted to 
so put said plantations, or any of them, into cultivation ; and that the mili- 
tary, and all others acting by the authority of the United States, are to 
favor and facilitate said Field and Clay in the carrying forward said busi- 
ness in good faith, by giving them protection, and allowing them to prociu-e 
and take to the proper points, the necessary supplies of all kinds, and by 
doing and forbearing in whatever way will advance the object aforesaid j 
provided that no existing military or trade regulations, nor any military ne- 
cessity be transcended or overridden thereby. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



January 25, 1864.— Note to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 25, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

My dear Sir: Not intending to hurry you, may I ask if the new 
provisions about trade in cotton and sugar are nearly ready to go 
into effect ? Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 475 



January 26, 1864. — Order Approving Trade Regulations. 

ExECUTRiE Mansion, Washington, January 26, 1864. 
I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, having- seen 
and considered the additional regulations of tr-ade prescribed by the 
Secretary of the Treasury, and numbered LI, LII, LIII, LIV, LV, 
and LVI, do hereby approve the same ; and I further declare and 
order that all property brought in for sale in good faith, and actu- 
ally sold in pursuance of said Regulations LII, LIII, LIV, LV, and 
LVI, after the same shall have taken effect and come in force as 
provided in Regulation LVI, shall be exempt from confiscation or 
forfeiture to the United States. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



January 27, 1864. — Letter to General F. Steele, 

Washington, January 27, 1864. 
Major-General Steele : 

I have addressed a letter to you, and put it in the hands of Mr. 
Gantt and other Arkansas gentlemen, containing a program for an 
election in that State. This letter will be handed you by some of 
these gentlemen. Since writing it, I see that a convention in Ar- 
kansas having the same general object, has taken some action, which 
I am afraid may clash somewhat with my program. I therefore 
can do no better tlian to ask you to see Mr. Gantt immediately on 
his return, and with him do what you and he may deem necessary 
to harmonize the two plans into one, and then put it through with 
all possible vigor. Be sure to retain the free-State constitutional 
provision in some unquestionable form, and you and he can fix the 
rest. The points I have made in the program have been well con- 
sidered. Take hold with an honest heart and a strong hand. Do 
not let any questionable man control or influence you. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



January 28, 1864. — Letter to General H. W. Halleck. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 28, 1864. 
Major-General Halleck : 

Some citizens of Missouri, vicinity of Kansas City, are apprelien- 
sive that there is special danger of renewed troubles in that neigh- 
borhood, and thence on the route toward New Mexico. I am not 
impressed that the danger is very great or imminent, but I wiU 
thank you to give Generals Rosecrans and Curtis, respectively, 
such orders as may turn their attention thereto and prevent as far 
as possible the apprehended disturbance. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



476 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



January 28, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 28, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

3fy dear Sir : Herewith I return this proof-sheet of the new rules. 
I suggest two points, but do not urge them. First, that as the 
trust and emokiments of the agents are to be increased, shoukl not 
their bonds be increased f Secondly, might it not be well to fix a 
maximum, as is sometimes done in acts of Congress, beyond which 
the one per cent, compensation shall not go in a year? 

If the increase of business should necessitate the appointment of 
an additional agent, I would be glad for Charles K, Hawkes to be 
appointed. He is one of the three so favorably mentioned by the 
treasury and other officers at New Orleans, in the letter I read in 
your hearing twice or thrice, I believe. I have some reason to be- 
lieve it would please General Banks, though he has not said so, that 
I have heard. I have heard that he and General Banks are old 
acquaintances and friends. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

January 29, 1864. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : I transmit herewith a report 
from the Secretary of State, in answer to the resolution of the Sen- 
ate, respecting the correspondence with the authorities of Great 
Britain in relation to the proposed pursuit of hostile bands of the 
Sioux Indians into the Hudson Bay Territories. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, January 29, 1864. 

January 30, 1864. — Letter to General F. Steele. 

ExECUTrv'E Mansion, Washington, January 30, 1864. 
Major- General Steele: 

Since writing mine of the 27th, seeing still further accounts of 
the action of the convention in Arkansas, induces me to write you 
yet again. They seem to be doing so well, that possibly the best 
you Clin do would be to help them on their own plan ; but of this 
you must confer with them and be the judge. Of all things, avoid, 
if possible, a dividing into cliques among the friends of the com- 
mon object. Be firm and resolute against such as you can perceive 
would make confusion and division. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

January 31, 1864. — Letter to General N. P. Banks. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 31, 1864. 
Major-General Banks: 

Yours of the 22d instant is just received. In the proclamation 
of December 8, which contains the oath that you say some loyal 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 477 

people wish to avoid taking, I said: "And still further, that this 
proclamation is intended to present the people of the States 
wherein tlie national authority has beeu suspended, and loyal State 
g-()veruments have been subverted, a mode in and by which the 
national authority and loyal State governments may be reestab- 
lished within said States, or in any of them ; and while the mode 
pi-esented is the best the executive can suggest with his present 
impressions, it must not be understood that no other possible mode 
would be acceptable." 

And speaking of this in the message [of December 8, 1863] I 
said : " Saying that reconstruction will be accepted if presented in 
a specified way, it is not said it will never be accepted in any 
other way." 

These things were put into these documents on purpose that 
some conformity to circumstances should be admissible ; and when 
I have, more than once, said to you in my letters that available 
labor already done should not be thrown away, I had in my mind 
the very class of cases you now mention. So you see it is not even, 
a modification of anything I have heretofore said, when I tell you 
that you are at liberty to adopt any rule which shall admit to vote 
any unquestionably loyal free-State men and none others. 

And yet I do wish they would all take the oath. 

Yours truly, a. Lincoln. 



February 1, 1864. — Order to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, February 1, 1864. 
Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

Sir : You are directed to have a transport (either a steam or sail- 
ing vessel, as may be deemed proper by the Quartermaster-General) 
sent to the colored colony established by the United States at the 
Island of Vache, on the coast of San Domingo, to bring back to this 
country such of the colonists there as desire to return. You will 
have the transport furnished with suitable supplies for that purpose, 
and detail an officer of the Quartermastei-'s department, who, under 
s))ecial instructions to be given, shall have charge of the business. 
The colonists will be brought to Washington unless otherwise here- 
after directed, and be employed and provided for at the camps for 
colored persons around that city. 

Those only will be brought from the island who desu'e to return, 
and their effects will be brought with them. 

Abrahajm Lincoln. 



February 1, 1864. — Order for a Draft of 500,000 Men. 

Executive Mansion, February 1, 1864. 
Ordered, That a draft for five hundred thousand (oOO.OOO) men, to 
serve for three years or during the war, be made on tlu^ tenth (lOfh) 
day of March next, for the military service of the Uni^'^'^ States, 



478 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

crediting and deducting therefrom so many as may have been en- 
listed or drafted into the service prior to the first (1st) day of March, 
and not before credited. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



February 4, 1864. — Letter to Edward Everett. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 4, 1864. 
Hon. Edward Everett. 

Ml/ dear Sir : Yours of January 30 was received four days ago, 
and since then the address mentioned has arrived. Thank you for it. 
I send herewith the manuscript of my remarks at Gettysburg, 
which, with my note to you of November 20, you are at liberty to 
use for the benefit of our soldiers, as you have requested. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



February 4, 1864. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate : In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of 
the twenty-sixth ultimo, requesting " a copy of all the correspondence 
between the authorities of the United States and the rebel authorities 
on the exchange of prisoners, and the different propositions con- 
nected with that subject," I transmit herewith a report from the 
Secretary of War and the papers with which it is accompanied. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Washington, February 4, 1864. 



February 5, 1864. — Indorsement. 

Submitted to the Secretary of War. On principle I dislike an 
oath which requires a man to swear he has not done wrong. It 
rejects the Christian principle of forgiveness on terras of repen- 
tance. I think it is enough if the man does no wrong hereafter. 

A. Lincoln. 
February 5, 1864. 



February 5, 1864. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States: In answer to the resolution of 
the Senate of yesterday on the subject of a reciprocity treaty with the 
Sandwich Islands, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, to 
whom the resolution was referred. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, February 5, 1864. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 479 

February 6, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Murphy. 

Washington, February 6, 1864. 
Governor J. Murphy: 

My order to General Steele about an election was made in igno- 
rance of the action your convention had taken or would take. A 
subsequent letter directs General Steele to aid you on your own 
plan, and not to thwart or hinder you. Show this to him. 

A. Lincoln. 



February 6, 1864. — Account of the Emancipation Proclamation 

RELATED VERBALLY BY THE PRESIDENT TO THE ARTIST F. B. 

Carpenter. 

"It had got to be," said Mr. Lincoln, "midsummer, 1862. Things 
had gone on from bad to worse, until I felt that we had reached 
the end of our rope on the plan of operations we had been pursu- 
ing ; that we had about played our last card, and must change our 
tactics, or lose the game. I now determined upon the adoption of 
the emancipation policy; and without consultation with, or the 
knowledge of, the Cabinet, I prepared the original draft of the proc- 
lamation, and, after much anxious thought, called a Cabinet meet- 
iug upon the subject. This was the last of July or the first part of 
the month of August, 1862. [The exact date was July 22, 1862. J 
. . . All were present excepting Mi-. Blair, the Postmaster-Gen- 
eral, who was absent at the opening of the discussion, but came in 
subsequently. I said to the Cabinet that I had resolved upon this 
step, and had not called them together to ask their advice, but to 
lay the subject-matter of a proclamation before them, suggestions 
as to which would be in order after they had heard it read. Mr. 
Love joy was in error when he informed you that it excited no com- 
ment excepting on the part of Secretary Seward. Various sugges- 
tions were offered. Secretary Chase wished the language stronger 
in reference to the arming of the blacks. 

" Mr. Blair, after he came in, deprecated the policy on the ground 
that it would cost the administration the fall elections. Nothing, 
however, was offered that I had not already fully anticipated and set- 
tled in my own mind, until Secretary Seward spoke. lie said in sub- 
stance, ' Mr. President, I approve of the proclamation, but I ques- 
tion the expediency of its issue at this juncture. The depression 
of the pul)lic mind, consequent upon our repeated reverses, is so 
great that I fear the effect of so important a step. It may be 
viewed as the last measure of an exhausted government, a cry for 
help ; the government stretching forth its hands to Ethio})ia, instead 
of Ethiopia stretching forth her hands to the government.' His 
idea," said the President, " was that it would be considered our last 
shriek on the retreat. [This was his precise expression.] 'Now,' 
continued Mr. Seward, ' while I approve the measure, I suggest, sir, 
that you postpone its issue until you can give it to the country 



480 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

supported by military success, instead of issuing it, as would be 
the case now, upon the greatest disasters of the war.' " Mr. Lincoln 
continued: "The wisdom of the view of the Secretary of State struck 
me with very great force. It was an aspect of the case that, in all 
my thought upon the subject, I had entirely overlooked. The re- 
sult was that I put the draft of the proclamation aside, as you do 
your sketch for a picture, waiting for a victory. 

" From time to time I added or changed a line, touching it up here 
and there, anxiously watching the progress of events. Well, the 
next news we had was of Pope's disaster at Bull Run. Things 
looked darker than ever. Finally came the week of the battle of 
Antietam. I determined to wait no longer. The news came, I 
think, on Wednesday, that the advantage was on our side. I was 
then staying at the Soldier's Home [three miles out of Washington], 
Here I finished writing the second draft of the preliminary procla- 
mation ; came up on Saturday ; called the Cabinet together to hear 
it, and it was published on the following Monday." 



February 8, 1864. — Note to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 8, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary op War. 

My dear Sir: I saw Doolittle and made your views known to 
him. He is altogether tractable on the question and thinks there 
is no danger of precipitate action. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



February 11, 1864, — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 11, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir: In January, 1863, the Provost-Marshal at St. Louis, 
having taken the control of a certain church from one set of men 
and given it to another, I wrote General Curtis on the subject as 
follows: 

"The United States Government must not, as by this order, un- 
dertake to run the churches. When an individual in a church or 
out of it becomes dangerous to the public interest, he must be 
checked; but the churches, as such, must take care of themselves. 
It will not do for the United States to appoint trustees, supervisors, 
or other agents for the churches." 

Some trouble remaining in this same case, I, on the twenty-second 
of December, 1863, in a letter to Mr. O. D. Filley, repeated the 
above language, and among other things added, "I have never in- 
terfered nor thought of interfering as to who shall or shall not 
preach in any church; nor have I knowingly or belie vingly tolerated 
any one else to so interfere by my authority. If any one is so inter- 
fering by color of my authority, I would like to have it specifically 



V LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLX 481 

made known to me. ... I will not have control of any church 
on any side." 

After having made these declarations in good faith, and in writing, 
you can conceive of my embarrassment at now having brought to 
me what purports to be a formal order of the War Department, 
bearing date November 30, 1863, giving Bishop Ames control and 
possession of all the Methodist churches in cei-tain Southern military 
departments, whose pastors have not been appointed by a loyal bishop 
or bishops, and ordering the military to aid him against any resis- 
tance which may be made to his taking such possession and control. 
What is to be done about it ? Yours truly, a Ljjtpqt >t 

February 12, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, February 12, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary or the Treasury. 

Mtj dear Sir: I have felt considerable anxiety concerning the Cus- 
tom House at New York. Mr. Barney has suffered no abatement of 
my confidence in his honor and integrity ; and yet I am convinced 
that he has ceased to be master of his position. A man by the name 
of Bailey, whom I am unconscious of ever having seen, or even hav- 
ing heard of except in this connection, expects to be, and even now 
assumes to be, collector de facto, while Mr. Barney remains nomi- 
nally so. This Mr. Bailey, as I understand, having been summoned 
as a witness to testify before a committee of the House of Represen- 
tatives which purposed investigating the affairs of the New York Cus- 
tom House, took occasion to call on the chairman in advance, and to 
endeavor to smother the investigation, saying among other things, 
that whatever might be developed, the President would take no ac- 
tion, and the committee would thereby be placed unpleasantly. The 
public interest cannot fail to suffer in the hands of this unresponsi- 
ble and unscrupulous man. I propose sending Mr. Barney minister 
to Portugal, as evidence of my continued confidence in him ; and I 

further propose appointing collector of the customs at New 

York. I wrote the draft of this letter two weeks ago, but delayed 
sending it for a reason which I will state when I see you. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

February 13, 1S64. — Indorsement on the Modifying Order 

RELATING TO MeTHODIST ChURCHES IN ReBEL StaTES. 

As you see within, the Secretary of War modifies his order so as 
to exempt Missouri from it. Kentucky was never within it; nor, as 
I learn from the Secretary, was it ever intended for any more than 
a means of rallying the Methodist people in favor of the Union, in 
localities where the rebellion had disorganized and scattered them. 
Even in that view, I fear it is liable to some abuses, but it is not 
quite easy to withdraw it entirely and at once. ^ Lincoln. 

February 13, 1864. 
Vol. il— 31. 



482 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

February 13, 1864. — Telegram to Horace Maynard. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, February 13, 1864. 
Hon. Horace Maynard, Nashville, Tennessee : 

Your letter of [the] second received. Of course Governor Johnson 
will proceed with reorganization as the exigencies of the case appear 
to him to require. I do not apprehend he will think it necessary to 
deviate from my views to any ruinous extent. On one hasty reading 
I see no such deviation in his program, which you send. 

A. Lincoln. 



February 15, 1864. — Telegrajm to General J. M. Thayer. 
War Department, February 15, 1864. 
General Thayer, Fort Smith, Arkansas : 

Yours received. Whatever of conflict there is between the conven- 
tion and me is accidental, not designed, I having acted in ignorance 
that the convention would act. I yield to the convention, and have 
so notified General Steele, who is master, and is to cut any knots 
which cannot be untied. Correspond with him. ^_ Lincoln. 



February 15, 1864. — Note to Secretary Chase. 

Treasury Department, February 15, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

3fy dear Sir: I have just called here to see you on the matter 
mentioned Saturday, and am pained to learn you are suffering too 
much to be out. I hope you will soon be relieved ; meanwhile have 
no uneasiness as to the thing to which I am alluding, as I shall do 
nothing in it until I shall [have] fully conferred with you. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



February 15, 1864. — Letter to General D. E. Sickles. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 15, 1864. 
Major-General Sickles: 

I wish you to make a tour for me (principally for observation and 
information) by way of Cairo and New Orleans, and returning by 
the gulf and ocean. 

All military and naval officers are to facilitate you with suitable 
transportation, and by conferring with you, and imparting, so far 
as they can, the information herein indicated; but you are not to 
command any of them. You will call at Memphis, Helena, Vicksburg, 
New Orleans, Pensacola, Key West, Charleston Harbor, and such 
intermediate points as you may think important. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 483 

what pruetical hitclTes ? C tt^/. I'^T^'V^I' works -if at'aJl,- 
come in from the enemy whk nmnW t?^ '*' ^-^''^^''' ^^'^^^'^ers 
since the amnesty, and^T/e he the ' 'i' ?"lf "^ at each point 
greater since than befo /the a ' neSv wl f l^''\ ^^"^^^^^ ^« ^"^7 
erally, and particularly wlieLra^fdfo' J, nf ^''''.^T.' ^'^^^'^ ^^^"- 
knovvn within the rebel S^Akn l ^^^'^V'^.*"^"^' ^^^ amnesty is 
colored people; how thev ^ei altf^ f ™i^^^^ >'«^J ^^^^ as to the 
service, in leased DlaiSnS! o?^ as soldiers, as laborers in our 
masters, if tK bSch S^"aiS "''^ ^f ""'''' ''''^' ^^^ir old 
colored people within the ?ebel lites aT ""'Y ^^" ^^^ ^^ ^o the 
tion you'^miy consider in te'es^^^^ ^'^ ^">' ^^^er informa- 

what you miy deemTmportant to Z\ "^ \""' *^ ^^°^^' ^^"^^ ^e 
ready to make a generaTr^^o.^tVu^ti^'eZL''" '' ""^' ^'^^ ^^ 

Yours truly, a. Lincoln. 

February 16, 1864.- Message to the House of 
Representatives. 

the''relohS:>f1htCS^^^^^^ I" — erto 

requesting- informTtimi touel"^- H ^^^^^ f ^l"^ ^'^^'^^ "^«tant, 

Cokul-General to th^BrS N?rth A^^ ""^ ^^^ ^'''^'^ ^^^^'^ 
tain official communications iesDect-no^'?° Provinces, and cer- 
mit a report from tKecrSv nf ^^P .''''^'^? ?^"^^^'«e' I trans- 
which itVas accompanied! ^ ^^'*'' ^^^ *^^ documents by 

Washington, February 16, 1864. Abraham Lincoln. 

February 16, 1864.- Message to Congress. 
To the Senate and House of Bepre^entofir^^ . T f..„ •. ^ ^ 
gress a report from the Secretjw-^of 4./! •;; J"^^""^"^^*^ *^ ^on- 
papers relative to the claiV. nn fi. ^^^ "^'^^ *^^ accompanying 

the French ship L l/aS^ and recofZ^T'^^ "^ ^^^ «^^^^^« «f 
thesatisfaction^oftheclai^l^u^ita^T^^^^^^^^ 

Washington, February 16, 1864. Abraham Lincoln. 

Februarys, 1864.- Letter to W. M. Fishback 

the latter fact I have been cnn>.twiw • ?^-. ^"ice Ilearned 



484 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

despatches to you and others, saying that he, General Steele, must be 
master, but that it will probably be best for him to merely help the 
convention on its own plan. Some single mind must be master, else 
there will be no agreement in anything, and General Steele, com- 
manding the military and being on the ground, is the best man to be 
that master. Even now citizens are telegraphing me to postpone 
the election to a later day than either that fixed by the convention or 
by me. This discord must be silenced. 

A. Lincoln. 



February 18, 1864. — Draft of Letter to Governor Andrew. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 18, 1864. 
His Excellency John A. Andrew, Governor of Massachusetts : 

Yours of the 12th was received yesterday. If I were to judge 
from the letter, without any external knowledge, I should suppose 
that all the colored people south of Washington were struggling to 
get to Massachusetts; that Massachusetts was anxious to receive 
and retain the whole of them as permanent citizens, and that the 
United States Government here was interposing and preventing 
this. But I suppose these are neither really the facts nor meant to 
be asserted as true by you. Coming down to what I suppose to be 
the real facts, you are engaged in trying to raise colored troops for 
the United Stales, and wish to take recruits from Virginia through 
Washington to Massachusetts for that object, and the loyal gov- 
ernor of Virginia, also trying to raise troops for us, objects to your 
taking his material away, while we, having to care for all and being 
responsible alike to all, have to do as much for him as we would 
have to do for you if he was by our authority taking men from 
Massachusetts to fill up Virginia regiments. No more than this 
has been intended by me, nor, as I think, by the Secretary of War. 
There may have been some abuses of this, as a rule, which, if 
known, should be prevented in future. If, however, it be really 
true that Massachusetts wishes to afford a permanent home within 
her borders for all or even a large number of colored persons who 
will come to her, I shall be only too glad to l^now it. It would give 
relief in a very difficult point, and I would not for a moment hinder 
from going any person who is free by the terms of the proclamation, 
or any of the acts of Congress. 



February 18, 1864. — Proclamation concerning Blockade. 

By the President of the United States op America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, by my proclamation of the nineteenth of April, one 
thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, the ports of the States of 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 485 

South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, 
and Texas were, for reasons therein set forth, placed under blockade ; 
aud whereas, the port of Brownsville, in the district of Brazos San- 
tiago, in the State of Texas, has since been blockaded, but as the 
blockade of said port may now be safely relaxed with advantage to 
the interests of commerce : 

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Al)raham Lincoln, President 
of the United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the 
fifth section of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July, 
1861, entitled " An act further to provide for the collection of duties 
on imports, and for other purposes," do hereby declare that the block- 
ade of the said port of Brownsville shall so far cease and determine 
from and after this date, that commercial intercourse with said port, 
except as to persons, things, and information hereinafter specified, 
may, from this date, be carried on, subject to the laws of the United 
States, to the regulations prescribed by the Secretary of the Trea- 
sury, and, until the rebellion shall have been suppressed, to such orders 
as may be promulgated by the general commanding the department, 
or by an officer duly authorized by him and commanding at said port. 
This proclamation does not authorize or allow the shipment or con- 
veyance of persons in, or intending to enter, the service of the insur- 
gents, or of things or information intended for their use, or for their 
aid or comfort, nor, except upon the permission of the Secretary of 
War, or of some officer duly authorized by him, of the following pro- 
hibited articles, namely: cannon, mortars, firearms, pistols, bombs, 
grenades, powder, saltpeter, sulphur, balls, bullets, pikes, swords, 
boarding-caps (always excepting the quantity of the said articles 
which may be necessary for the defense of the ship and those who 
compose the crew), saddles, bridles, cartridge-bag material, percus- 
sion and other caps, clothing adapted for uniforms, sail-cloth of all 
kinds, hemp and cordage, intoxicating drinks other than beer and 
light native wines. 

To vessels clearing from foreign ports and destined to the port of 
Brownsville, opened by this proclamation, licenses will be granted by 
consuls of the United States upon satisfactor}^ evidence that the 
vessel so licensed will convey no persons, property, or information 
excepted or prohibited above, either to or from the said port ; which 
licenses shall be exhibited to the collector of said port immediately 
on arrival, and, if required, to any officer in charge of the blockade, 
and on leaving said port every vessel will be required to have a 
clearance from the collector of the customs, according to law, show- 
ing no violation of the conditions of the license. Any violations of 
said conditions will involve the forfeiture and condemnation of the 
vessel and cargo, and the exclusion of all parties concerned from any 
further privilege of entering the United States dimng the wai'for 
any purpose whatever. 

in all respects, except as herein specified, the existing blockade 
remains in full force and effect as hitherto established and main- 
tained, nor is it relaxed by this proclamation except in regard to the 
port to which relaxation is or has been expressly applied. 



486 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at th-e city of Washing-ton, this eighteenth day of 
r -, February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
*■ ' *■' dred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United 
States the eighty-eighth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



February 20, 1864. — Telegram to Warren Jordan. 

Nashville, February 20, 1864. 
Hon. W. H. Sewaed, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. : 

In county and State elections, must citizens of Tennessee take the oath 
prescribed by Governor Johnson, or wiU the President's oath of amnesty 
entitle them to vote? I have been appointed to hold the March election 
in Cheatham County, and wish to act iinderstandingly. 

Warren Jordan. 



Washington, February 20, 1864. 
Warren Jordan, Nashville : 

In county elections you had better stand by Governor Johnson's 
plan ; otherwise you will have conflict and confusion. I have seen 
his plan. 

A. Lincoln. 



February 20, 1864. — Note to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 20, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

3hj dear Sir: Herewith I return the affidavit you handed me. In 
glancing over it once, I do not perceive anything necessarily incon- 
sistent with the practice of detectives and others engaged in the busi- 
ness of '^rascal catching"; but a closer examination might show it. 
It seems to me that August, the month within which the affiant 
fixes his first interview with Hanscomb, was really before Hans- 
comb left Boston and came to New York. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



February 22, 1864. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and Rouse of Representatives : I submit to Congress 
the copy of a correspondence which has recently taken place between 
her Britannic Majesty's minister accredited to this government and 
the Secretary of State, in order that the expediency of sanctioning 
the acceptance, by the master of the American schooner Highlander, 
of a present of a watch which the lords of the committee of her 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 487 

Majesty's privy council for trade propose to present to liini, in rec- 
ognition of services rendered by him to the crew of the British ves- 
sel Pearl, may be taken into consideration. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Washington, February 22, 1864. 



February 23, 1864. — Note to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 23, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary op the Treasury. 

My dear Sir: Yours of yesterday in relation to the paper issued 
by Senator Pomeroy was duly received; and I write this note merely 
to say I will answer a little more fully when I can find time to do so. 

Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

February 25, 1864. — Letter to General F. Steele. 

War Department, Washington, February 25, 1864. 
Major-General Steele, Little Rock, Arkansas: 

General Sickles is not going to Arkansas. He probably will make 
a tour down the Mississippi and home by the gulf and ocean, but 
he will not meddle in yonr affairs. 

At one time I did intend to have hira call on you and explain 
more fully than I could do by letter or telegraph, so as to avoid a 
difficulty coming of my having made a plan here, while the conven- 
tion made one there, for reorganizing Arkansas; but even his doing 
that has been given up for more than two weeks. Please show this 
to Governor Murphy to save me telegraphing him. 

A. Lincoln. 

February 27, 1864. — Letter to E. H. East. 

Washington, February 27, 1864. 
Hon. E. H. East, Secretary of State, Nashville, Tennessee: 

Your telegram of the twenty-sixth instant asking for a copy of my 
despatch to Warren Jordan, Esq., at '^ Nashville Press" office, has 
just been referred to me by Governor Johnson. In my reply to 
Mr. Jordan, which was brief and hurried, I intended to say that in 
the county and State elections of Tennessee, the oath prescribed 
in the proclamation of Governor Johnson on the twenty-sixth of 
January, 1864, ordering an election in Tennessee on the first Satur- 
day in March next, is entirely satisfactory to me as a test of loyalty 
of all persons proposing or offering to vote in said elections; and 
coming from hira would better be observed and followed.. There is 
no conflict between the oath of amnesty in my proclamation of 
eighth December, 1863, and that prescrilied by Governor Johnson 
in his proclamation of the twenty-sixth ultimo. 



488 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

No person who has taken the oath of amnesty of eighth December, 
1863, and obtained a pardon thereby, and who intends to observe 
the same in good faith, should have any objection to taking that 
prescribed by Governor Johnson as a test of loyalty. I have seen 
and examined Governor Johnson's proclamation, and am entirely 
satisfied with his plan, which is to restore the State government 
and place it nnder the control of citizens truly loyal to the Govern- 
ment of the United States. 

A. Lincoln. 

Please send above to Governor Johnson. 

A. L. 



February 27, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executrt: Mansion, Washington, February 27, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Sir : You ask some instructions from me in relation to the Report 
of Special Commission constituted by an order of the War Depart- 
ment, dated December 5, 1863, ''to revise the enrolment and quotas 
of the City and State of New York, and report whether there be any, 
and what, errors or irregularities therein, and what corrections, if 
any, should be made." 

In the correspondence between the governor of New York and 
myself last summer, I understood him to complain that the enrol- 
ments in several of the districts of that State had been neither ac- 
curately nor honestly made ; and in view of this, I, for the draft 
then immediately ensuing, ordered an arbitrary reduction of the 
quotas in several of the districts wherein they seemed too large, and 
said : ''After this drawing, these four districts, and also the seven- 
teenth and twenty-niuth, shall be carefully reenrolled, and, if you 
please, agents of yours may witness every step of the process." In a 
subsequent letter I believe some additional districts were put into 
the list of those to be reenrolled. My idea was to do the work over 
according to the law, in presence of the complaining party, and 
thereby to correct anything which might be found amiss. The com- 
mission, whose work I am considering, seem to have proceeded upon 
a totally different idea. Not going forth to find men at all, they have 
proceeded altogether upon paper examinations and mental processes. 
One of their conclusions, as I understand, is that, as the law stands, 
and attempting to follow it, the enrolling officers could not have made 
the enrolments much more accurately than they did. The report 
on this point might be useful to Congress. The commission con- 
elude that the quotas for the draft should be based upon entire popu- 
lation, and they proceed upon this basis to give a table for the State 
of New York, in which some districts are reduced and some increased. 
For the now ensuing draft, let the quotas stand as made by the en- 
rolling officers, in the districts wherein this table requires them to 
be increased ; and let them be reduced according to the table in the 
others : this to be no precedent for subsequent action. But, as I think 
this report may, on full consideration, be shown to have much that 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 439 

i«; valuable in it, I sugfgest that such consideration be given it, and 
that it be especially considered whether its suggestions can be con- 
formed to without an alteration of the law. 

Yours trulv, A. Lincoln. 



February 27, 1864. — Telegraivi to General J. W. Davidson. 

Washington, February 27, 1864. 
To General Davidson, Cairo : 

Whether you shall come to Washington I must submit to the 
geueral-in-chief. 

A. Lincoln. 

February 28, 1864. — Telegram to General Thomas. 

War Department, Washington, February 28, 1864. 
General L. Thomas, Louisville, Kentucky : 

I see your despatch of yesterday to the Secretary of War. 

I wish you would go to the Mississippi River at once, and take 
hold of and be master in the contraband and leasing business. You 
understand it better than any other man does. Mr. Miller's system 
doubtless is well intended, but from what I hear I fear that, if per- 
sisted in, it would fall dead within its own entangling details. Go 
there and be the judge. A Mr. Lewis ^^^ll probably follow you with 
s<unething from me on this subject, but do not wait for him. Xor is 
this to induce you to violate or neglect any militar}^ order from the 
general-in-chie'f or Secretary of War. 

A. Lincoln. 

February 29, 1864. — Letter to Secret.iry Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 29, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

My dear Sir: I would have taken time to answer yours of the 22d 
sooner, only that I did not suppose any evil couhl result from the 
delay, especially as, by a note, I promptly acknowledged the receipt 
of yours, and promised a fuller answer. Now, on consideration, I 
find there is reall}^ very little to say. My knowledge of Mr. Pome- 
roy's letter having been made public came to me only the day you 
wi-ote, but I had, in spite of mj-self, known of its existence several 
days before. I have not yet read it, and I think I shall not. I was 
not shocked or surprised by the appearance of the letter, because I 
had had knowledge of Mr. Pomeroy's committee, and of secret issues 
which I snpi)osed came from it, and of secret agents who I supposed 
were sent out by it, for several weeks. I have known just as little 
of these things as my friends have allowed me to know. The}' bring 
the documents to me, but I do not read them ; they tell me what they 
think fit to tell me, but I do not inquire for more. I fully concur with 



490 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

you that neither of us cau be justly held responsible for what our 
respective friends may do without our instigation or countenance ; 
and I assure you, as you have assured me, that no assault has been 
made upon you by my instigation or with my countenance. Whether 
you shall remain at the head of the Treasury Department is a ques- 
tion which I will not allow myself to consider from any standpoint 
other than my judgment of the public service, and, in that view, I 
do not perceive occasion for a change. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



February 29, 1864. — Message to the House of 
Representatives. 

To the House of Bepresentatives : In answer to the resolution of 
the House of Representatives of the 26th instant, I transmit here- 
with a report from the Secretary of War relative to the reenlist- 
ment of veteran volunteers. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, February 29, 1864. 



March 1, 1864. — Letter to General Thomas. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 1, 1864. 
General L, Thomas: 

This introduces Mr. Lewis, mentioned in my despatch sent you 
at Louisville some days ago. I have but little personal acquaintance 
with him ; but he has the confidence of several members of Con- 
gress here who seem to know him well. He hopes to be useful, 
without charge to the government, in facilitating the introduction 
of the free-labor system on the Mississippi plantations. He is ac- 
quainted with, and has access to, many of the planters who wish to 
adopt the system. He will show you two letters of mine on this 
subject, one somewhat general, and the other relating to named 
persons. They are not different in principle. He will also show 
you some suggestions coming from some of the planters themselves. 
I desire that all I promise in these letters, so far as practicable, may 
be in good faith carried out, and that suggestions from the planters 
may be heard and adopted, so far as they may not contravene the 
principles stated, nor justice, nor fairness, to laborers. I do not 
herein intend to overrule your own mature judgment on any point. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

March 1, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 1, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir : A poor widow, by the name of Baird, has a son in 
the army, that for some offense has been sentenced to serve a long 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 491 

time without pay, or at most with very little pay. I do not like 
this punishment of withholding pay— it falls so very hard upon 
poor families. After he had been serving in this way for several 
months, at the tearful appeal of the poor mother, I made a direction 
that he be allowed to enlist for a new term, on the same conditions 
as others. She now comes, and says she cannot get it acted upon. 
Please do it. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

March 2, 1864.— Letter from the President's Private Secre- 
tary TO Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 2, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Dear Sir : The President has received the telegram of the gover- 
nor of Illinois to the Secretary of War giving notice of an insurrec- 
tion in Edgar County, in that State, and which you have referred 
to him for instructions. He directs me to request that you will 
please consult the general-in-chief, and comply with the request 
of Governor Yates, if that shaU be the most expeditious and feasible 
plan. Your obedient servant, 

Jno. G. Nicolay, Private Secretary. 

March 4, 1864.— Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 4, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

3Iij dear Sir: In consequence of a call Mr. Villard makes on me 
having a note from you to him, I am induced to say I have no wish 
for the publication of the correspondence between yourself and me 
m relation to the Pomeroy circular— in fact rather prefer to avoid 
an unnecessary exhibition— yet you are at libertv, without in the 
least offending me, to allow the publication if you'choose. 

Yours truly, ^ Lincoln. 

March4, 1864.— Memorandum about Churches. 

I have written before, and now repeat, the United States Govern- 
ment must not undertake to run the churches. When an individual 
in a church or out of it becomes dangerous to the public interest he 
must be checked, but the churches as such must take care of them- 
selves. It will not do for the United States to appoint trustees 
supervisors, or other agents for the churches. I add if the militarv 
hjwe military need of the church building, let them keep it- other- 
wise let them get out of it, and leave it and its owners alone except 
for causes that justify the arrest of any one. 

T»/r 1 ^ -,^^4 ^' Lincoln. 

March 4, 1864. 



492 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

Marcli 7, 1864. — Letter to J. A. J. Creswell. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, Marcli 7, 1864. 
Hon. John A. J. Creswell. 

My dear Sir: I am very anxious for emancipation to be effected 
in Maryland in some substantial form. I think it probable that 
my expressions of a preference for gradual over immediate emanci- 
pation, are misunderstood. I had thought the gradual would pro- 
duce less confusion and destitution, and therefore would be more 
satisfactory ; but if those who are better acquainted with the sub- 
ject, and are more deeply interested in it, prefer the immediate, 
most certainly I have no objection to their judgment prevailing. 
My wish is that all who are for emancipation in any form, shall co- 
operate, all treating all respectfully, and all adopting and acting 
upon the major opinion when fairly ascertained. What I have 
dreaded is the danger that by jealousies, rivalries, and consequent 
ill-blood — driving one another out of meetings and conventions — 
perchance from the polls — the friends of emancipation themselves 
may divide, and lose the measure altogether. I wish this letter to 
not be made public ; but no man representing me as I herein repre- 
sent myself will be in any danger of contradiction by me. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



March 7, 1864. — Telegram to General B. F. Butler. 

Executi\'t: Mansion, Washington, March 7, 1864. 
Major-General Butler, Fort Monroe : 

General Meade has Richmond " Sentinel," saying that Colonel 
Dahlgren was killed and ninety of his men captured at King and 
Queen Court House. When did Kilpatrick's informant last see 
Colonel Dahlgren? 

A. Lincoln. 



March 7, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 7, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

3Iy dear Sir : It is represented to me that General David B. Bir- 
ney, who is nominated for a major-general to take rank from June 
22, 1863, is really entitled, if at all, to take rank from May 3, 1863, 
for meritorious conduct at Chancellorsville. It is also represented 
that to make the desired change will not give General Birney rank 
over any one who now ranks him. I shall be glad to withdraw his 
present nomination and make the change, if the above is a true and 
a full statement of the facts. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 493 



March 9, 1864.— Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the Umted States: In compliance with the resolu- 
tion of the Senate, of the first instant, respecting the points of com- 
mencement of the Union Pacific Railroad on the one hundredth 
degree of west longitude, and of the branch road from the western 
boundary of Iowa to the said one hundredth degree of longitude, 
I transmit the accompanying report from the Secretary of the Inte- 
rior, containing the information called for. 

I deem it proper to add, that on the seventeenth day of November 
last an executive order was made upon this subject and delivered to 
the vice-president of the Union Pacific Railroad Company, which 
fixed the point on the western boundary of the State of Iowa, from 
which the company should construct their branch road to the one 
hundredth degree of west longitude, and declared it to be within the 
limits of the township, in Iowa, opposite the town of Omaha, in Ne- 
braska. Since then the company has represented to me that, upon 
actual surveys made, it has determined upon the precise point of de- 
parture of their said branch road from the Missouri River, and located 
the same as described in the accompanying report of the Secretary of 
the Interior, which point is within the limits designated in the order 
of November last; and in as much as that order is not of record in 
any of the executive departments, and the company having desired a 
more definite one, I have made the order of which a copy is herewith 
[transmitted] and caused the same to be filed in the Department of 
the Interior. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, March 9, 1864. 



March 9, 1864. — Address to General Grant. 

General Grant : 

The nation's appreciation of what you have done, and its reliance 
upon you for what remains to do, in the existing great struggle, are 
now presented with this commission, constituting you lieutenant- 
general in the Army of the United States. 

With this high honor devolves upon you also a corresponding re- 
sponsibility. As the country herein trusts you, so, under God, it will 
sustain you. I scarcely need add, that with what I here speak for 
the nation, goes my own hearty personal concurrence. 

General Grant's Response. 
Mr. President : 

I accept this commission, with gratitude foi* the high honor confeiTed. 

With the aid of the noble armies that have fought on so many fields for 
our common country, it will be my earnest endeavor not to disappoint your 
expectations. 

I feel the full weight of the responsibilities now devolving on me, and I 
know that if they are met, it will be due to those armies, and, above all, to 
the favor of that Providence which leads both nations and men. 



494 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

March 10, 1864. — Order assigning U. S. Grant to the Command 
OF THE Armies of the United States. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, March 10, 1864. 
Under the authority of an act of Congress to revive the grade of 
lieutenant-general in the United States Army, approved February 
29, 1864, Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant, United States Army, 
is assigned to the command of the Armies of the United States. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



March 10, 1864. — Memorandum. 

I think the Absterdam projectile is too good a thing to be lost to 
the service, and if offered at the Hotchkiss prices, and not in exces- 
sive quantities, nor unreasonable terms in other respects, by either 
or both parties to the patent controversy, take it, so that the test be 
fully made. I am for the government having the best articles in 
spite of patent controversies. 

A. Lincoln. 

March 10, 1864. 



March 10, 1864. — Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, March 10, 1864. 
Major-General Rosecrans : 

Please carefully examine and consider the question whether, on 
the whole, it would be advantageous to our military operations for 
the United States to furnish iron for completing the southwest 
branch of the Pacific Railroad, all or any part of the way from Rolla 
to Springfield, Missouri, so fast as the company shall do all the 
other work for the completion, and to receive pay for said iron in 
transportation upon said newly made part of said road; and if your 
opinion shall be in the affirmative, make a contract with the com- 
pany to that effect, subject to my approval or rejection. In any 
event, report the main facts, together with your reasoning, to me. 

Yom-s truly, A. Lincoln. 



March 10, 1864.— Note to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 10, 1864. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, Army of the Potomac : 

Mrs. Lincoln invites yourself and General Meade to dine with us 
Saturday evening. Please notify him, and answer whether you can 
be with us at that time. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 495 



March 12, 1864, — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : In obedience to the resolution 
of the Senate of the 28th of January last, I communicate herewith a 
report, with accompanying papers from the Secretary of tlie In- 
terior, showing wliat portion of the appropriations for the cok)niza- 
tion of persons of African descent has been expended, and the 
several steps whicli have been taken for the execution of the acts of 
Congress on that subject. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, March 12, 1864. 



March 12, 1864. — Note to General B. F. Butler. 

Washington, D. C, March 12, 1864. 
Major-General Butler, Fort Monroe, Virginia : 

If Miss Gaston and Miss Manly still refuse to take the oath let 
them return South. 

A. Lincoln. 

March 12, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Murphy. 

Washington, D. C, March 12, 1864. 
Governor Murphy, Little Rock, Arkansas : 

I am not appointing otficers for Arkansas now, and I will try to 
remember your request. Do your best to get out the largest vote 
possible, and of course as much of it as possible on the right side. 

A. Lincoln. 



March 12, 1864. — Telegram to W. M. Fishback. 

Washington, D. C, March 12, 1864. 
William Fishback, Fort Smith, Arkansas : 

I know not that any change of departmental lines is likely to be 
made in Arkansas ; but if done, it will be for purely military reasons, 
to which the good people there can have no just cause of objection. 
Get out the largest vote you can, and the largest part of it on the 
right side that is possible. 

A. Lincoln. 



March 13, 1864.— Letter to M. P. Gentry. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 13, 1864. 
Hon. M. p. Gentry. 

Ml/ dear Sir: Yours by the hand of General Grant is received. Of 
course I have not forgotten you. General Grant is hereby authorized. 



496 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

in his discretion, to send you South ; and it is rather my wish that he 
may find it not inconsistent with his view of the public interest to 
oblige you. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 13, 1864. — Letter to Governor Hahn. 

{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 13, 1864. 
Hon. Michael Hahn. 

My dear Sir : I congratulate you on having fixed your name in 
history as the first free-State governor of Louisiana. Now you 
are about to have a convention, which, among other things, will 
probably define the elective franchise. I barely suggest for your 
private consideration, whether some of the colored people may not 
be let in — as, for instance, the very intelligent, and especially those 
who have fought gallantly in our ranks. They would probably 
help, in some trying time to come, to keep the jewel of liberty 
within the family of freedom. But this is only a suggestion, not to 
the public, but to you alone. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 13, 1864. — Letter to General C. Schurz. 

{Private.) 

Washington, March 13, 1864. 
Major-General Schurz. 

My dear Sir : Yours of February 29 reached me only four days 
ago; but the delay was of little consequence, because I found, on 
feeling around, I could not invite you here without a difficulty 
which at least would be unpleasant, and perhaps would be detri- 
mental to the public service. Allow me to suggest that if you 
wish to remain in the military service, it is very dangerous for you 
to get temporarily out of it; because, with a major-general once 
out, it is next to impossible for even the President to get him in 
again. With my appreciation of your ability and correct principle, 
of course I would be very glad to have your service for the country 
in the approaching political canvass; but I fear we cannot properly 
have it without separating you from the military. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



March 14, 1864.— Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and Rouse of Representatives : I transmit to Con- 
gress a copy of a treaty between the United States and Great Brit- 
ain for the 'final settlement of the claims of the Hudson's Bay and 
Puget's Sound Agricultural Companies, concluded on the first of July 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 497 

last, the ratifications of which were exchanged in this city on the 
fifth instant, and recommend an appropriation to carry into effect 
the first, second, and third articles thereof. 

ABRAHA3I Lincoln. 
Washington, March 14, 1864. 



March 14, 1864.— Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : On the tw^enty-fifth 
day of November, 1862, a convention for the mutual adjustment of 
claims pending between the United States and Ecuador was signed 
at Quito by the plenipotentiaries of the contracting parties. A copy 
is herewith inclosed. This convention, already ratified by this gov- 
ernment, has been sent to Quito for the customary exchange of 
ratifications, which it is not doubted will be promptly effected. As 
the stipulations of the instrument I'equire that the commissioners, 
who are to be appointed pursuant to its provisions, shall meet at 
Guayaquil within ninety days after such exchange, it is desirable that 
the legislation necessary to give effect to the convention on the part 
of the United States should anticipate the usual course of proceediug. 

I therefore invite the early attention of Congress to the subject. 

Washlngton, March 14, 1864. ^' I^i^'COLN. 



March 15, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, March 15, 1864. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, Nash\'ille, Tenn. : 

General McPherson having been assigned to the command of a 
department, could not General Frank Blair, without difliculty or 
detriment to the service, be assigned to command the corps he 
commanded a while last autumn? 

A. Lincoln. 



March 15, 1864. — Pass for General D. E. Sickles. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 15, 1864. 
'Whom it may concern : Major-General Sickles is making a tour 
for me from here by way of Cairo, New Orleans, and returning by 
the gulf and ocean, and all land and naval officers and employees 
are directed to furnish reasonable transportation and other reason- 
able facilities to himself and personal staff not inconsistent with the 
public service. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Vol. II.— 32. 



498 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



March 15, 1864. — Indorsement. 

While I leave this case to the discretion of General Banks, my 
view is that the United States should not appoint trustees for, or in 
any way take charge of, any church as such. If the building is 
needed for military purposes, take it ; if it is not so needed, let its 
church people have it, dealing with any disloyal people among them 
as you deal with other disloyal people. 

A. Lincoln. 

March 15, 1864. 



March 15, 1864. — Order to Governor Hahn. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 15, 1864. 
His Excellency Michael Hahn, Governor of Louisiana : 

Until further order, you are hereby invested with the powers ex- 
ercised hitherto by the military governor of Louisiana. 

Yours truly, Abraham Lincoln. 



March 16, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Murphy. 

Washington, D. C, March 16, 1864. 
Governor Isaac Murphy, Little Rock, Arkansas : 
What of your election on the fourteenth ? 

A. Lincoln. 

March 17, 1864. — Letter to J. A. J. Creswell. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 17, 1864. 
Hon. John A. J. Creswell. 

My dear Sir: It needs not to be a secret that I wish success to 
emancipation in Maryland. It would aid much to end the rebellion. 
Hence it is a matter of national consequence, in which every national 
man may rightfully feel a deep interest. I sincerely hope the friends 
of the measure will allow no minor considerations to divide and dis- 
tract them. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 17, 1864. — Telegram to General B. F. Butler. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 17, 1864. 
Major-General Butler, Fort Monroe, Virginia : 

If you obtain the remains of Colonel Dahlgren, please notify me 
instantly, so that I can let his afflicted relatives know. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 499 

March 18, 1864.— Draft of Letter to Secretary Stanton, 

ONLY the first PARAGRAPH OF WHICH WAS SIGNED AND SENT. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, March 18, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Mij dear ^V/•: I am so pressed in regard to prisoners of war in our 
custody, whose homes are within our lines, and who wisli to not be 
exchanged, but to take the oath and be discharged, that I hope you 
will pardon me for again calling up the subject. My impression is 
that we will not ever force the exchange of any of this class; that, 
taking the oath and being discharged, none of them will again go to 
the rebellion ; but the rebellion again coming to them, a consider- 
able percentage of them, probably not a majority, would rejoin it ; 
that, by a cautious discrimination, the number so discharged would 
not be large enough to do any considerable mischief in any event, 
will relieve distress in at least some meritorious cases, and would 
give me some relief from an intolerable pressure. I shall be glad, 
therefore, to have your cheerful assent to the discharge of those 
whose names I may send, which I will only do with circumspection. 

In using the strong hand, as now compelled to do, the government 
has a difficult duty to perform. At the very best it will by turns 
do both too little and too much. It can properly have no motive of 
revenge, no purpose to punish merely for punishment's sake. While 
we must by all available means prevent the overthrow of the gov- 
ernment, we should avoid planting and cultivating too many thorns 
in the bosom of society. These general remarks apply to several 
classes of cases, on each of which I wish to say a word. 

First. The dismissal of officers when neither iucompetencv, nor in- 
tentional wrong, nor real injury to the service, is imputed. "^ In such 
cases it is both cruel and impolitic to crush the man and make him 
and his friends permanent enemies to the administration if not to 
the government itself. I think of two instances: one wherein a 
surgeon, for the benefit of patients in his charge, needed some lum- 
ber, and could only get it by making a false certificate wherein the 
lumber was denominated ''butter and eggs," and he was dismissed 
for the false certificate ; the other a surgeon by the name of Owen, 
who served from the beginning of the war till recently with two 
servants, and without objection, when upon discovery that the 
servants were his own sons he was dismissed. 

Another class consists of those who are known or strongly sus- 
pected to be in sympathy with the rebellion. An instance of this is 
the family of Southern, who killed a recruiting officer last autumn 
in Maryland. He fled, and his family are driven from their home 
without a shelter or crumb, except when got by burdening' our 
friends more than our enemies. Southern had no justification to 
kill the officer, and yet he WHiuld not have been killed if he had pro- 
ceeded in the temper and manner agreed upon by yourself and 
Governor Bi-adford; but this is past. What is to be done with the 
family"? Why can they not occupy the old home and excite much 
less opposition to the government'^ than the manifestation of theii* 



500 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

distress is now doing ? If the house is really needed for the public 
service, or if it has been regularly confiscated and the title transferred, 
the case is different. 

Again, the cases of persons, mostly women, wishing to pass our 
lines one way or the other. We have in some cases been apparently, 
if not really, inconsistent upon this subject — that is, we have forced 
some to go who wished to stay, and forced others to stay who wished 
to go. Suppose we allow all females with ungrown children of either 
sex to go South, if they desire, upon absolute prohibition against 
returning during the war; and all to come North upon the same 
condition of not returning during the war, and the additional con- 
dition of taking the oath. 

I wish to mention two special cases, both of which you well re- 
member. The first is that of Yocum. He was unquestionably 
guilty. No one asking for his pardon pretends the contrary. What 
he did, however, was perfectly lawful only a short while before, and 
the change making it unlawful had not, even then, been fully ac- 
cepted in the public miud. It is doubtful whether Yocum did not 
suppose it was really lawful to return a slave to a loyal owner, though 
it is certain he did the thing secretly, in the belief that his superiors 
would not allow it if known to them. But the great point with me 
is that the severe punishment of five years at hard labor in the peni- 
tentiary is not at all necessary to prevent the repetition of the crime 
by himself or by others. If the offense was one of frequent recur- 
rence, the case would be different ; but the case of Yocum is the 
single instance which has come to my knowledge. I think that for 
all public purposes, and for all proper purposes, he has suffered 
enough. 

The case of Smithson is troublesome. His wife and children are 
quartered mostly on our friends, and exciting a great deal of sympa- 
thy, which will soon tell against us. What think you of sending 
him and his family South, holding the sentence over him to be re- 
enforced if he return during the war ? 



March 18, 1864. — Remarks on closing a Sanitary Fair in 

Washington. 

Ladies and Gentlemen : I appear to say but a word. This extraor- 
dinary war in which we are engaged falls heavily upon all classes of 
people, but the most heavUy upon the soldier. For it has been said, 
all that a man hath will he give for his life; and while all contri- 
bute of their substance, the soldier puts his life at stake, and often 
yields it up in his country's cause. The highest merit, then, is due 
to the soldier. 

In this extraordinary war, extraordinary developments have mani- 
fested themselves, such as have not been seen in former wars ; and 
amongst these manifestations nothing has been more remarkable 
than these fairs for the relief of suffering soldiers and their families. 
And the chief agents in these fairs are the women of America. 

I am not accustomed to the use of language of eulogy; I have 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 501 

never studied the art of paying compliments to women ; but I must 
say, that if all that has been said by orators and poets since the cre- 
ation of the world in praise of women were applied to the women 
of America, it would not do them justice for their conduct during 
this war. I will close by saying, God bless the women of America. 



March 18, 1864. — Letter to General B. F. Butler. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 18, 1864. 
Major-General Butler, Fort Monroe : 

Edward P. Brooks, first lieutenant, Sixth Wisconsin, is a pris- 
oner of war at Richmond. I desire that, if practicable, his special re- 
lease be effected for a rebel prisoner of same rank. Have you one 
to send, and can you arrange for it at once ? 

A. Lincoln. 



March 18, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Murphy. 

Washington, D. C, March 18, 1864. 
Governor Murphy, Little Rock, Arkansas : 

Yours of yesterday received and thanks for it. Send further re- 
turns when you receive them. Will do my best to protect people 
and new State government, but can act with no better intentions 
than have always done. Tell General Steele I have Randolph's par- 
don, and will send by mail if he says so. 

A. Lincoln. 



March 19, 1864. — Telegram to General B. F. Butler. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 19, 1864. 
Major-General Butler, Fort Monroe, Virginia : 

Please find a captain among the rebel prisoners in your charge, 
and exchange for Captain T, Ten Eyek, of Eighteenth United States 
Infantry, now a prisoner at Richmond. 

A. Lincoln. 



March 21, 1864. — Reply to a Committee from the Working- 
men's Association of New York. 

Gentlemen of the Committee : The honorary membership in your 
association, as generously tendered, is gratefully accepted. 

You comprehend, as your address shows, that the existing rebel- 
lion means more, and tends to more, than the perpetuation of African 
slavery — that it is, in fact, a war upon the rights of all working 
people. Partly to show that this view has not escaped my atten- 



502 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

tion, and partly that I cannot better express myself, I read a passage 
from the message to Congress in December, 1861 : 

It continues to develop that the insuiTection is largely, if not exclusively, 
a war upon the first principle of popular government — the rights of the 
people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most grave and ma- 
turely considered public documents, as well as in the general tone of the in- 
surgents. In those documents we find the abridgment of the existing right 
of suffrage, and the denial to the people of all right to participate in the 
selection of public officers, except the legislative, boldly advocated, with 
labored arguments to prove that large control of the people in government 
is the source of aU political evil. IVIonarchy itself is sometimes hinted at 
as a possible refuge from the power of the people. 

In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit raising 
a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. 

It is not needed, nor fitting here, that a general argument should be 
made in favor of popular institutions ; but there is one point, with its con- 
nections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief attention. 
It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above, labor, 
in the structnre of government. It is assumed that labor is available only 
in connection with capital ; that nobody labors unless somebody else, own- 
ing capital, somehow by the use of it induces him to labor. This assumed, 
it is next considered whether it is best that capital shaU hire laborers, and 
thus induce them to work by then* own consent, or hni/ them, and drive 
them to it without their consent. Having proceeded so far, it is naturally 
concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers, or what we call slaves. 
And, further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer, is fixed in 
that condition for life. 

Now, there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed ; 
nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the condi- 
tion of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all infer- 
ences from them are groundless. 

Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the fruit 
of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor 
is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration. Capi- 
tal has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any other rights. 
Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always will be, a relation be- 
tween capital and labor, producing mutual benefits. The eri'or is in assum- 
ing that the whole labor of community exists within that relation. A few 
men own capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and, with their capi- 
tal, hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong to 
neither class — neither work for others, nor have others working for them. 
In most of the Southern States, a majority of the whole people, of aU colors, 
are neither slaves nor masters ; while in the Northern, a large majority are 
neither hirers nor hired. Men with their families — wives, sons, and daugh- 
ters — work for themselves, on their farms, in their houses, and in their 
shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and asking no favors of 
capital on the one hand, nor of hired laborers or slaves on the other. It is 
not forgotten that a considerable number of persons mingle their own labor 
with capital ; that is, they labor with their own hands, and also buy or hire 
others to labor for them, but this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. 
No principle stated is disturbed by the existence of this mixed class. 

Again, as has already been said, there is not, of necessity, any such thing 
as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life. Many inde- 
pendent men everywhere in these States, a few years back in their lives, were 
hired laborers. The prudent penniless beginner in the world labors for 
wages a while, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 503 

tlien labors on his own account anotlur while, and at length hires another 
new beginner to help him. This is the just and generous and prosperous 
system which opens the way to all — gives hope to all, and consequent 
energy and progress, and improvement of condition to all. No men living 
are more woi'thy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty — none 
less inclined to take or touch aught whicli they have not honestly earned. 
Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they already pos- 
sess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be used to close the door of ad- 
vancement against such as they, and to fix new disabilities and bui-dens 
upon them, till aU of liberty shall be lost. 

The views then expressed remain unchanged, nor have I much to 
add. None are so deeply interested to resist the present rebellion as 
the working- people. Let them beware of prejudice, working division 
and hostility among themselves. The most notable feature of a dis- 
turbance in your city last summer was the hanging of some working 
people by other working people. It should never be so. The strong- 
est bond of human s^nnpathy, outside of the family relation, should 
be one uniting all working people, of all nations, and tongues, and 
kindreds. Nor should this lead to a war upon property, or the own- 
ers of property. Property is the fruit of labor ; property is desiral)le ; 
is a positive good in the world. That some should be rich shows that 
others may Ijecome rich, and hence is just encouragement to indus- 
try and enterprise. Let not him who is houseless pull down the house 
of another, but let him work diligently and build one for himself, 
thus by example assuring that his own shall be safe from violence 
w^hen built. 



March 23, 1864. — Correspondence with General C. Schurz. 

{Private.) 

Washington, March 13, 1864. 
Major-General Schurz. 

ilf y dear Sir : Yours of February 29 reached me only four days ago ; but 
the delay was of little consequence, because I found, on feeling around, I 
could not invite you here without a difficulty which at least would be 
unpleasant, and perhaps would be detrimental to the public service. Allow 
me to suggest that if you wish to remain in the military service, it is very 
dangerous for yovi to get temporarily out of it; because, with a major- 
general once out, it is next to impossible for even the President to get him 
in again. With my appreciation of your ability and correct principle, of 
coiu'se I would be very glad to have your service for the country in the ap- 
proaching political canvass ; but I fear we cannot properly have it without 
separating you from the militaiy. Yom-s truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



Executive Mansion, Washington, March 23, 1864. 
Ma.jor-General Schurz. 

Mj/ dear Sir : The letter, of which the above is a copy, was sent to 
you before Mr. Willman saw me, and now yours of the 19th tells me 



504 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

you did not receive it. I do not wish to be more specific about the 
difficulty of your coming to Washington. I think you can easily 
conjecture it. 

I perceive no objection to your making a pohtical speech when 
you are where one is to be made; but quite surely speaking in the 
North and fighting in the South at the same time are not possible ; 
nor could I be justified to detail any officer to the political campaign 
during its continuance and then return him to the army. 

Yours truly, A. Lencoln. 



March 25, 1864. — Letter to Thurlow Weed. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 25, 1864. 
Hon. Thurlow Weed. 

3[y dear Sir : I have been both pained and surprised recently at 
learning that you are wounded because a suggestion of yours as to 
the mode of conducting our national difficulty has not been followed 
— pained because I very much wish you to have no unpleasant feel- 
ing proceeding from me, and surprised, because my impression is 
that I have seen you since the last message issued, apparently 
feeling very cheerful and happy. How is this? 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

March 25, 1864. — Letter to B. B. French. 

(Private.) 

Executrt: Mansion, Washington, March 25, 1864. 
Hon. B. B. French. 

My dear Sir : I understand a bill is before Congress by your in- 
stigation, for taking your office from the control of the Department 
of the Interior, and considerably enlarging the powers and patron- 
age of your office. The proposed change may be right for aught I 
know, and it certainly is right for Congress to do as it thinks proper 
in the case. What I wish to say is, that if the change is made, I do 
not think I can allow you to retain the office ; because that would be 
encouraging officers to be constantly intriguing, to the detriment of 
the public interest, in order to profit themselves. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

March 26, 1864. — Proclamation about Amnesty. 

By the President of the United States of America; 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas it has become necessary to define the eases in which 
insurgent enemies are entitled to the benefits of the proclamation of 
the President of the United States, which was made on the eighth 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 5C5 

day of December, 1863, and the manner in which they shall proceed 
to avail themselves of those benefits; 

And whereas the objects of that proclamation were to suppress 
the insurrection and to restore the authority of the United States ; 
and wluu-eas the amnesty therein proposed by the President was of- 
fered with reference to these objects alone : 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States of America, do hereby proclaim and declare that the said 
proclamation does not apply to the cases of persons who, at the time 
when they seek to obtain the benefits thereof by taking the oath 
thereby prescribed, are in military, naval, or civil confinement or 
custody, or under bonds, or on parole of the civil, military, or naval 
authorities, or agents of the United States, as prisoners of wai-, or 
persons detained for offenses of any kind, either before or after con- 
viction ; and that, on the contrary, it does apply only to those persons 
who, being yet at large and free from any arrest, confinement, or 
duress, shall voluntarily come forward and take the said oath, with the 
purpose of restoring peace and establishing the national authority. 
Prisoners excluded from the amnesty offered in the said proclama- 
tion may apply to the President for clemency, like all other offen- 
ders, and their applications will receive due consideration. 

I do further declare and proclaim that the oath presented in the 
aforesaid proclamation of the eighth of December, 1863, may be 
taken and subscribed before any commissioned officer, civil, military, 
or naval, in the service of the United States, or any civil or military 
officer of a State or Territory not in insurrection, who, by the laws 
thereof, may be qualified for administering oaths. All officers who 
receive such oaths are hereby authorized to give certificates thereon 
to the persons respectively by whom they are made, and such offi- 
cers are hereby required to transmit the original records of such 
oaths at as early a day as may be convenient, to the Department of 
State, where they will be deposited and remain in the archives of 
the government. The Secretary of State will keep a register thereof, 
and will, on application, in proper cases, issue certificates of such 
records in the customary form of official certificates. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused 
the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, the twenty-sixth day of 
r -. March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
■ ^ J and sixtj^-four, and of the independence of the United States 
the eigh\y-eighth. Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : "William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



March 28, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 28, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

31]/ dear Sir: The governor of Kentucky is here, and desires to 
have the following points definitely fixed : 



508 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

First. That the quotas of troops furnished, and to be furnished, 
by Kentucky may be adjusted upon the basis as actually reduced 
by able-bodied men of hers having gone into the rebel service ; and 
that she be required to furnish no more than her just quotas upon, 
fair adjustment upon such basis. 

Second. To whatever extent the enlistment and drafting, one or 
both, of colored troops may be found necessary within the State, it 
may be conducted within the law of Congress ; and, so far as prac- 
ticable, free from collateral embarrassments, disorders, and provo- 
cations. 

I think these requests of the governor are reasonable ; and I 
shall be obliged if you will give him a full hearing, and do the best 
you can to effect these objects. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



March 29, 1864. — Letter to General Gr. G. Meade. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 29, 1864. 
Major-General Meade. 

My dear Sir: Your letter to Colonel Townsend, inclosing a slip 
from the '" Herald," and asking a court of inquiry, has been laid before 
me by the Secretary of War, with the request that I would consider 
it. It is quite natural that you should feel some sensibility on the 
subject; yet I am not impressed, nor do I think the country is im- 
pressed, with the belief that j^our honor demands, or the public in- 
terest demands, such an inquirj^ The country knows that at all 
events you have done good service ; and I believe it agrees with me 
that it is much better for you to be engaged in trying to do more, 
than to be diverted, as you necessarily would be, by a court of 
inquiry. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

March 29, 1864.— Message to Congress. ' 

To the Senate and House of Representatives: Mr. Charles B. Stuart, 
consulting engineer, appointed such by me upon invitation of the 
governor of New York, according to a law of that State, has made 
a report upon the proposed improvements to pass gunboats from 
tide-water to the northern and northwestern lakes, which report is 
herewith respectfully submitted for your consideration. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, March 29, 1864. 

March 29, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 29, 1864. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, Army of the Potomac : 

Captain Kinney, of whom I spoke to you as desiring to go on your 
staff, is now in your camp, in company with Mrs. Senator Dixon. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 507 

Mrs. Grant and I, and some others, agreed last night that I should, 
by this despatch, kindly call your attention to Captain Kinney. 

A. Lincoln. 



March 29, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 29, 1864. 
Go\t:rnor Johnson, Nashville, Tenn. : 

Judge Catron is asking for the discharge of W. M. Bell, now at 
Rock Island, and whom he thinks was arrested as a hostage by you 
or by your authority. What say you ? 

A. Lincoln. 



April 4, 1864. — Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 4, 1864. 
Major-General Rosecrans. 

My dear Sir : This is rather more social than official ; containing 
suggestions rather than orders. I somewhat dread the effect of your 
Special Order No. 61, dated March 7, 1864. I have found that "men 
who have not even been suspected of disloyalty are very averse to 
taking an oath of any sort as a condition to exercising an ordinary 
right of citizenship. The point will probably be made that while 
men may, without an oath, assemble in a noisy political meeting, 
they must take the oath to assemble in a religious meeting. It is 
said, I know not whether truly, that in some parts of Missouri 
assassinations are systematically committed upon returned rebels 
who wish to. ground arms and behave themselves. This should not 
be. Of course I have not heard that you give countenance to or 
wink at such assassinations. Again, it is complained that the en- 
listment of negroes is not conducted in as orderly a manner and 
with as little collateral provocation as it might be. So far you 
have got along in the Department of the Missouri rather better than 
I dared to hope, and I congratulate you and myself upon it. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



April 4, 1864. — Letter to A. W. Thompson. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 4, 1864. 
Ambrose W. Thompson : 

Yours of yesterday is just received. The financial scheme you 
suggest I shall consider fui-ther, but I have not time to form a 
conclusion which would reach you by the 6tli. 
I shall be glad to hear from you in Europe as you suggest. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



508 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 



April 4, 1864. — Letter to A. G. Hodges. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 4, 1864. 
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Kentucky. 

My dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what 
I verbally said the other day in your presence, to Governor Bram- 
lette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows : 

"■ I am naturally antislavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is 
wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel, and 
yet I have never understood that the presidency conferred upon me 
an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling. 
It was in the oath I took that I would, to the best of my ability, pre- 
serve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States. I 
could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it my 
view that I might take an oath to get power, and break the oath in 
using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil admini- 
stration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary 
abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly 
declared this many times, and in many ways. And I aver that, to 
this day, I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract 
judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that 
my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability im- 
posed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, 
that government — that nation, of which that Constitution was the 
organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation and yet preserve the 
Constitution ? By general law, life and limb must be protected, yet 
often a limb must be amputated to save a life ; but a life is never 
wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures otherwise uncon- 
stitutional might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the 
preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the na- 
tion. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I 
could not feel that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried to pre- 
serve the Constitution, if, to save slavery or any minor matter, I 
should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution 
all together. When, early in the war. General Fremont attempted 
military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it 
an indispensable necessity. When, a little later. General Cameron, 
then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I ob- 
jected because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. 
When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, 
I again forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable ne- 
cessity had come. When in March and May and July, 1862, 1 made 
earnest and successive appeals to the border States to favor com- 
pensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for 
military emancipation and arming the blacks would come unless 
averted by that measure. They declined the proposition, and I was, 
in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering 
the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand 
upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I 
hoped for greater gain than loss ; but of this, I was not entirely con- 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 509 

fideut. More thau a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our for- 
eign relations, none in our home popular sentiment, none in our 
wfiite military force — no loss by it anyhow or anywhere. On the 
contrary it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand 
soldiers, seamen, and laborers. These are palpable facts, about which, 
as facts, there can be no caviling. We have the men ; and we could 
not have had them without the measure. 

'' And now let any Union man who complains of the measure 
test himself by writing down in one line that he is for subduing 
the rebellion by force of arms ; and in the next, that he is for taking 
these hundred and thirty thousand men from the Union side, and 
placing them where they would be but for the measure he condemns. 
If he cannot face his case so stated, it is only because he cannot 
face the truth." 

I add a word which was not in the verbal conversation. In tell- 
ing this tale I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim 
not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have 
controlled me. Now, at the end of three years' struggle, the na- 
tion's condition is not what either party, or any man, devised or 
expected. God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending seems 
plain. If God now wills the removal of a great wrong, and wills 
also that we of the North, as well as you of the South, shall pay 
fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial history will find 
therein new cause to attest and revere the justice and goodness of 
God. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



April 5, 1864.— Letter to Mrs. Horace Mann. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 5, 1864. 
Mrs. Horace Mann. 

Madam: The petition of persons under eighteen, praying that I 
would free all slave children, and the heading of which petition it 
appears you wrote, was handed me a few days since by Senator 
Sumner. Please tell these little people I am very glad their young 
hearts are so full of just and generous sympathy, and that, w^hile 
I have not the power to grant all they ask, I trust thev will remem- 
ber that God has, and that, as it seems, he wills to do it. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



April 5, 1864.— Unfinished Draft of Letter to 
General N. P. Banks. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 5, 1864. 
Major-General Banks: 

I have received a letter from General Charles P. Stone, indorsed by 
yourself, asking that '' some act, some word, some order may issue 
from the executive which shall place my name clear of reproach/' 



510 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

etc. Nothiug more definite than this is indicated as to what General 
Stone desires me to do, or supposes I can do in the case. I can only- 
state the facts of the case from memory, and of course not with 
great minuteness or accuracy. General Stone was arrested, as I now 
think, early in February, 1862. Owing to sickness in my family, 
the Secretary of War made the arrest without notifying me that he 
had it in contem[)lation. General McClellan was then general-in- 
chief, with headquarters at Washington, and General Stone was 
commanding a division twenty-five or thirty miles above on the 
Potomac. Learning of the arrest I inquired for the cause, and found 
it or the evidence constituting it to consist of three classes: First, 
the evidence taken in writing by the Committee of Congress on the 
Conduct of the War. The point supposed to be made by this against 
General Stone was that when before the committee at one time and 
excusing himself for not having sent a force from one point to 
another during the battle in which Colonel Baker was killed, he 
stated that the enemy had a redoubt or dirt fort on the route which 
could not be passed. Afterward, the committee conceiving that 
General Stone could have prevented the erection of that fort, and 
ought to have done so, called him before them again to inquire why 
he did not, and he then denied that there ever had been a fort at 
that place. I did not think the evidence, as read to me, made the 
point conclusively against the general ; but that evidence, whatever 
it is, I suppose is still accessible. 

Secondly, evidence taken and put in the form of a report by a 
detective of General McClellan. 



April 5, 1864. — Telegram from John Hay to Governor Brough. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 5, 1864. 
His Excellency Governor Brough, Columbus, Ohio : 

The President has ordered the pardon of the soldiers of the 12th 
Ohio, in accordance with your request. 

John Hay. 



April 7, 1864. — Telegram to General B. F. Butler. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 7, 1864, 
Major-General Butler : 

Mrs. Lincoln and I think we will visit Fort Monroe some time 
next week. Meanwhile, whatever is to be done on the business sub- 
ject will be conducted through the War Department. Please do 
not make public our probable visit. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAIIAM LINCOLN 511 

April 7, 1864.— Telegram from the President's Private 
Secretary to Governor Dennison. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 7, 1864. 
Hon. Wm. Dennison, Columbus, Ohio : 
The Presideut thinks he cauuot safely write that class of letters. 

Jno. G. Nicolay. 

[In answer to a request to give a cotton -trader a letter of recommenda- 
tion to military and naval authorities, etc.] 

April 11, 1864.— Memorandum for Mrs. Hunt. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 11, 1864. 
Whom it may concern : I know nothing on the subject of the at- 
tached letter except as therein stated. Neither do I person all v 
know Mrs. Hunt. She has, however, from the beginning of the 
war been constantly represented to me as an open, and somewhat 
influential, friend of the Union. It has been said to me (I know not 
whether truly) that her husband is in the rebel army; that she 
avows her purpose to not live with him again ; and that she refused 
to see him when she had an opportunity during one of John Mor- 
gan's raids into Kentucky. I would not offer her, nor any wife, a 
temptation to a permanent separation from her husband ; but if she 
shall avow that her mind is already independently and fully made 
up to such separation, I shall be glad for the property sought by 
her letter to be delivered to her upon her taking the oath of De- 
cember 8, 1863. 

A. Lincoln. 

April 11, 1864.— Memorandum for Mrs. Keenan. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 11, 1864. 
If Judge John C. Underwood will say in writing on this sheet that 
he personally knows Mrs. Keenan, and that he desires her and her 
little nephew to pass our lines and go to her father in Rockingham, 
Virginia, I will direct a pass to be given her accordingly. 

A. Lincoln. 

April 11, 1864.— TELEGRA3I to General B. F. Butler. 

Washington, D. C, April 11, 1864. 
Major-General Butler, Fort Monroe, Virginia : 

Mrs. Lincoln is so unwell that I now think we will not make the 
contemplated trip this week. Will notify vou in time. Will proba- 
bly get a boat here, but will accept yours if necessary. Thanks for 
your kind interest in the case. 

A. Lincoln. 



512 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



April 12, 1864. — Telegrams to General B. F. Butler. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 12, 1864. 
Major-General Butler, Fort Monroe, Virginia : 

I am appealed to in behalf of Charles Crumblin [Crumpton] said 
to be under sentence of death, to be executed at Norfolk to-morrow. 
Please ascertain whether there is any ground for a pardon, or even 
a respite, and answer me. 

A. Lincoln. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, April 13, 1864. 
Major-General Butler, Fort Monroe, Virginia : 

Yours in regard to Charles Crumpton received. I have no more 
to say in the case. 

A. Lincoln. 



April 13, 1864. — Letter from John Hay to General L. Thomas. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 13, 1864. 
Brigadier-General Thomas. 

General: The President directs me to acknowledge the receipt of 
your favor of the thirtieth March, and to state in reply that Mr. 
Lewis has no authorization from him for any such purpose as you 
mention. He gave to Mr. Lewis a letter introducing him to you, at 
the request of some very respectable gentlemen from Kentucky, and 
here his responsibility for Mr. Lewis terminated. 

The President does not wish you to be hampered in the execution 
of your duties by any consideration of the letter given by himself to 
Mr. Lewis. 

I have the honor to be. General, your obedient servant, 

John Hay, Major and A. A. G. 



April 18, 1864. — Address at Sanitary Fair in Baltimore. 

Ladies and Gentlemen : Calling to mind that we are in Baltimore, 
we cannot fail to note that the world moves. Looking upon these 
many people assembled here to serve, as they best may, the soldiers 
of the Union, it occurs at once that three years ago the same sol- 
diers could not so much as pass through Baltimore. The change 
from then till now is both great and gratifying. Blessings on the 
brave men who have wrought the change, and the fair women who 
strive to reward them for it ! 

But Baltimore suggests more than could happen within Balti- 
more. The change within Baltimore is part only of a far wider 
change. When the war began, three years ago, neither party, nor 
any man, expected it would last till now. Each looked for the end, 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 513 

in some wa\, long ere to-day. Neither did any anticipate that do- 
mestic slavery would be much affected by the war. But here we 
are; the war has not ended, and slavery has been much affected — 
bow much needs not now to be recounted. So true is it that man 
proposes and God disposes. 

But we can see the past, though we may not claim to have directed 
it ; and seeing it, in this case, we feel more hopeful and confident 
for the future. 

The world has never had a good definition of the word liberty, 
and the American people, just now, are much in want of one. We 
all declare for liberty; but in using the same word we do not all 
mean the same thing. With some the word liberty may mean for 
each man to do as he pleases with himself, and the produ(it of his 
labor; while with others the same word may mean for some men to 
do as they please with other men, and the product of other men's 
labor. Here are two, not only different, but incompatible things, 
called by the same name, liberty. And it follows that each of the 
things is, by the respective parties, called by two different and in- 
compatible names — liberty and tyranny. 

The shepherd drives the wolf from the sheep's throat, for which 
the sheep thanks the shepherd as his liberator, while the wolf de- 
nounces him for the same act, as the destroyer of liberty, especially 
as the sheep was a black one. Plainly, the sheep and the wolf are 
not agreed upon a definition of the word liberty ; and precisely the 
same difference prevails to-day among us human creatures, even in 
the North, and all professing to love liberty. Hence we behold the 
process by which thousands are daily passing from under the yoke 
of bondage hailed by some as the advance of liberty, and bewailed 
by others as the destruction of all liberty. Recently, as it seems, 
the people of Maryland have been doing something to define liberty, 
and thanks to them that, in what they have done, the wolf's dic- 
tionary has been repudiated. 

It is not very becoming for one in my position to make speeches 
at great length ; but there is another subject upon which I feel that 
I ought to say a word. 

A painful rumor — true, I fear — has reached us of the massacre by 
the rebel forces at Fort Pillow, in the west end of Tennessee, on the 
Mississippi River, of some three hundred colored soldiers and white 
officers, who had just been overpowered by their assailants. There 
seems to be some anxiety in the public mind whether the government 
is doing its duty to the colored soldier, and to the service, at this 
point. At the beginning of the war, and for some time, the use of 
colored troops was not contemplated ; and how the change of pur- 
pose was wrought I will not now take time to explain. Upon a clear 
conviction of duty I resolved to turn that element of strength to ac- 
count ; and I am responsible for it to the American people, to the 
Christian world, to history, and in my final account to God. Having 
determined to use the negro as a soldier, there is no way but to give 
him all the protection given to any other soldier. The difficulty is 
not in stating the principle, but in practically applying it. It is a 
mistake to suppose the government is indifferent to this matter, or 
Vol. II.— 33. 



514 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

is not doing the best it can in regard to it. We do not to-day know 
that a colored soldier, or white officer commanding colored soldiers, 
has been massacred by the rebels when made a prisoner. "We fear 
it, — believe it, I may say, — but we do not know it. To take the life of 
one of their prisoners on the assumption that they murder ours, when 
it is short of certainty that they do murder ours, might be too seri- 
ous, too cruel, a mistake. We are having the Fort Pillow affair 
thoroughly investigated ; and such investigation will probably show 
conclusively how the truth is. If after all that has been said it shall 
turn out that there has been no massacre at Fort Pillow, it will be 
almost safe to say there has been none, and will be none, elsewhere. 
If there has been the massacre of three hundred there, or even the 
tenth part of three hundred, it will be conclusively proved ; and be- 
ing so proved, the retribution shall as surely come. It will be 
matter of grave consideration in what exact course to apply the 
retribution ; but in the supposed case it must come. 

April 23, 1864. — Message to Congress. 

To the Seriate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- 
gress a copy of a note of the nineteenth instant, from Lord Lyons 
to the Secretary of State, on the subject of two British naval officers 
who recently received medical treatment at the naval hospital at 
Norfolk. The expediency of authorizing Sm-geon Solomon Sharp 
to accept the piece of plate to which the note refers, as an acknow- 
ledgment of his services, is submitted to your consideration. 

Washington, AprU 23, 1864. Abraham Lincoln. 

April 23, 1864. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 23, 1864. 
Major-General Rosecrans, St. Louis, Missouri : 

A lady, Mrs. Ward, sister of the late John M. Weimer, is here, 
saying she is banished from St. Louis, her home, and asking to be 
allowed to return, on taking the oath and giving bond. It is ex- 
clusively with you to decide ; but I will thank you to examine the 
case, and shall be glad if you find it consistent with your views to 
oblige her. A. Lincoln. 

April 23, 1864. — Indorsement on Offer of Troops. 

To THE President of the United States: 

I. The governors of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin offer to 
the President infantry troops for the approaching campaign as follows : 

Ohio 30,000 

Indiana 20,000 

Illinois 20,000 

Iowa 10,000 

Wisconsin 5,000 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 515 

II. The term of service to be one hundred days, reckoned from the date 
of muster into the service of the United States, unless sooner discharged. 

III. The troops to be mustered into the service of the United States by 
regiments, when the regiments are filled up, according to regulations, to the 
minimum strength — the regiments to be organized according to the regu- 
lations of the War Department. The whole number to be furnished within 
twenty days from date of notice of the acceptance of this proposition. 

IV. The troops to be clothed, armed, equipped, subsisted, transported, 
and paid as other United States infantry volunteers, and to serve in fortifi- 
cations, or wherever their services may be required, within or without their 
respective States. 

V. No bounty to be paid the troops, nor the service charged or credited on 
any di'aft, 

VI. The draft for three years' service to go on in any State or district 
whei'e the quota is not filled up ; but if any ofiicer or soldier in this special 
service should be drafted, he shall be credited for the service rendered, 

John Brough, Governor of Ohio. 
O. P. Morton, Governor of Indiana. 
Richard Yates, Governor of Illinois. 
WiLLiAivi M. Stone, Governor of Iowa. 
James T. Lewis, Governor of Wisconsin. 

[Indorsement] 

The foregoing proposition of the governors is accepted, and the 
Secretary of War is directed to carry it into execution. 

A. Lincoln. 
April 23, 1864. 

April 23, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 23, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

3[i/ dear Sir: According to our understanding with Major-Gen- 
eral Frank P. Blair at the time he took his seat in Congress last 
winter, he now asks to withdraw his resignation as major-general, 
then tendered, and be sent to the field. Let this be done. Let 
the order sending him be such as shown me to-day by the adju- 
tant-general, only dropping from it the names of Maguire and 
Tompkins. Yours truly, j^ Lincoln. 



April 27, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Murphy. 

Washington, D. C, April 27, 1864. 
Governor Murphy, Little Rock, Arkansas : 

I am much gratified to learn that you got out so large a vote, so 
nearly all the right way, at tlie late election ; and not less so that 
your State government, including the legislature, is organized and 
in good working order. Whatever I can I will do to protect you : 
meanwhile you must do your utmost to protect yourselves. Present 
my greeting to all. A. Lincoln. 



516 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



April 28, 1864. — Message to Congress. 

To the Ronorahle the Senate and Rouse ofEepresentatives : I have the 
honor to transmit herewith an address to the President of the United 
States, and, through him, to both Houses of Congress, on the condi- 
tion and wants of the people of East Tennessee, and asking their at- 
tention to the necessity of some action on the part of the government 
for their relief, and which address is presented by a committee of 
an organization called *' The East Tennessee Relief Association." 
Deeply commiserating the condition of these most loyal and suffer- 
ing people, I am unprepared to make any specific recommendation 
for their relief. The military is doing, and will continue to do, the 
best for them within its power. Their address represents that the 
construction of direct railroad communication between Knoxville 
and Cincinnati, by way of central Kentucky, would be of great con- 
sequence in the present emergency. It may be remembered that in 
the annual message of December, 1861, such railroad construction 
was recommended. I now add that, with the hearty concurrence of 
Congress, I would yet be pleased to construct the road, both for the 
relief of these people and for its continuing military importance. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, April 28, 1864. 



April 28, 1864. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Representatives : In obedience to the resolution of 
your honorable body, a copy of which is herewith returned, I have 
the honor to make the following brief statement, which is believed 
to contain the information sought : 

Prior to and at the meeting of the present Congress, Robert C. 
Schenck, of Ohio, and Frank P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri, members 
elect thereto, by and with the consent of the Senate held commis- 
sions from the executive as major-generals in the volunteer army. 
General Schenck tendered the resignation of his said commission, 
and took his seat in the House of Representatives, at the assembling 
thereof, upon the distinct verbal understanding with the Secretary 
of War and the executive that he might, at any time during the 
session, at his own pleasure, withdraw said resignation and return 
to the field. 

General Blair was, by temporary assignment of General Sherman, 
in command of a corps through the battles in front of Chattanooga, 
and in the march to the relief of Knoxville, which occurred in the 
latter days of November and early days of December last, and of 
course was not present at the assembling of Congress. When he 
subsequently arrived here, he sought, and was allowed by the Sec- 
retary of War and the executive, the same conditions and promise 
as allowed and made to General Schenck. 

General Schenck has not applied to withdraw his resignation ; but 
when General Grant was made lieutenant-general, producing some 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN 517 

change of commanders, General Blair sought to be assigned to the 
command of a corps. This was made known to Generals Grant and 
Sherman, and assented to by them, and the particular corps for 
him designated. This was all arranged and understood, as now 
remembered, so much as a month ago ; but the formal withdrawal 
of General Blair's resignation, and making the order assigning him 
to the command of the corps, were not consummated at the War 
Department until last week, perhaps on the 23d of April instant. 
As a summary of the whole, it nuiy be stated that General Blair 
holds no military commission or appointment other than as herein 
stated, and that it is believed he is now acting as major-general 
upon the assumed validity of the commission herein stated, in con- 
nection with the facts herein stated, and not otherwise. 

There are some letters, notes, telegrams, orders, entries, and per- 
haps other documents, in connection with this subject, which it is 
believed would throw no additional light upon it, but which will 
be cheerfully furnished if desired. Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, April 28, 1864. 

April 28, 1864. — Telegram to Mrs. Lincoln. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 28, 1864. 
Mrs. a. Lincoln, Metropolitan Hotel, New York : 

The draft will go to you. Tell Tad the goats and father are very 
weU, especially the goats. ^_ Lincoln. 

April 30, 1864. — Letter to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 30, 1864. 
Lieutenant-General Grant : 

Not expecting to see you again before the spring catnpaign opens, 
I wish to express in this way my entire satisfaction with what you 
have done up to this time, so far as I understand it. The particu- 
lars of your plans I neither know nor seek to know. You are vigi- 
lant and self-reliant ; and, pleased with this, I wish not to obtrude 
any constraints or restraints upon you. While I am very anxious 
that any great disaster or capture of our men in great numbers 
shall be avoided, I know these points are less likely to escape your 
attention than they would be mine. If there is anything wanting 
which is within my power to give, do not fail to let me know it. 
And now, with a brave army and a just cause, may God sustain you. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

April 30, 1864. — Letter to J. R. Fry, 

Executive Mansion, April 30, 1864. 

Mij dear Sir : I thank you heartily for the kind invitation con- 
veyed in your letter of the twenty-sixth, and sincerely regret that I 



518 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

cannot make a positive engagement to avail myself of it. My time 
is subject to such constant and unexpected requisitions that I can- 
not unreservedly accept any such pleasure as that you offer me, at 
this distance of time. 

I shall be most happy to be present at an entertainment which 
promises so much, especially as it is in aid of so beneficent a charity 
as that in which you are interested, if my engagements next week 
will allow it. 

But I must beg that you will make no special arrangements in 
view of my presence, as I may be disappointed. If I can come I will 
notify you as early as possible. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



May 2, 1864. — Letter to General S. A. Hurlbut. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 2, 1864. 
Major- General Hurlbut. 

My dear Sir : General Farnsworth has just been reading to me 
from your letter to him of the 26th ultimo. I snatch a moment to 
say that my friendship and confidence for you remain unabated, but 
that Generals Grant and Thomas cannot be held to their just re- 
sponsibilities if they are not allowed to control in the class of cases 
to which yours belongs. 

From one standpoint a court of inquiry is most just, but if your 
ease were my own I would not allow Generals Grant and Sherman 
[to] be diverted by it just now. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



May 2, 1864. — Message to the House op Representatives. 

To the Honorable the House of Representatives : In compliance 
with the request contained in your resolution of the 29th ultimo, a 
copy of which resolution is herewith returned, I have the honor to 
transmit the following : 

[Correspondence and orders relating to the resignation and rein- 
statement of Major-General Frank P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri.] 

The foregoing constitutes all sought by the resolution so far as is 
remembered or has been found upon diligent search. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Washington, May 2, 1864. 



May 3, 1864. — Letter to Members of the Cabinet. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 3, 1864, 
Sir : It is now quite certain that a large number of our colored 
soldiers, with their white officers, were by the rebel force massacred 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 519 

after they had surrendered, at the \ ^cent capture of Fort Pillow. 
!So much is known, though the eviden<.e is not yet ({uite ready to be 
laid before nie. Meanwhile I will thank you to prepare, and give 
me in writing, your opinion as to what course the government 
should take in the case. Yours truly, 

A. LiN'COLN. 



May 4, 1864. — Telegram to General W. T. Sherman. 

Washlngton, D. C, May 4, 1864. 
Major-General Sherman, Chattanooga, Tennessee: 

I have an imploring appeal in behalf of the citizens, who say your 
Order No. 8 will compel them to go north of Nashville. This is in 
no sense an order, nor is it even a request that you will do anything 
which in the least shall be a drawback upon your military opera- 
tions, but anything you can do consistently with those operations 
for those suffering people I shall be glad of. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 7, 1864. — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States: In compliance with the request 
contained in a resolution of the Senate, dated April 30, 1864, I here- 
with transmit to your honorable body a copy of the opinion by the 
Attorney-General on the rights of colored persons in the army or 
volunteer service of the United States, together with the accom- 
panying papers. Abraham Lincoi^. 

Washington, May 7, 1864. 



May 9, 1864. — Recommendation of Thanksgiving. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 9, 1864. 
To the Friends of Union and Liberty: Enough is known of army 
operations within the last five days to claim an especial gratitude 
to God, while what remains undone demands our most sincere pray- 
ers to, and reliance upon, him without whom all human effort is 
vain. I recommend that all patriots, at their homes, in their places 
of public worship, and wherever they may be, unite in common 
thanksgiving and prayer to almighty God. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



May 9, 1864. — Response to a Serenade. 

Fellow-citizens : I am very much obliged to you for the compli- 
ment of this call, though I apprehend it is owing more to the good 
news received to-day from the army, than to a desire to see me. I am 
indeed very grateful to tlie brave men who have been struggling 
with the enemy in the field, to their noble commanders who have 



520 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAJil LINCOLN 

directed them, and especially to om- Maker. Our commanders are 
following up their victories resolutely and successfully. I think, 
"without knowing- the particulars of the plans of General Grant, that 
what has been accomplished is of more importance than at first ap- 
pears. I believe, I know — and am especially grateful to know — that 
General Grant has not been jostled in his purposes, that he has 
made all his points, and to-day he is on his line as he purposed be- 
fore he moved his armies. I will volunteer to say that I am very 
glad at what has happened, but there is a great deal still to be done. 
While we are grateful to all the brave men and officers for the events 
of the past few days, we should, above all, be very grateful to al- 
mighty God, who gives us victory. 

There is enough yet before us requiring all loyal men and patriots 
to perform their share of the labor and follow the example of the 
modest general at the head of our armies, and sink all personal con- 
sideration for the sake of the country. I commend you to keep 
yourselves in the same tranquil mood that is characteristic of that 
brave and loyal man. I have said more than I expected when I came 
before you. Repeating my thanks for this call, I bid you good-by. 



May 11, 1864.— Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 11, 1864. 
Major- General Rosecrans, St. Louis, Missouri: 

Complaints are coming to me of disturbances in Carroll, Platte, 
and Buchanan counties. Please ascertain the truth, correct what 
is found wrong, and telegraph me. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 12, 1864. — Letter to S. C. Pomeroy. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 12, 1864. 
Hon. Senator Pomeroy. 

Sir: I did not doubt yesterday that you desired to see me about 
the appointment of assessor in Kansas. I wish you and Lane would 
make a sincere effort to get out of the mood you are in. It does 
neither of you any good. It gives you the means of tormenting my 
life out of me, and nothing else. Yours, etc., 

A. Lincoln. 

May 12, 1864.— Letter to F. B. Loomis. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 12, 1864. 
F. B. Loomis, Esq. 

My dear Sir : I liave the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 
communication of the 28th April, in which you offer to replace the 
present garrison at Fort Trumbull with volunteers, which you pro- 
pose to raise at your own expense. While it seems inexpedient at 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 521 

this time to accept this proposition on account of the special duties 
now devolving upon the garrison mentioned, I cannot pass un- 
noticed such a meritorious instance of individual patriotism. Per- 
mit me, for the government, to express my cordial thanks to you for 
this generous and public-spirited oifer, which is worthy of note 
among the many called forth in these times of national trial. 

I am very truly, your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



May 13, 18G4. — Indorsement about a Church at Memphis, 

Tennessee. 

I believe it is true that with reference to the church within named 
[at Memphis], I wrote as follows : 

If the military have miUtary need of the church Ijuildiug, let them keep it ; 
otherwise, let them get out of it, and leave it and its owners alone, except 
for causes that justify the arrest of any one. 

A. Lincoln. 

March 4, 1864. 

I am now told that the military were not in possession of the 
building, and yet that in pretended execution of the above they, the 
military, put one set of men out of and another set into the building. 
This, if true, is most extraordinary. I say again, if there be no 
military need for the building, leave it alone, neither putting any 
one in nor out of it, except on finding some one preaching or practis- 
ing treason, in which case lay hands upon him just as if he were 
doing the same thing in any other building or in the streets or 
highways. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 13, 1864. 



May 13, 1864. — Telegram to General Lew Wallace. 

Washington, D. C, May 13, 1864. 
Major-General Wallace, Baltimore, Maryland: 

I was very anxious to avoid new excitement at places where quiet 
seemed to be restored; but, after reading and considering your let- 
ter and inclosure, I have to say I leave you to act your careful dis- 
cretion in the matter. The good news this morning, I hope, will 
have a good effect aU round. ^ Lincoln 



May 14, 1864. — lNDORSE:yrENT of Letter of Governor Carney 
DATED May 13, 1864. 

The within letter is, to my mind, so obviously intended as a page 
for a political record, as to be difficult to answer in a straightfor- 



522 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

ward, businesslike way. The merits of the Kansas people need not 
to be argued to me. They are just as good as any other loyal and 
patriotic people, and as such, to the best of mj^ ability I have 
always treated them, and intend to treat them. It is not my recol- 
lection that I said to you Senator Lane would probably oppose 
raising troops in Kansas because it would confer patronage upon 
you. What I did say was, that he would probably oppose it be- 
cause he and you were in a mood of each opposing whatever the 
other should propose. I did argue generally, too, that in my 
opinion there is not a more foolish or demoralizing way of con- 
ducting a political rivalry than these fierce and bitter struggles for 
patronage. 

As to your demand that I will accept or reject your proposition 
to furnish troops, made to me yesterday, I have to say I took the 
proposition under advisement, in good faith, as I believe you know; 
that you can withdraw it if you wish ; but while it remains before 
me, I shall neither accept nor reject it until, with reference to the 
public interest, I shall feel that I am ready. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



May 14, 1864. — Reply to a Methodist Delegation. 

Gentlemen : In response to your address, allow me to attest the 
accuracy of its historical statements, indorse the sentiments it ex- 
presses, and thank you in the nation's name for the sure promise 
it gives. 

Nobly sustained as the government has been by all the churches, 
I would utter nothing which might in the least appear invidious 
against any. Yet without this it may fairly be said that the Metho- 
dist Episcopal Church, not less devoted than the best, is by its 
greater numbers the most important of all. It is no fault in others 
that the Methodist Church sends more soldiers to the field, more 
nurses to the hospital, and more prayers to heaven than any. God 
bless the Methodist Church. Bless all the churches, and blessed be 
God, who, in this our great trial, giveth us the churches. 



[May 14, 1864?]. — Reply to a Baptist Delegation. 

In the present very responsible position in which I am engaged, I 
have had great cause of gratitude for the support so unanimously 
given by all Christian denominations of the country. I have had 
occasion so frequently to respond to something like this assemblage, 
that I have said all I had to say. This particular body is, in all re- 
spects, as respectable as any that have been presented to me. The 
resolutions I have merely heard read, and I therefore beg to be al- 
lowed an opportunity to make a short response in writing. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEBS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 523 



May 18, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 18, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

My dear Sir: Evening before last two gentlemen called on me 
and talked so earnestly about financial matters as to set me think- 
ing of them a little more particularly since. And yet only one idea 
has occurred, which I think worth while even to suggest to you. 
It is this : 

Suppose you change your five per cent, loan to six, allowing the 
holders of the fives already out to convert them into sixes, upon 
taking each an equal additional amount at six. You will under- 
stand better than I all the reasons ^;ro and con, among which 
probably will be the rise of the rate of interest in Europe. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



May 18, 1864.— Telegrajm to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 18, 1864. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, Army of the Potomac : 

An elderly gentleman, Dr. Winston, is here, saying he is well ac- 
quainted with the ground you are on, and trying to get on, and 
having letters from Governor Morton, Senator Lane, and one from 
your father, and asking to be allowed to go to you. Shall we allow 
him to go to you ? 

A. Lincoln. 



May 18, 1864. — Order to General J. A. Dix. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, May 18, 1864. 
Major-General Dix, Commanding at New York. 

W^hereas there has been wickedly and traitorously printed and 
published this morning in the New York •' World " and New York 
"Journal of Commerce," newspapers printed and published in the 
city of New York, a false and spurious proclamation, piu'porting to 
be signed by the President and to be countersigned by the Secretary 
of State, which publication is of a treasonable nature designed to 
give aid and comfort to the enemies of the t^nited States and to the 
rebels now at war against the government, and their aiders and abet- 
tors : you are therefore hereby commanded forthwith to arrest and 
imprison, in any fort or military prison in your command, the edi- 
tors, proprietors, and publishers of the aforesaid newspapers, and all 
such persons as, after public notice has been given of the falsehood 
of said publication, print and publish the same with intent to give 
aid and comfort to the enemy; and you will hold the persons so 
arrested in close custody until they can be brought to trial before 
a military commission for their offense. You will also take posses- 



524 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

sion, by military force, of the printing establishments of the New- 
York " World "' and "■ Journal of Commerce," and hold the same 
until further orders, and prevent any further publication therefrom. 
A. Lincoln, President of the United States. 
By the President : William H. Sewakd, Secretary of State. 



May 18, 1864.— Telegram to General B. F. Butler. 

{CipJier.) 

Washington, D. C, May 18, 1864. 
Major-General Butler, Bermuda Hundred, Virginia : 

Until receiving your despatch of yesterday, the idea of commis- 
sions in the volunteers expiring at the end of three years had not 
occurred to me. I think no trouble will come of it; and, at all 
events, I shall take care of it so far as in me lies. As to the major- 
generalships in the regular army, I think 1 shall not dispose of 
another, at least until the combined operations now in progress, 
under direction of General Grant, and within which yourself and 
command are included, shall be terminated. 

Meanwhile, on behalf of yourself, officers, and men, please accept 
my hearty thanks for what* you and they have so far done. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 20, 1864.— Telegram to A. Mackay. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 20, 1864. 
Alfred Mackay, Secretary of Fair, St. Louis, Missouri : 

Your despatch received. Thanks for your greeting, and con- 
gratulations for the successful opening of your fair. Our soldiers 
are doing well, and must and will be done well by. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 21, 1864.— Telegram to Governor Morton and Others. 

Executive Mansion, May 21, 1864. 
Governor O. P. Morton: 

The getting forward of hundred-day troops to sustain General 
Sherman's lengthening lines promises much good. Please put 
your best efforts into the work. 

A. Lincoln. 

Same to Governor Yates, Springfield, Illinois ; Governor Stone, 
Davenport, Iowa; Governor Lewis, Madison, Wisconsin. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAil LINCOLN 525 

May 24, 1864. — Indorsement. 

E. A. Paul: 

The [N. Y.] ''Times/' I believe, is always true to the Union, and 
therefore should be treated at least as well as any. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 24, 1864. 

May 24, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Brough. 

Washington City, May 24, 1864. 
Governor Brough, Columbus, Ohio : 

Yours to Secretary of War [received] asking for something cheer- 
ing. We have nothing bad from anywhere. I have just seen a 
despatch of Grant, of 11 p. m., May 23, on the North Anna and 
partly across it, which ends as follovrs : '^ Everything looks exceed- 
ingly favorable for us." We have nothing later from him. 

A. Lincoln. 

May 25, 1864. — Letter to I. N. Arnold. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 25, 1864. 
Hon. I, N. Arnold. 

My dear Sir: In regard to the order of General Bumside sus- 
pending the Chicago " Times," now nearly a year ago, I can only 
say I was embarrassed with the question between w^hat was due to 
the military service on the one hand, and the liberty of the press 
on the other, and I believe it was the despatch of Senator Trumbull 
and yourself, added to the proceedings of the meeting which it 
brought me, that turned the scale in favor of my revoking the order. 

I am far from certain to-day that the revocation was not right ; 
and I am very sure the small part you took in it is no just ground 
to disparage your judgment, much less to impugn your motives. 
I take it that your devotion to the Union and the administration 
cannot be questioned by any sincere man. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

May 27, 1864.— Telegram to R. W. Thoiupson. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 27, 1864. 
Hon. R. W. Thompson, Terre Haute, Indiana : 

Your letter in relation to General Hunter and your son, just 
received. If General Hunter should ask to have your son on his 
staff, the request would be granted ; but the general is now actively 
moving in the field, and is beyond' telegraph. I doubt whether the 
promotion you think of is legally possible. 

A. Lincoln. 



526 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

May 28, 1864.— Telegram to C. A. Walborn. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, May 28, 1864. 
Hon. C. a. Walborn, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania : 

Yours received. I have felt constrained to answer repeated invi- 
tations to attend the great fair at your city, that I cannot be 
present at its opening, and that whether I can during its continu- 
ance must depend on circumstances. 

A. Lincoln. 



May 30, 1864. — Letter to Dr. Ide and Others. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 30, 1864. 
Rev. Dr. Ide, Hon. J. R. Doolittle, and Hon. A. Hubbell, 

Committee. 
In response to the preamble and resolutions of the American Bap- 
tist Home Mission Society, which you did me the honor to present, 
I can only thank you for thus adding to the effective and almost 
unanimous support which the Christian communities are so zealously 
giving to the country and to liberty. Indeed, it is difficult to con- 
ceive how it could be otherwise with any one professing Christian- 
ity, or even having ordinary perceptions of right and wrong. To 
read in the Bible, as the word of God himself, that ''In the sweat of 
thy face shalt thou eat bread," and to preach therefrom that, " In the 
sweat of oilier men's faces shalt thou eat bread," to my mind can 
scarcely be reconciled with honest sincerity. When brought to my 
final reckoning, may I have to answer for robbing no man of his 
goods; yet more tolerable even this, than for robbing one of him- 
self and all that was his. When, a year or two ago, those pro- 
fessedly holy men of the South met in the semblance of prayer and 
devotion, and, in the name of him who said, "As ye would all men 
should do unto you, do ye even so unto them," appealed to the Chris- 
tian world to aid them in doing to a whole race of men as they 
would have no man do unto themselves, to my thinking they con- 
temned and insulted God and his church far more than did Satan 
when he tempted the Saviour with the kingdoms of the earth. The 
devil's attempt was no more false, and far less hypocritical. But 
let me forbear, remembering it is also written, " Judge not lest ye be 

j"^^^^-" A. Lincoln. 

May 30, 1864. — Letter to J. H. Bryant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 30, 1864. 
Hon. John H. Bryant. 

My dear Sir : Yours of the 14th instant inclosing a card of invita- 
tion to a preliminary meeting contemplating the erection of a 
monument to the memory of Hon. Owen Lovejoy was duly re- 
ceived. As you anticipate, it will be out of my power to attend. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEllS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 527 

Many of you have known Mr. Lovejoy longer than I have, and are 
better able than I to do his memory complete justice. My personal 
acquaintance with him commenced only about ten years ago, since 
when it has been quite intimate, and every step in it has been one 
of increasing respect and esteem, ending, with his life, in no less 
than affection on my part. It can truly be said of him tliat while 
he was personally ambitious he bravely endured the obscurity which 
the unpopularity of his principles imposed, and never accepted offi- 
cial honors until those honors were ready to admit his principles 
with him. Throughout very heavy and perplexing responsibilities 
here to the day of his death, it would scarcely wrong any other to 
say he was my most generous friend. 

Let him have the marble monument along with the well-assured 
and more enduring one in the hearts of those who love liberty 
unselfishly for all men. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



June 3, 1864. — Letter to F. A. Conkling and Others. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 3, 1864. 
Hon. F. a. Conkling and Others. 

Gentlemen : Your letter inviting me to be present at a mass-meet- 
ing of loyal citizens to be held at New York on the fourth instant, 
for the purpose of expressing gratitude to Lieutenant-General Grant 
for his signal services, was received yesterday. It is impossible for 
me to attend. 

I approve, nevertheless, whatever may tend to strengthen and 
sustain General Grant and the noble armies now under his direction. 
My previous high estimate of General Grant has been maintained 
and heightened by what has occurred in the remarkable campaign 
he is now conducting, while the magnitude and difficulty of the task 
before him do not prove less than I expected. He and his brave 
soldiers are now in the midst of their great trial, and I trust that at 
your meeting you will so shape your good words that they may turn 
CO men and guns, moving to his and their support. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



June 6, 18G4.— Indorsement on letter of Prr^ate Secretary J. G. 
NicoLAY TO Assistant Private Secretary Major John Hay. 

EuTAW House, Baltimore, June 5, 1861. 

My dear Major: Arrived here safely — find quite a number of delegates 
already in, but have not yet talked much with them. 

One of the first men I met was B. C. Cook, who stands at the head of 
our Illinois delegation, and had quite a long and confidential talk with 
him. He told me he had thought of going to Washington to-morrow, but 
seeing me he concluded he could sufiiciently post himself. 

He premised by telling me that the milk-and-water Lincoln resolution, 
which was first reported to the Illinois State Convention, was cooked up by 
a few plotters, to the utter sui'prise and astonishment of nine-tenths of the 



528 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

Convention, and by only a part of tlie Committee, and was with the others 
reported to the Convention when there was but a small attendance, it be- 
ing late at night, but that the Convention very handsomely repudiated 
them, and referred them to a new Committee, which introduced and passed 
othei's of the right stripe. Cook does not seem to know thoroughly Avho 
were at the bottom of the matter. He thinks T was the chief man- 
ager. M is understood to have declared himself opposed to the reso- 
lution in Committee, but seems to have contented himself with the mere 
expression of his dissent, after which he went away without further active 

opposition. Strangely enough one or two men have told me that W , 

either of his own volition or under the influence of others, was in the 

scheme. J , on the contrary, Cook told me, was open and hearty for 

Lincoln. 

Cook says there will be three or four disaffected members in the dele- 
gation from Illinois, but that nevertheless the delegation AviU vote and act 
as a unit, under the instructions of the Convention and also the will of the 
large majority of the delegation. He says the delegation will in good faith 
do everything they can for Lincoln, that is, in arranging the Vice-Presi- 
dent, the Committee, Platform, etc., taking his own nomination of course 
as beyond question. 

What transpired at home, and what he has heard from several sources, 
have made Cook suspicious that Swett may be untrue to Lincoln. One of 
the straws which led him to this belief is that Swett has telegraphed here 
urging the Illinois delegation to go for Holt for Vice-President. 

I told Cook that I thought Lincoln would not Avish even to indicate a 
preference for Vice-President, as the rival candidates were all friendly 
to him. 

There will be some little trouble in arranging the matter of the contested 
seats from Missouri. The Radicals seem to have the technical right to be 
admitted. They thi'eaten to withdraw from the Convention if the Conser- 
vatives are also admitted, but promise to abide the action of the Convention 
if they (the Radicals) obtain the seats. Cook says they intimated to him 
that they would even promise to vote for Lincoln in the Convention for the 
promise of an admission to seats. 

Whitelaw Reid is here, and told me this evening that the Radicals eon- 
ceded Lincoln's renomination, but their present game was to make a very 
radical platform. 

Cook wants to know confidentially whether Swett is all right ; whether 
in m'ging Holt for Vice-President he refliects the President's wishes j whether 
the President has any preference, either personally or on the score of policy, 
or whether he wishes not even to interfere by a confidential indication. 
Also whether he thinks it would be good policy to give the Radical dele- 
gates from Missouri the seats on theii- promising to vote for him. 

Please get this information for me if possible. Write and send your let- 
ter by express so that it will reach me by the earliest practicable hour to- 
nion-ow (Monday). This will go to you by express by the 7 a. m. train 
to-morrow, so that you ought to have it by 10 A. M. Address me at Eutaw 
House. 

N. 

[Indorsement.] 

Swett is unquestionably all right. Mr. Holt is a good man, but 
I had not heard or thought of him for Vice-President. Wish not to 
interfere about Vice-President. Cannot interfere about platform. 
Convention must judge for itself. 

[A. Lincoln.] 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 529 



June 8, 1864. — Message to Coxgress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives: I have the honor 
to submit for the consideration of Congress a letter and inclosure 
from the Secretary of War, with my concurrence in the recommen- 
dation therein made. 

Washington, June 8, 1864. Abraham Lincoln. 



June 8, 1864. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Washington, June 8, 1864. 
Major-General Rosecrans, St. Louis, Missouri : 

Yours of to-day received. I am unable to conceive how a mes- 
sage can be less safe by the express than by a staff-ofScer. If you 
send a verbal message, the messenger is one additional person let 
into the secret. ^^ Lincoln. 



June 9, 1864. — Reply to the Committee notifying President 
Lincoln of his Renomination. 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee : I will neither 
conceal my gratification nor restrain the expression of my grati- 
tude that the Union people, through their convention, in their con- 
tinued effort to save and advance the nation, have deemed me not 
unworthy to remain in my present position. I know no reason to 
doubt that I shall accept the nomination tendered ; and yet perhaps 
I should not declare definitely before reading and considering what 
is called the platform. I will say now, however, I approve the 
declaration in favor of so amending the Constitution as to prohibit 
slavery throughout the nation. When the people in revolt, with a 
hundred days of explicit notice that they could within those days 
resume their allegiance without the overthrow of their institution, 
and that they could not so resume it afterward, elected to stand out, 
such amendment of the Constitution as now proposed became a 
fitting and necessary conclusion to the final success of the Union 
cause. Such alone can meet and cover all cavils. Now the uncon- 
ditional Union men, North and South, perceive its importance and 
embrace it. In the joint names of Liberty and Union, let us labor 
to give it legal form and practical effect. 



Platform of the Union National Convention held in Baltimobe, 
Maryland, June 7 and 8, 1864. 

1. Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen to 

maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the Union and tlie 

paramount authority of the Constitntion and laws of the United States ; 

and that, laving aside all differences of political opinion, we pledge our- 

Vol. II.— 34. 



530 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

selves, as Union men, animated by a common sentiment and aiming^ at a 
common object, to do everything in our power to aid the government in 
quelling by force of arms the rebellion now raging against its authority, 
and in bringing to the punishment due to their crimes the rebels and 
traitors arrayed against it. 

2. Besolved, That we approve the determination of the government of 
the United States not to compromise with rebels, or to offer them any 
terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an unconditional sur- 
render of their hostility and a return to their just allegiance to the Consti- 
tution and laws of the United States, and that we call upon the government 
to maintain this position, and to prosecute the war with the utmost possible 
vigor to the complete suppression of the rebellion, in full reliance upon the 
self-sacrificing patriotism, the heroic valor, and the undying devotion of 
the American people to their country and its free institutions. 

3. Besolved, That as slavery was the cause, and now constitutes the 
strength, of this rebellion, and as it must l)e, always and everywhere, hos- 
tile to the principles of republican government, justice and the national 
safety demand its iitter and complete extirpation from the soil of the re- 
public ; and that while we uphold and maintain the acts and proclamations 
by which the government, in its own defense, has aimed a death-blow at 
this gigantic evil, we are in favor, furthermore, of such an amendment to 
the Constitution, to be made by the people in conformity with its provis- 
ions, as shall terminate and forever prohibit the existence of slavery 
within the limits or the jurisdiction of the United States. 

4. Resolved, That the thanks of the American people are due to the 
soldiers and sailors of the army and navy, who have periled their lives in 
defense of their country and in vindication of the honor of its flag; that the 
nation owes to them some permanent recognition of their patriotism and 
their valor, and ample and permanent provision for those of their sm-vi- 
vors who have received disabling and honorable wounds in the service of 
the country ; and that the memories of those who have fallen in its de- 
fense shall be held in gi-ateful and everlasting remembrance. 

\ 5. Besolved, That we approve and applaud the practical wisdom, the 
unselfish patriotism, and the unswerving fidelity to the Constitution and 
the principles of American liberty, with which Abraham Lincoln has dis- 
charged under circumstances of unparalleled difficulty the great duties 
and responsibilities of the Presidential office ; that we approve and indorse 
as demanded by the emergency and essential to the preservation of the 
nation, and as within the provisions of the Constitution, the measures and 
acts which he has adopted to defend the nation against its open and secret 
foes; that we approve, especially, the Proclamation of Emancipation, and 
the employment as Union soldiers of men heretofore held in slavery ; and 
that we have fidl confidence in his determination to carry these and all 
other constitutional measui-es essential to the salvation of the country into 

1 full and complete effect. 

6. Besolved, That we deem it essential to the general welfare that har-^ 
mony should prevail in the national councils, and we regard as worthy of 
public confidence and official trust those only who cordially indorse the 
principles proclaimed in these resolutions, and which should characterize 
the administration of the government. 

7. Besolved, That the government owes to all men emploj^ed in its armies, 
without regard to distinction of color, the full protection of the laws of 
war, and that any violation of these laws, or of the usages of civilized na- 
tions in time of war, by the rebels now in arms, should be made the subject 
of prompt and full redress. 

8. Besolved, That foreign immigration, which in the past has added so 
much to the wealth, development of resources, and increase of power to 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAIIAM LINCOLN 531 

this nation, the asylum of tlie oppressed of all nations, should be fostered 
and encouraged by a liberal and just policy. 

9. Resolved, That we are in favor of the speedy construction of the rail- 
mad to the Pacific coast. _ , 
(10. liesolvcd, That the national faith, pledged for the redemption of the 
pul>lic debt, miast l^e kept inviolate, and that for this purpose we recom- 
mend economy and rigid responsiljility in the public expenditures, and a 
vigorous and just system of taxation : and that it is the duty of every loyal 
State to sustain the credit and promote the use of the national currency. 

11. liesolved, That we approve the position taken by the government 
that the people of the United States can never regard with indifference 
the attempt of any European power to overthrow by force or to supplant 
by fraud the institutions of any republican government on the Western 
Continent, and that they will view with extreme jealousy, as menacing to 
the peace and independence of their own country, the etiorts of any such 
power to obtain new footholds for monarchical governments, sustained by 
foreign military force, in near proximity to the United States. 



June 9, 1864. — Reply to an Ohio Delegation. 

Gentlemen : I am very much obliged to you for this compliment. 
I have just been saying, and will repeat it, that the hardest of all 
speeches I have to auswer is a serenade. I never know what to say 
on these occasions. I suppose that you have done me this kindness 
in connection with the action of the Baltimore convention, which 
has recently taken place, and wdtli which, of course, I am very well 
satisfied. What we want, still more than Baltimore conventions or 
presidential elections, is success under General Grant. I proj)ose 
that you constantly bear in mind that the support you owe to the 
brave officers and soldiers in the field is of the very first importance, 
and we should therefore bend all our energies to that point. 

Now, without detaining you any longer, I propose that you help 
me to close up what I am now saying with three rousing cheers for 
General Grant and the officers and soldiers under his command. 



June 9, 1864. — Reply to a Delegation from the National 
Union League. 

Gentlemen : I can only say in response to the kind remarks of 
your chairman, as I suppose, that I am very grateful for the re- 
newed confidence which has been accorded to me both by the con- 
vention and by the National League. I am not insensible at aU to the 
personal compliment there is in this, and yet I do not allow myself 
to believe that any but a small portion of it is to be appropriated as 
a personal compliment. That really the convention and the Union 
League assembled with a higher view — that of taking care of the 
interests of the country for the present and the great future — and 
that the part I am entitled, to appropriate as a compliment is only 
that part whicli I may lay hold of as being the opinion of the con- 
vention and of the League, that I am not entirely unworthy to be 
intrusted, with the place which I have occupied for the last three 



532 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

years. But I do not allow myself to suppose that either the conven- 
tion or the League have concluded to decide that I am either the 
greatest or best man in America, but rather they have concluded 
that it is not best to swap horses while crossing the river, and have 
further concluded that I am not so poor a horse that they might not 
make a botch of it in trying to swap. 

June 10, 1864.— Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 10, 1864. 
Major-General Rosecrans : 

Major John Hay, the bearer, is one of my private secretaries, to 
whom please communicate, in writing, or verbally, anything you 
would think proper to say to me. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

June 11, 1864. — Remarks to an Ohio Regiment. 

Soldiers! I understand you have just come from Ohio — come 
to help us in this, the nation's day of trial, and also of its hopes. 
I thank you for your promptness in responding to the call for 
troops. Your services were never needed more than now. I know 
not where you are going. You may stay here and take the places 
of those who will be sent to the front, or you may go there your- 
selves. Wherever you go, I know you will do your best. Again I 
thank you. Good-by. 

June 13, 1864. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General 
W. S. Rosecrans. 

Washington, D. C, June 13, 1864. 3 p. m. 
Major-General Rosecrans, St. Louis, Missouri : 

The President directs that the archives and papers of the Belgian 
consulate, alleged to have been taken from the possession of Mr. 
Hunt, late Belgian consul, by your provost-marshal, be returned to 
him, and that no proceedings be had against him without orders 
from this department ; that you release him if he be imprisoned, and 
that you report by telegraph what proceedings, if any, have been 
had by your provost-marshal, or any other officer under your com- 
mand, in reference to Mr. Hunt, or the papers and archives of his 
consulate, and the grounds or causes of such proceedings. 

Edwin M. Stanton. 



June 13, 1864. — Telegram to General L. Thomas. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 13, 1864. 
Major-General Thomas, Louisville, Kentucky : 

Complaint is made to me that in the vicinity of Henderson, our 
militia are seizing negroes and carrying them off without their own 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 533 

consent, and according to no rules whatever, except those of abso- 
hite violence. I wish you would look into this and inform me, and 
see that the making; soldiers of negroes is done according to the rules 
you are acting upon, so that unnecessary provocation and irritation 
be avoided. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 14, 1864. — Telegram to General S. G. Burbridge. 

Washington, D. C, June 14, 1864. 
General Burbridge, Lexington, Kentucky : 

Have just read your despatch of action at Cjoithiana. Please ac- 
cept my congratulation and thanks for yourself and command. 

A. Lincoln. 

June 15, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, June 15, 1864. 7 a. m. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, Headquarters Army of the Potomac : 
I have just received your despatch of 1 p. m. yesterday. I begin 
to see it : you will succeed. God bless you all. 

A. Lincoln. 

June 15, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Washington, June 15, 1864. 
Hon. S. p. Chase. 

My dear Sir : The governor of Iowa and some of the members of 
Congress have [given me] a little embarrassment about the removal 
of a Mr. Atkinson, in your department, and the appointment to the 
place of a Mr. Sill, I think. They claim a promise, which I know I 
never made, except upon the condition that you desired the removal 
of Atkinson. Please help me a little. If you will write me a note 
that you do not wish Atkinson removed, that will end the matter. 
On the contrary, if you do wish him removed, or even are indiffer- 
ent about it, say so to me, accompanying your note with a nomina- 
tion for Sill. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

June 16, 1864. — Speech at a Sanitary Fair m Philadelphia, 

Pennsylvania. 

I suppose that this toast was intended to open the way for me to 
say something. 

War, at the best, is terrible, and this war of ours, in its magnitude 
and in its duration, is one of the most terrible. It has deranged 
business, totally in many localities, and partially in all localities. It 
has destroyed property and ruined homes; it has produced a na- 
ti(mal debt and taxation unprecedented, at least in this country ; it 



534 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

has carried mourning to almost every home, until it can almost be 
said that the " heavens are hung in black." 

Yet the war continues, and several relieving coincidents have ac- 
companied it from the very beginning which have not been known, 
as I understand, or have any knowledge of, in any former wars in 
the history of the world. The Sanitary Commission, with all its 
benevolent labors ; the Christian Commission, with all its Christian 
and benevolent labors; and the various places, arrangements, so 
to speak, and institutions, have contributed to the comfort 
and relief of the soldiers. You have two of these places in 
this city — the Cooper Shop and Union Volunteer Refreshment 
Saloons. And lastly, these fairs, which, I believe, began only 
last August, if I mistake not, in Chicago, then at Boston, at Cin- 
cinnati, Brooklyn, New York, and Baltimore, and those at present 
held at St. Louis, Pittsburg, and Philadelphia. The motive and ob- 
ject that lie at the bottom of all these are most worthy; for, say 
what you will, after all, the most is due to the soldier who takes his 
life in his hands and goes to fight the battles of his country. In 
what is contributed to his comfort when he passes to and fro, and 
in what is contributed to him when he is sick and wounded, in what- 
ever shape it comes, whether from the fair and tender hand of 
woman, or from any other source, it is much, very much. But I think 
that there is still that which is of as much value to him in the con- 
tinual reminders he sees in the newspapers that while he is absent 
he is yet remembered by the loved ones at home. Another view of 
these various institutions, if I may so call them, is worthy of consid- 
eration, I think. They are voluntary contributions, given zealously 
and earnestly, on top of all the disturbances of business, of all the 
disorders, of all the taxation, and of all the burdens that the war 
has imposed upon us, giving proof that the national resources are 
not at all exhausted, and that the national spirit of patriotism is 
even firmer and stronger than at the commencement of the war. 

It is a pertinent question, often asked in the mind privately, and 
from one to the other, when is the war to end? Surely I feel as 
deep an interest in this question as any other can ; but I do not wish 
to name a day, a month, or a year, when it is to end. I do not wish 
to run any risk of seeing the time come without our being ready for 
the end, for fear of disappointment because the time had come and 
not the end. We accepted this war for an object, a worthy object, and 
the war will end when that object is attained. Under Cod, I hope 
it never will end until that time. Speaking of the present campaign. 
General Grant is reported to have said, '* I am going through on this 
line if it takes all summer." This war has taken three years; it was 
begun or accepted upon the line of restoring the national authority 
over the whole national domain, and for the American people, as far 
as my knowledge enables me to speak, I say we are going through 
on this line if it takes three years more. 

My friends, I did not know but that I might be called upon to say 
a few words before I got away from here, but I did not know it was 
coming just here. I have never been in the habit of making predic- 
tions in regard to the war, but I am almost tempted to make one. If 



LETTEKS AND STATE TArERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 535 

I were to hazard it, it is this: That Grant is this evening, with 
General Meade and General Hancock, and the brave officers and 
soldiers with him, in a position from whence he will never be dis- 
lodged until Richmond is taken; and I have but one single proposi- 
tion to put now, and perhaps I can best put it in the form of an 
interrogative. If I shall discover that General Grant and the noble 
officers and men under him can be greatly facilitated in their work 
by a sudden pouring forward of men and assistance, will you give 
them to met Are you ready to march! [Cries of "Yes."] Then I say. 
Stand ready, for I am watching for the chance. I thank you, 
gentlemen. 



June 17, 1864.— Letter to Lilian Trumbull. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 17, 1864. 
Hon. Lyman Trumbull. 

3Ii/ dear Sir : Yours relative to reorganization of a State govern- 
ment for Arkansas, is received. I believe none of the departments 
have had anything to do with it. All that has been done within the 
range you mention is embraced in an informal letter and telegraphic 
correspondence between parties there and myself, copies of which I 
have already furnished to Mr. Dawes of the House of Representa- 
tives for the object corresponding to yours. 

It will save labor and oblige me if j^ou will procure him to show 
you them. I believe you will find mentioned a proclamation of 
General Steele, no copy of which is with the correspondence. The 
reason is, I could not find it. If, after reading this, it still would be 
more satisfactory to you to have copies for yourself, let me know, 
and I will have them made out as soon as I reasonably can. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



June 20, 1864. — Draft of Letter to Governor Brough and 
General S. P. Heintzelman — Not sent. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 20, 1864. 
Governor Brough and General Heintzelman ; 

Both of you have official responsibility as to the United States 
military in Ohio, and generally — one in organizing and furnishing, 
the other in directing, commanding, and forwarding. Consult to- 
gether freely, watch Vallandigham and others closely, and upon 
discovering any palpable injury or imminent danger to the military 
proceeding from him, them, or any of them, arrest all implicated ; 
otherwise do not arrest without further order. Meanwhile report 
the signs to me from time to time. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



536 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



June 20, 1864. — Memorandum of an interview with the Post- 
master OF Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 

What I said to Postmaster of Philadelphia on this day — June 
20, 1864 : 

Complaint is made to me that you are using your official power to 
defeat Judge Kellej^'s renomination to Congress. 

I am well satisfied with Judge Kelley as a member of Congress, 
and I do not know that the man who might supplant him would 
be as satisfactory ; but the correct principle, I think, is that all our 
friends should have absolute freedom of choice among our friends. 
My wish, therefore, is that j'ou will do just as you think fit with 
your own suffrage in the case, and not constrain any of your subor- 
dinates to do other than as he thinks fit with his. 

This is precisely the rule I inculcated and adhered to on my part 
when a certain other nomination now recently made was being 
canvassed for. 



June 24, 1864. — Letter to Attorney-General Bates. 

Executtv^e Mansion, Washington, June 24, 1864. 
Hon. Attorney-General. 

Sir : By authority of the Constitution, and moved thereto by the 
fourth section of the act of Congress, entitled " An act making ap- 
propriations for the support of the army for the year ending the 
thirtieth of June, eighteen hundred and sixty-five, and for other 
purposes, approved June 15, 1864," I require your opinion in wi'itiug 
as to what pay, bounty, and clothing are allowed by law to persons 
of color who were free on the nineteenth day of April, 1861, and 
who have been enlisted and mustered into the military service of 
the United States between the month of December, 1862, and the 
sixteenth of June, 1864. 

Please answer as you would do, on my requirement, if the act of 
pJune 15, 1864, had not been passed, and I will so use your opinion 
as to satisfy that act. Your oioedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 



June 24, 1864.— Telegram to Mrs. Lincoln. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 24, 1864. 
Mrs. a. Lincoln, Boston, Massachusetts : 

All well and very warm. Tad and I have been to General Grant's 
army. Returned yesterday safe and sound. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 537 

June 24, 1864. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Washington, June 24, 1864. 
Major-General Rosecrans, St. Louis, Missouri : 

Complaint is made to rae that General Brown does not do liis 
best to suppress bushwhackers. Please ascertain and report to me. 

A. Lincoln. 



June 25, 1864. — Letter to the Paymaster-General. 

Executrt; Mansion, Washengton, June 25, 1864. 
Payiviaster-General : 

I am so frequently called on by persons in behalf of paymasters 
who have already served a long time in the South, for leave to come 
North, as to induce me to inquire whether there might not, without 
much inconvenience, be a rule of exchanges which would be fair to 
all, and keep none so long in an uncongenial climate as to much 
endanger health. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



June 27, 1864. — Letter to W, C. Bryant, 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 27, 1864. 
Hon. William Cullen Bryant : 

My dear Sir : Yours of the twenty-fifth has just been handed me 
by the Secretary of the Navy. The tone of the letter, rather tlian 
any direct statement in it, impresses me as a complaint that Mr. 
Henderson should have been removed from office, and an*ested; 
coupled with the single suggestion that he be restored if he shall 
establish his innocence. 

I know absolutely nothing of the case except as follows : Monday 
last, Mr. Welles came to me with the letter of dismissal already writ- 
ten, saying he thought proper to show it to me before sending it. I 
asked him the charges, which he stated in a general way. With as 
much emphasis as I could, I said: "Are you entirely certain of his 
guilt?" He answered that he was, to which I replied: ''Then send 
the letter." 

Whether Mr. Henderson was a supporter of my second nomina- 
tion, I neither knew nor inquired, nor even thought "of. I shall be 
very glad indeed if he shall, as you anticipate, establish his inno- 
cence ; or, to state it more strongly and properly, " if the govern- 
ment shall fail to establish his guilt." I believe, however, the man 
who made the affidavit was of as spotless reputation as Mr. Hen- 
derson, until he was arrested on what his friends insist was out- 
rageously insufficient evidence. I know the entii'e city government 
of Washington, with many other respectable citizens, appealed to 
me in his behalf as a greatly injured gentleman. 



538 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

While the subject is up, may I ask whether the "Evening Post" 
has not assailed nie for supposed too lenient dealing with persons 
charged with fraud and crime? And that in cases of which the 
" Post " could know but little of the facts ? I shall certainly deal 
as leniently with Mr, Henderson as I have felt it my duty to deal 
with others, notwithstanding any newspaper assaults. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

June 27, 1864, — Letter accepting the Renomination for 

President. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 27, 1864. 
Hon. William Dennison and Others, a Committee of the Na- 
tional Union Convention. 

Gentlemen : Your letter of the 14th instant formally notifying me 
that I have been nominated by the convention you represent for the 
Presidency of the United States for four years from the fourth of 
March next has been received. The nomination is gratefully ac- 
cepted, as the resolutions of the convention, called the platform, 
are heartily approved. While the resolution in regard to the sup- 
planting of republican government upon the western continent is 
fully concurred in, there might be misunderstanding were I not to 
say that the position of the government in relation to the action of 
France in Mexico, as assumed through the State Department and 
approved and indorsed by the convention among the measures and 
acts of the executive, will be faithfully maintained so long as the 
state of facts shall leave that position pertinent and applicable, I 
am especially gratified that the soldier and the seaman were not for- 
gotten by the convention, as they forever must and will be remem- 
bered by the grateful country for whose salvation they devote 
their lives. 

Thanking you for the kind and complimentary terms in which 
you have communicated the nomination and other proceedings of 
the convention, I subscribe myself. 

Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln, 



June 28, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 28, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 

ilfy dear iSir: Yours, inclosing a blank nomination for Maunsell 
B. Field to be assistant treasurer at New York, was received yes- 
terday. I cannot, without much embarrassment, make this appoint- 
ment, principally because of Senator Morgan's very firm opposition 
to it. Senator Harris has not spoken to me on the subject, though 
I understand he is not averse to the appointment of Mr. Field, nor 
yet to any one of the three named by Senator Morgan, rather pre- 
ferring of them, however, Mr. Hillhouse. Governor Morgan tells 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 539 

send me a uommatio,. fo'tim YSm-s truly'''""'''' "'*''' """1 

A. Lincoln. 

June 28, 1864.— Letter to Secretary Chase. 

{Private.) 

Executat: Mansion, Washington, D. C, June 28 1864 
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury ' 

and me A^ tha r^,.^, i ^® ^^ ^ conversation between von 

directly or indirectly urghwhi/remrd^^^^T^^^^^^^ ^"'•'^ ^'^''^ 

ei^."JfLtrt-"rf:l-^^^^^ 
aTftiiffe^ifitri^s'^-fH" 

strained as I already am at this potat f doTnf , '"i^r""' '" "• 

"¥i:^SS,i"kf^^^^S^^ 

A. Lincoln. 

June 29, 1864.— Letter to General F. Steele. 

M. r^ n ^^^cuTiVE Mansion, Washington, June 29 1864 
Major- General Steele: ^^"e -j, loo^. 

I understand that Congress deelinp*; in nriiriif +^ ^ xi 
sent as senators and reprfsmita iveXm A -b '^^tl ^^^^ P^^'^^^s 

^S?:?^S^iJ'«!e'-fc?;':;Si5 r ^^^^^ 

bollion. ^''' ^°"7" ''" *""■'"•'' suppressing 'the to- 

i oui-s truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



540 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

June 29, 1864.— Telegrajvi to Mrs. Lincoln. 

Washington, D. C, June 29, 1864. 
Mrs. a. Lincoln, New York : 
All well. Tom is moving things out. 

A. Lincoln. 

June 30, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 30, 1864. 
Hon. Salmon P. Chase. 

My dear Sir : Your resignation of the office of Secretary of the 
Treasury sent me yesterday is accepted. Of all I have said in com- 
mendation of your ability and fidelity I have nothing to unsay ; and 
yet you and I have reached a point of mutual embarrassment in our 
official relations which it seems cannot be overcome or longer sus- 
tained consistently with the public service. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



June 30, 1864. — Telegram to David Tod. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, June 30, 1864. 
Hon. David Tod, Youngstown, Ohio : 

I have nominated you to be Secretary of the Treasury, in place of 
Governor Chase, who has resigned. Please come without a moment's 
delay. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 2, 1864. — Telegram to Judge S. H. Treat. 

Washington, D. C, July 2, 1864. 
Hon. S. H. Treat, Springfield, Illinois: 

Please give me a summary of the evidence with your impressions, 
on the Coles County riot cases. I send the same request to Judge 
Davis. 

A. Lincoln. 

July 4, 1864.— Letter to J. L. Scripps. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 4, 1864. 
To John L. Scripps, Esq. 

Dear Sir : Complaint is made to me that you are using your offi- 
cial power to defeat Mr. Arnold's nomination to Congress. I am well 
satisfied with Mr. Arnold as a member of Congress, and I do not 
know that the man who might supplant him would be as satisfac- 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 541 

tory ; but the correct principle, I think, is that all our friends should 
have absolute freedom of choice among our friends. My wish, 
therefore, is that you will do just as you think fit with your own 
suffrage in the case, and not constrain any of your subordinates to 
[do] other than [as] lie thinks fit with his. This is precisely the rule 
I inculcated and adhered to on my part, when a certain other nomi- 
nation, now recently made, was being canvassed for. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



July 5, 1864. — Telegram to. J. W. Garrett. 

[Washington,] July 5, 1864. 
J. W. Garrett, President [B. & O. R. R.J, Camden Station : 

You say telegraphic communication is reestablished with Sandy 
Hook. Well, what does Sandy Hook say about operations of enemy 
and of Sigel during to-day f 

A. Lincoln. 



July 5, 1864. — Letter from Secretary Stanton to Governor 

Seymour. 

War Department, Washington, July 5, 1864. 
His Excellency Horatio Seymour, 

Governor of New York, Albany : 

The President directs me to inform you that a rebel force, vari- 
ously estimated at from fifteen to twenty thousand men, have in- 
vaded the State of Maryland, and have taken Martinsburg and 
Harper's Ferry, and are threatening other points; that the public 
safety requires him to call upon the State executives for a militia 
force to repel this invasion. He therefore directs me to call on you 
for a militia force of 12,000 men from your State to serve not more 
than one hundred days, and to request that you will with the utmost 
despatch forward the troops to Washington by rail or steamboat as 
may be most expeditious. 

Please favor me with an answer at your earliest convenience. 
Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

July 5, 1864. — Proclamation suspending Writ of Habeas 

Corpus. 

By the President of the United States of Ajvierica: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, by a proclamation which was issued on the fifteenth day 
of April, 1861, the President of the United States announced and 
declared that the laws of the United States had been for some time 
past, and then were, opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, 



542 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

in certain States therein mentioned, by combinations too powerful 
to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or 
by the powers vested in the marshals by law ; 

And whereas, immediately after the issuing of the said proclama- 
tion, the land and naval forces of the United States were put into 
activity to suppress the said insurrection and rebellion ; 

And whereas the Congress of the United States, by an act ap- 
proved on the third day of March, 1863, did enact that during the said 
rebellion the President of the United States, whenever in his judg- 
ment the pviblic safety may require it, is authorized to suspend the 
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in any case throughout the 
United States, or in any part thereof; 

And whereas the said insurrection and rebellion still continue, 
endangering the existence of the Constitution and government of 
the United States; 

And whereas the military forces of the United States are now 
actively engaged in suppressing the said insurrection and rebellion 
in various parts of the States where the said rebellion has been suc- 
cessful in obstructing the laws and public authorities, especially in 
the States of Virginia and Georgia; 

And whereas, on the fifteenth day of September last, the President 
of the United States duly issued his proclamation, wherein he de- 
clared that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus should be sus- 
pended throughout the United States in the cases where, by the 
authority of the President of the United States, military, naval, and 
civil oificers of the United States, or any of them, hold persons un- 
der their command or in their custody, either as prisoners of war, 
spies, or aiders or abettors of the enemy, or officers, soldiers, or sea- 
men, enrolled or drafted or mustered or enlisted in, or belonging 
to, the land or naval forces of the United States, or as deserters 
therefrom, or otherwise amenable to military law or the rules and 
articles of war, or the rules or regulations prescribed for the mili- 
tary or naval services by authority of the President of the United 
States, or for resisting a draft, or for any other offense against the 
military or naval services; 

And whereas many citizens of the State of Kentucky have joined 
the forces of the insurgents, and such insurgents have, on several 
occasions, entered the State of Kentucky in large force, and, not 
without aid and comfort furnished by disaffected and disloyal citi- 
zens of the United States residing therein, have not only disturbed 
the public peace, but have overborne the civil authorities and made 
flagrant civil war, destroying property and life in various parts of 
that State ; 

And whereas it has been made known to the President of the 
United States by the officers commanding the national armies, that 
combinations have been formed in the said State of Kentucky with 
a purpose of inciting rebel forces to renew the said operations of 
civil war within the said State, and thereby to embarrass the United 
States armies now operating in the said States of Virginia and 
Georgia, and even to endanger their safety: 
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF A13KAHAM LINCOLN 547 



July 10, 18G4.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington City, July 10, 1864. 2 p. m. 
LiEiTTENAN P/^./ERAL Grant, City Poiut, Virj^iuia : 

Your d Ma to General Halleck, referring to what I may think 
in the ptesent emergency, is shown me. General Halleck savs we 
have absolutely no f<».ce here fit to go to the field. He thinks that 
with the hundred-day men and invalids we have here we can de- 
fend 'eAishington. and, scarcely, Baltimore. Besides these there are 
about bUtiO, not very reliable, under Howe, at Harper's Ferry, with 
Hunter approaching that point very slowly, with what number I 
suppose you know better than I. Wallace, with some odds and 
ends, and part of what came up with Ricketts, was so badly beaten 
yesterday at Monocacy, that what is left can attempt no more than 
to defend Baltimore. What we shall get in from Pennsylvania 
and New York will scarcely be worth counting, I fear. Now, what 
I think is, that you should provide to retain your hold where you 
are, certainly, and bring the rest with you personally, and make a 
vigorous effort to destroy the enemy's forces in this vicinity. I 
think there is really a fair chance to do this, if the movement is 
prompt. This is what I think upon your suggestion, and is not 

an order. . t 

A. Lincoln. 

July 11, 1864. — Telegraivi to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, July 11, 1864. 8 a. m. 

Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

Yours of 10.30 P. m. yesterday received, and very satisfactory. 

The enemy will learn of Wright's arrival, and then the difficulty 

will be to unite Wright and Hunter south of the enemy before he 

will recross the Potomac. Some firing between Rockville and here 

now. . -r 

A. Lincoln. 

July 12, 1864.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, D. C, July 12, 1864. 11.30 a. m. 

Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

Vague rumors have been reaching us for two or three days that 

Longstreet's corps is also on its way [to] this vicinity. Look out 

for its absence from your front. . t 

•^ A. Lincoln. 

July 14, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 14, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Sir : Your note of to-day inclosing General Halleck's letter of yes- 
terday relative to offensive remarks supposed to have been made by 



548 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

the Postmaster-General eonceruing the military officers on duty 
about Washington is received. The general's lettei* in substance 
demands of me that if I approve the remarks I shall strike the 
names of those officers from the rolls ; and that if I dc not approve 
them the Postmaster-General shall be dismissed iVom > Cabinet. 

Whether the remarks were really made I do not k. nor do I 
suppose such knowledge is necessary to a correct "espouse. If they 
were made, I do not approve them ; and vet, inider the circunv 
stances, I would not dismiss a member of the Cabinet therefor. I 
do not consider what may have been hastily said in a mom( it of 
vexation at so severe a loss is sufficient ground for so grave a step. 
Besides this, truth is generally the best vindication against slander. 
I propose continuing to be mj^self the judge as to when a member 
of the Cabinet shall be dismissed. Yours trul}", 

i A. Lincoln. 



July [14!], 1864, — Memorandum read to the Cabinet. 

I must myself be the judge how long to retain in and when to re- 
move any of you from his position. It would greatly pain me to 
discover any of you endeavoring to procure another's removal, or in 
any waj^ to prejudice him before the public. Such endeavor would 
be a wrong to me, and, much worse, a wi'ong to the country. My 
wish is that on this subject no remark be made nor question asked 
by any of you, here or elsewhere, now or hereafter. 



July 15, 1864. — Telegrajm and Letter to Horace Greeley. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 15, 1864. 
Hon. Horace Greeley, New York : 

I suppose you received my letter of the 9th. I have just re- 
ceived yours of the 13th, and am disappointed by it. I was not 
expecting you to send me a letter, but to bring me a man, or men. 
Mr. Hay goes to you with my answer to yours of the 13th. 

A. Lincoln. 

[Carried ty Major John Hay.] 

ExEcuTivTE Mansion, Washington, July 15, 1864. 
Hon. Horace Greeley. 

My dear Sir: Yours of the 13th is just received, and I am disap- 
pointed that you have not already reached here with those commis- 
sioners, if they would consent to come on being shown my letter to 
you of the 9th instant. Show that and this to them, and if the.y will 
come on the terms stated in the former, bring them. I not only in- 
tend a sincere effort for peace, but I intend that you shall be a per- 
sonal witness that it is made. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 549 

July IG, 1864.— Telegram to Major John Hay. 

J 'XECUTIVE Mansion, Washlngton, July IG 18G4 
John Ha^ .^i- House, New York : 

Yours .vftd. Write the safe-conduct, as you propose, without 
waitiiij^^tor one by mail from me. If there is or is not anything in 
tne atiair, l wish to know it without unnecessary delay. 

A. Lincoln. 

July 13, 18G4.— Safe-conduct for C. C. Clay and Others. 

Executive :Mansion, Washington, D. C. 

The President of the United States directs that the four persons 
whose names fc.llow, to wit: Hon. Clement C. Clay, Hon Jacob 
Ihompson, Prof . James B. Holcombe, George N. Sanders, shaU have 
safe conduct to the city of Washington in company with the Hon 
Horace (xreeley, and shaU be exempt from arrest or annoyance of 
any kind from any officer of the United States during their iourney 
to the said city of Washington. "^ ^ 

By order of the President. 

John Hay, Major and A. A. G. 

July 17, 18G4.— Telegram to Generai. U. S. Grant. 

[Washington], July 17, 18G4. 11.25 a. m. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

In your despatch of yesterday to General Sherman, I find the fol- 
lowing, to wit : 

"I shall make a desperate effort to get a position here, which will 
hold the enemy without the necessity of so many men " 

Pressed as we are by lapse of time'l am glad to hear you say this • 
and yet^I do hope you may find a way that the effort shaU not be 
desperate in the sense of great loss of life. 

Abraham Lincoln, President. 

July 17, 1864.— Telegram to General D. Hunter. 

[Washington], July 17, 1864. 
Major-General Hunter, Harper's Ferry, West Virginia : 

Yours of this morning received. You misconceive. The order 
you complain of was only nominally mine, and was framed bv 
those who really made it with no thought of making vou a scape- 
goat. It seemed to be General Grant's wish that the forces under 
General Wright and those under vou should ioin and drive at the 
enemy under General Wright. Wright had the larger part of the 



550 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

force, but you had the rank. It was thought that you would prefer 
Crook's commandiug your part to your serving in person under 
Wright. That is all of it. General Grant wishes you to remain in 
command of the department, and I do not wish to or'^er otherwise. 

(INCOLN. 



July 18, 1864. — Announcement concerning Terms op Peace, 

Executive Mansion, "Washington, July IS, 1864. 
To ivJioni it may concern : Any proposition which embraces the 
restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the 
abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and with an author- 
ity that can control the armies now at war against the United States, 
will be received and considered by the executive government of the 
United States, and will be met by liberal terms on other substantial 
and collateral points, and the bearer or bearers thereof shall have 
safe conduct both ways. Abraham Lincoln. 



July 18, 1864. — Proclamation calling for 500,000 Volunteers. 

By the President of the United States op America: 

A Froclamation. 

Whereas, by the act approved July 4, 1864, entitled ''An act 
further to regulate and provide for the enrolling and calling out the 
national forces, and for other purposes," it is provided that the 
President of the United States may, " at his discretion, at any time 
hereafter, call for any number of men as volunteers, for the re- 
spective terms of one, two, and three years, for military service," and 
*' that in case the quota, or any part thereof, of any town, township, 
ward of a city, precinct, or election district, or of a county not so 
subdivided, shall not be filled within the space of fiLfty days after 
such call, then the President shall immediately order a draft for one 
year to fill such quota, or any part thereof, which may be unfilled." 

And whereas the new enrolment heretofore ordered is so far com- 
pleted as that the aforementioned act of Congress may now be put 
in operation for recruiting and keeping up the strength of the 
armies in the field, for garrisons and such military operations as may 
be required for the purpose of suppressing the rebellion and restor- 
ing the authority of the United States Government in the insurgent 
States : 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the U^nited 
States, do issue this my call for 500,000 volunteers for the military 
service ; provided, nevertheless, that this call shall be reduced by all 
credits which may be established under Section 8 of the aforesaid 
act, on account of persons who have entered the naval service dur- 
ing the present rebellion, and by credits for men furnished to the 
military service in excess of calls heretofore made. Volunteers will 



LETTERS AND STATE PArERS OF .VBEAHAM LINCOLN 551 

be accepted under this call for one, two, or three years, as they may 
elect, and will be entitled to the bounty provided by the law for the 
period of seiv^''ce for which they enlist. 

And I here ^', proclaim, order, and direct, that immediately after 
the fifth day ;>eptember, 1864, being fifty days from the date of 
this call, a f^ v for troops to serve for one year shall be had in every 
town, township, v/ard of a city, precinct or election district, or 
county not so subdivided, to fill the quota which shall be assigned 
to it under this call, or any part thereof which may be unfilled by 
vr)Mnteers on the said fifth day of September, 1864. 

In testimony ^hcr&of, I have hereunto set my hand and caused 
the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this eighteenth day of 
r 1 Jnl;:, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
^ ' ■-' and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States 
the eiglvty-ninth. Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

July 18, 1864. — Telegram to General W. T. Sherman. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 18, 1864. 
Major-General Sher:\l\n, Chattahoochee River, Georgia : 

I have seen your despatches, objecting to agents of Northern 
States opening recruiting stations near your camps. 

An act of Congress authorizes this, giving the appointment of 
agents to the States, and not to the executive government. It is 
not for the War Department or myself to restrain or modify the 
law in its execution further than actual necessity may require. 

To be candid, I was for the passage of the law, not apprehending 
at the time that it would produce such inconvenience to the armies 
in the field, as you now cause me to fear. Many of the States were 
very anxious for it, and I hoped that, with their State bounties, and 
active exertions, they would get out substantial additions to our 
colored forces, which, unlike white recruits, help us where they come 
from, as well as where they go to. I still hope advantage from the 
law; and, being a law, it must be treated as such by all of us. 

We here will do what we consistently can to save you from diffi- 
culties arising out of it. 

Ma}^ I ask therefore that you will give your hearty cooperation ? 

A. Lincoln. 

July 20, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 20, 1864. 4.30 p. ^i. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

Yours of yesterday, about a call for 300.000, is received. I sup- 
pose you had not seen the call for 500,000, made the day before, 
and which, I suppose, covers the case. Always glad to have your 
suggestions. ' A. Llncoln. 



552 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



July 20, 1864. — Letter to J. L. Scripps. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 20, 1864. 
Hon. J. L. Scripps. 

3[y dear Sir : I have received and read yours of tn-. " ^th. Mine 
to you was only a copy, with names changed, of what I had said to 
another postmaster, on a similar complaint; and the two are the 
only cases in which that precise complaint has, as yet, been made 
to me. I think that in these cases I have stated the principle o>r- 
rectly for all public officers, and I certainly wish all would follow 
it. But I do not quite like to publish a general circular on the 
subject, and it would be rather laborious to write a separate letter 
to each. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



July 22, 1864. — Letter to O. B. Ficklin. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 22, 1864. 
Hon. O. B. Ficklin. 

Dear Sir: I had about concluded to send the Coles County men 
home, turning over the indicted to the authorities and discharging 
the others, when Colonel Oaks's report with the evidence he had 
taken in the case was put in my hand. The evidence is very volumin- 
ous, and Colonel Oaks says it fully implicates every one of the six- 
teen now held ; and so far as I have been able to look into it his 
statement is sustained. I cannot now decide the case until I shall 
have fully examined this evidence. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



July 23, 1864. — Reply to Commander Bertinatti, Italian 
Envoy Extraordinary, Etc. 

Mr. Commander Bertinatti: 

I am free to confess that the United States have in the course of 
the last three years encountered vicissitudes and been involved in 
controversies which have tried the friendship and even the forbear- 
ance of other nations, but at no stage in this unhappy fraternal war 
in which we are only endeavoring to save and strengthen the foun- 
dations of our national unity has the king or the people of Italy 
faltered in addressing to us the language of respect, confidence, and 
friendship. We have tried you, Mr. Bertinatti, as a charge d'af- 
faires and as a minister resident, and in both of these characters 
we have found you always sincerely and earnestly interpreting the 
loyal sentiments of your sovereign. At the same time I am sure 
that no minister here has more faithfully maintained and advanced 
the interests with which he was charged by his government. I 
desire that your countrymen may know that I think you have well 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 553 

deserved the elevation to which I owe the pleasure of the present 
interview. 

I pray Go(1 to have your country in his holy keeping, and to 
vouchsafe to;jj;own with success her noble aspirations to renew, un- 
der the auspi^'^'ij of her present enlightened government, her ancient 
career, so v- .^.'rfully.illustrated in the achievements of art, science, 
and f leedoin. 



July 23, 18G4. — Tf^legram to General D. Hunter. 

{Cipher.) 

War Department, July 23, 1864. 
Major-General Hunter, Harper's Ferry, West Virginia : 

Are you able to take care of the enemy, when he turns back upon 
you, as he probably will on finding that Wright has left ? 

A. Lincoln. 

July 25, 1864. — Letter to A. Wakeman. 

{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 25, 1864. 
Abram WakemaNj Esq. 

My dear Sir : I feel that the sul)ject which you pressed upon my 
attention in our recent conversation is an important one. The men 
of the South recently (and perhaps still) at Niagara Falls tell us 
distinctly that they are in the confidential employment of the rebel- 
lion ; and they tell us as distinctly that they are not empowered to 
offer terms of peace. Does any one doubt that what they are em- 
powered to do is to assist in selecting and arranging a candidate 
and a platform for the Chicago convention! Who could have 
given them this confidential employment but he who, only a week 
since, declared to Jaquess and Gilmore, that he had no "terms of 
peace but the independence of the South — the dissolution of the 
Union"? Thus, the present presidential contest will almost certainly 
be no other than a contest between a union and a disunion candi- 
date, disunion certainly following the success of the latter. The 
issue is a mighty one, for all people, and all times; and whoever 
aids the right will be appreciated and remembered. 

^ Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

July 25, 1864. — Letter to General E. R. S. Canby. 

Washington, D. C, July 25, 1864. 
Major-General Canby : 

Frequent complaints are made to me that persons endeavoring 
to bring in cotton in strict accordance with the trade regulations 
of the Treasury Department are frustrated by seizures of district 



554 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

attorneys, marshals, provost-marshals, and others, on various pre- 
tenses, all looking to blackmail and spoils, one way and another. 
I wish, if you can find time, you w^ould look into this matter within 
your department, and, finding these abuses to exist, break them up, 
if in your power, so that fair dealing under the regulations can 
proceed. The printed regulations, no doubt, are ae. _^ 'ble to you. 
If you find the abuses existing, and yet beyond 3' our power, please 
report to me somewhat particularly upon the facts. 

The bearer of this, Shaffer, is one who, on behalf of himself 

and firm, makes complaint, but while he is my friend, I do not ask 
anything for him which cannot be done for all honest dealers under 
the regulations. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



July 25, 1865. — Letter from John Hay to J. C. Welling. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 25, 1864. 
J. C. Welling, Esq. 

Sir : According to the request contained in your note, I have 
placed Mr. Gibson's letter of resignation in the hands of the Presi- 
dent. He has read the letter, and says he accepts the resignation, 
as he will be glad to do with any other, which may be tendered, as 
this is, for the purpose of taking an attitude of hostility against 
him. 

He says he was not aware that he was so much indebted to Mr. 
Gibson for having accepted the office at first, not remembering that 
he ever pressed him to do so, or that he gave it otherwise than as 
was usual, upon request made on behalf of Mr. Gibson. 

He thanks Mr. Gibson for his acknowledgment that he has been 
treated with personal kindness and consideration, and he says he 
knows of but two small drawbacks upon Mr. Gibson's right to still 
receive such treatment, one of which is that he never could learn of 
his giving much attention to the duties of his office, and the other 
is this studied attempt of Mr. Gibson's to stab him. I am, very 
truly, Your obedient servant, 

John Hay. 



July 26, 1864. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to 
General Grant. 

Washington, D. C, July 26, 1864. 
Lieutenant-General U. S. Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

General Rawlins arrived this morning. The President desires 
you to name, if you can, a time when it would be convenient for 
you to meet him in person at Fortress Monroe after Thursday 
morning. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN ODD 

July 26, 1864. — Telegram to General W. T. Sherman. 

Washington, D. C, July 26, 1864. 
Major-General Sherman, near Atlanta : 

I have j'M^ seen yo'irs complaining of the appointment of Hovey 
and 5e/Sterhaus. The point you make is unquestionably a good one, 
and yet, please hear a word from us. My recollection is that both 
General Grant and yourself recommended both Hovey and Oster- 
taus for promotion, and cliese, with other strong recommendations, 
drew cinniittals from us which we could neither honorably nor 
safely disregard. We blamed Hovey for coming away in the manner 
in which he did, but we knew he had apparent reason to feel disap- 
pointed and mortified, and we felt it was not best to crush one who 
certainly had been a good soldier. As to Osterhaus, we did not 
know of his leaving, at the time we made the appointment, and do 
not now know the terms on which he left. Not to have appointed 
him, as the case appeared to us at the time, would have been almost, 
if not quite, a violation of our word. The word was given on what 
we thought was high merit, and somewhat on his nationality. I 
beg you to believe we do not act in a spirit of disregarding merit ; 
we expect to await your program for further changes and promo- 
tions in yonr army. My profouudest thanks to you and your whole 
army for the present campaign so far. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 27, 1864.— Telegrajm to General D. Hunter. 

Washington, July 27, 1864. 
Major-General Hunter, Harper's Ferry, West Virginia : 

Please send any recent news you have, particularly as to move- 
ments of the enemy. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 27, 1864. — Letter from Secretary Stanton to 
General Halleck. 

Washington City, July 27, 1864. 
Major-General Halleck, Chief of Staff of the Army. 

General : Lieutenant-General Grant having signified that, owing 
to the difficulties and delay of communication between his head- 
quarters and Washington, it is necessary that in the present emer- 
gency military orders must be issued directly from Washington, the 
President directs me to instruct you that all the military operations 
for the defense of the Middle Department, the Department of the 
Susquehanna, the Department of Washington, and the Department 
of West Virginia, and all the forces in those departments, are placed 
under your general command, and that you will be expected to take 



556 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

all military measures necessary for defense against any attack of 
the enemy and for his capture and destruction. You will issue 
from time to time such orders to the commanders of the respective 
departments and to the military authorities therein as may be 
proper. Your obedient servant, 

Edwin M. Stanton, SecretfV!^' ^^ War. 



July 27, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. 

Washington, July 27, 1864. 
Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : 

Yours in relation to General A. C. Gillam just received. Will 
look after the matter to-day. 

I also received yours about General Carl Schurz. I appreciate 
him certainly, as liighly as you do^ but you can never know until 
you have the trial, how difficult it is to find a place for an officer of 
so high rank when there is no place seeking him. 

A. Lincoln. 



July 28, 1864. — Letter to J. W. Forney. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 28, 1864. 
Hon. John W. Forney. 

Ml/ dear Sir : Your note announcing your intended visit to 
Europe takes me somewhat by surprise. Nevertheless 1 am glad 
for you to have the relaxation, though I regret the necessity which 
compels it. I have no European personal acquaintances, or I would 
gladly give you letters. 

I shall be pleased to see you in Washington before you leave, for 
a special reason, and the sooner you could come the better. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln, 



July 28, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 28, 1864. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

Will meet you at Fort Monroe, at 8 p. m., on Saturday, the 30th, 
unless you shall notify me that it will be inconvenient to you. 

A. Lincoln. 

July 29, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, July 29, 1864. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

I have changed my purpose, so that now I expect to reach Fort 
Monroe at 10 a. m., Sunday the 31st. A. Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 557 

July 30, 1864. — Telegram to J. A. Bingham. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, July 30, 1864. 
Hon. John A. Bingham, Cadiz, Ohio : 

Mr. Gibs'o'n having resigned, I have appointed you solicitor of the 
United States, iu the Court of Claims. 

A. Lincoln. 

August 2, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 2, 1864. 
Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : 

Thanks to General Gillam for making the news, and also to you 
for sending it. Does Joe Heiskell's '^ walking to meet us" mean 
any more than that " Joe " was scared and wanted to save his skin ? 

A. Lincoln. 



August 3, 1864. — Lstdorsement. 

War Department, Washington City, August 2, 1864. 
Mr. President: This note will introduce to you Mr. Schley of Baltimore, 
who desires to appeal to [you] for the revocation of an order of General 
Hunter, removing some persons, citizens of Frederick, beyond his lines, and 
imprisoning others. This Department has no information of the reasons 
or proofs on which General Hunter acts, and I do not therefore feel at 
liberty to suspend or interfere with his action except under yoiu* direction. 
Yours truly, Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

[Indorsement.] 

The Secretary of War will suspend the order of General Hunter 
mentioned within, until further order, and direct him to send to the 
Department a brief report of what is known against each one pro- 
posed to be dealt with. 

A. Lincoln. 

August 3, 1864. 

August 3, 1864.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

{Cipher.) 

Washington, D. C, August 3, 1864. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

I have seen your despatch in which you say, " I want Sheridan 
put in command of all the troops in the field, with instrnctions to 
put himself south of the enemy, and follow him to the death. 
Wherever the enemy goes, let our troops go also." This, I think, is 
exactly right as to how our forces should move ; but please look 



558 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

over the despatches you may have received from here, ever since 
you made that order, and discover, if you can, that there is any idea 
in the head of any one here of "putting our army south of the 
enemy," or of following him to the " death," in any direction. I re- 
peat to you, it will neither be done nor attempted, unless you watch 

it every dav and hour, and force it. . - _^^^^ „ 

•J - ' A, 1jI>^C0LN. 



August 4, 1864. — Telegram to Cot.onel Wolford. 

Washington City, August 4, 1864. 
Colonel Frank Wolford, Louisville, Kentucky : 

Yours of yesterday received. Before interfering with th? Judge- 
Advocate-GeneraPs order, I should know his reason for making it. 
Meanwhile, if you have not already started, wait till you hear from 
me again. Did you receive letter and inclosures from me "? 

A. Lincoln. 



August 5, 1864. — Letter to M. McMichael. 

{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 5, 1864. 
Hon. Morton McMichael. 

My dear Sir: When the Philadelphia postmaster was here on the 
20th of June last, I read to him a paper in the following words : 

Complaint is made to me that you are using your official power to defeat 
Judge Kelley's renomination to Congress. I am well satisfied with Judge 
Kelley as a member of Congress, and I do not know that the man who 
might supplant him would be as satisfactory ; but the eon-ect principle, I 
think, is that all our friends should have absolute freedom of choice among 
our friends. My wish, therefore, is that you will do just as you think fit 
with your own suffrage in the case^ and not constrain any of your sub- 
ordinates to do other than as he thmks fit with his. This is precisely the 
rule I inculcated and adhered to on my part, when a certain other nomi- 
nation, now recently made, was being canvassed for. < 

He promised me to strictly follow this. I am now told that, of 
the two or three hundred employees in the Post-office, not one of 
them is openly for Judge Kelley. This, if true, is not accidental. 
Left to their free choice, there can be no doubt that a large number 
of them, probably as much or more than half, would be for Kelley. 
And if they are for him, and are not restrained, they can put it be- 
yond question by publicly saying so. Please tell the postmaster he 
must find a way to relieve me from the suspicion that he is not keep- 
ing his promise to me in good faith. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 559 



August 6, 18G4. — Telegram to Horace Greeley. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 6, 1864. 
Hon. Horace Greeley, New York : 

Yours to Major Hay about publication of our correspondence 
received. With the suppression of a few passages in 3^our letters in 
regard to Avhich I think you and I would not disagree, I should be 
glad of the publication. Please come over and see me, 

A. Lincoln. 



August r '04. — Unfinished Draft of Letter to 



Washington, D. C, August 6, 1864. 

.-^r iunsvlvania: 

, ''j^^\p esident has received yours of yesterday and is kindly pay- 
j^' t'wn to it. As it is my business to assist him whenever I 

gj^^j .v'ill thank you to inform me, for his use, whether you are 
gj^l^r a white man or black man, because in either case you cannot 
h regarded as an entirely impartial judge. It may be that you be- 
long to a third or fourth class of yellow or red men, in which case 
the impartiality of your judgment would be more apparent. 



August 8, 1864. — Letter to General S. G. Burbridge. 

Washington, D. C, August 8, 1864, 
Major-General Burbridge, Lexington, Kentucky : 

Last December Mrs. Emily T. Helm, half-sister of Mrs. Lincoln, 
and widow of the rebel general, Ben Hardin Helm, stopped here on 
her way from Georgia to Kentucky, and I gave her a paper, as I 
remember, to protect her against the mere fact of her being General 
Helm's widow. I hear a rumor to-day that you recent!}^ sought to 
arrest her, but were prevented by her presenting the paper from me. 
I do not intend to protect her against the consequences of disloyal 
words or acts, spoken or done by her since her return to Kentucky, 
and if the paper given her by me can be construed to give her pro- 
tection for such words or acts, it is hereby revoked i)ro tanfo. Deal 
with her for current conduct just as you would with any other. 

A. Lincoln. 



August 9, 1864. — Letter to Horace Greeley. 

{Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 9, 1864. 
Hon. Horace Greeley. 

Dear Sir: Plerewith is a full copy of the correspondence, and 
which I have had privately printed, but not made public. The 



560 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

parts of your letters which I wish suppressed are only those which, 
as I think, give too gloomy an aspect to our cause, aud those which 
present the carrying of elections as a motive of action. I have, as 
you see, drawn a red pencil over the parts I wish suppressed. 

As to the Alexander H. Stephens matter, so much pressed by you, 
I can only say that he sought to come to Washington in the name 
of the *' Confederate States," in a vessel of 'Hhe Confederate States 
navy," and with no pretense even that he would bear any proposal 
for peace ; but with language showing that his mission would be 
military, and not civil or diplomatic. Nor has he at any time «ince 
pretended that he had terms of peace, so far as I kn^ or 
On the contrary-, Jefferson Davis has, in the mor .fQ^-jj^al manner, 
declared that Stephens had no terms of peace. I l ought we could 
not afford to give this quasi-acknowledgmenc of tht ^^(jependence 
of the Confederacy, in a case where there was not eveL an intima- 
tion of anything for our good. Still, as the parts of yr ivJetters 
relating to Stephens contain nothing worse than a quesr ^ "^ 

my action, I do not ask a suppression of those parts. 

Yours truly, A. Lincv. "N. 



August 9, 1864.— Letter to General N. P. Banks. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 9, 1864. 
Major-General Banks: 

I have just seen the new constitution adopted by the Convention 
of Louisiana; and I am anxious that it shall be ratified by the peo- 
ple. I will thank you to let the civil officers in Louisiana, holding 
under me, know that this is my wish, and let me know at once who 
of them openly declare for the constitution, and who of them, if 
any, decline to so declare. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



August 9, 1864. —Telegram to General E. R. S. Canby. 

Executive Mansion, August 9, 1864. 
To Major-General Edward R. S. Canby, Commanding the Mili- 
tary Division of West Mississippi, New Orleans : 
F()r satisfactory reasons which concern the public service, I have 
to direct that if Andrew J. Hamilton, or any person authorized in 
writing by him, shall come out of either of the ports of Galveston 
or Sabine Pass with any vessel or vessels freighted with cotton 
shipped to the agent of the Treasury Department at New Orleans, 
the passage of such person, vessels, and cargoes shall not be molested 
or hindered, but they shall be permitted to pass to the hands of 
such consignee. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 561 

August 11, 1864. — Letter from Major Hay to Gen. C. Schurz. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 11, 1864. 
Major-General Carl Schurz, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania : 

The President directs me to request that you will proceed at once 
to Washington, and report to him in person. 

John Hay, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

Augu.4 n, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 11, 1864. 
Hon. Secpetary op War. 

Mij dc' *' Sir : I should be glad for General Mott of New Jersey to 
have a (vet major-generalship. He has done a great deal of hard 
se. -s been twice (I believe) wounded, and is now, by assign- 

mem -'£' his superiors, commanding a division. Add to this that 
I htixe been for a year trying to find an opportunity to promote 

him, as you know. Yours truly, » t t^t^^^ .t 

' -^ "^' A. Lincoln. 

August 14, 1864, — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, D. C, August 14, 1864. 1.30 p. m. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

The Secretary of War and I concur that you had better confer 
with General Lee, and stipulate for a mutual discontinuance of 
house-burning and other destruction of private property. The time 
and manner of conference and particulars of stipulation we leave, 
on our part, to your convenience and judgment. * y tx-potm 

August 15, 1864. — Telegram to General W. T. Sherman. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, August 15, 1864. 
Major-General Sherman, near Atlanta, Georgia: 

If the government should purchase, on its own account, cotton 
northward of you, and on the line of your communications, would 
it be an inconvenience to you, or detriment to the military ser\'ice, 
for it to come to the north on the railroad f » j ,,.„^^ ,^ 

i\. LilNCOLN. 

August [15?], 1864. — Interview with John T, Mills. 

"Mr. President," said Governor Randall, " why can't you seek 
seclusion, and play hermit for a fortnight ? It would reinvigor- 
ate you." 

"Ah," said the President, "two or three weeks would do me no 
good. I cannot fly from my thoughts — mv solicitude for this 
Vol. II.— 36. 



562 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

great country follows me wherever I go. I do not think it is per- 
sonal vanity or ambition, though I am not free from these iufii*mi- 
ties, but I cannot but feel that the weal or woe of this great nation 
will be decided in November. There is no program offered by any 
wing of the Democratic party but that must result in the perma- 
nent destruction of the Union." 

"• But, Mr. President, General McClellan is in favor of crushing 
out this rebellion by force. He will be the Chicago candidate." 

'' Sir, the slightest knowledge of arithmetic will prove to any man 
that the rebel armies cannot be destroyed by Democratic strateo-y. 
It would sacrifice all the white men of the North to ji/j 1. 
are now in the service of the United States nee.'iiv ^''■nn^^ble- 
bodied colored men, most of them under arms, defen?j^^ -. „(,. i 
quiring Union territory. The Democratic strategy del ^^ ^\y^\^ m 
these forces be disbanded, and that the masters be concivf a i^y f 
restoring them to slavery. The black men who now as '^Mj,^\q\\ 
prisoners to escape are to be converted into our eneni' ' *" i^>.g 
vain hope of gaining the good-will of their masters. We &±i.. y^ ] 

to fight two nations instead of one. 

*' You cannot conciliate the South if you guarantee to them uu- / 
mate success; and the experience of the present war proves their . ^^ 
success is inevitable if you fling the compulsory labor of millions 
of black men into their side of the scale. Will you give our enemies \ 
such military advantages as insure success, and then depend on \ 
coaxing, flattery, and concession to get them back into the Union ? ) 
Abandon all the posts now garrisoned by black men, take 150,000 ' 
men from our side and put them in the battle-field or corn-field 
against us, and we would be compelled to abandon the war in 
three weeks. 

'^ We have to hold territory in inclement and sickly places ; where 
are the Democrats to do this ? It was a free fight, and the field was 
open to the war Democrats to put down this rebellion by fighting 
against both master and slave, long before the present policy was 
inaugurated. 

" There have been men base enough to propose to me to return 
to slavery the black warriors of Port Hudson and Olustee, and thus 
win the respect of the masters they fought. Should I do so, I should 
deserve to he damned in time and eternity. Come what will, I will 
keep my faith with friend and foe. My enemies pretend I am now 
carr^dng on this war for the sole purpose of abolition. So long as 
I am President, it shall be carried on for the sole purpose of restor- 
ing the Union. But no human power can subdue this rebellion 
without the use of the emancipation policy, and every other policy 
calculated to weaken the moral and physical forces of the rebellion. 

"Freedom has given us 150,000 men, raised on Southern soil. It 
will give us more yet. Just so much it has subtracted from the 
enemy, and, instead of alienating the South, there are now evidences 
of a fraternal feeling growing up between our men and the rank 
and file of the rebel soldiers. Let my enemies prove to the country 
that the destruction of slavery is not necessary to a restoration of 
the Union. I will abide the issue." 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 563 

August 15, 1864.— Letter to H. J. Raymond. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 15, 18G4. 
Hon. Henry J. Raymond. 

iU// dear Sir : I have proposed to Mr. Greeley that the Niagara cor- 
respondeuee be published, sui)pressing only the parts of his letters 
over which the red pencil is drawu in the copy which I herewith 
seud. He declines giving his consent to the publication of his let- 
ters unless these parts be published with the rest. I have concluded 
^hnt' it is better for me to submit for the time to the consequences 
of the fali- ■ position in which I consider he has placed me than to 
subject t/ie country to the consequences of ])ublishing their dis- 
courao-iiig and injurious parts. I send you this and the accompany- 
ino- cmiV,"not for publication, but merely to explain to you, and that 
you mpy'pi't'serve them until their proper time shall come. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



August 16, 1864.— Letter to W. Hunt. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, August 16, 1864. 
Hon. Ward Hunt. 

Mt/ dear Sir : Yours of the ninth instant was duly received, and 
submitted to Secretary Seward. He makes a response which I here- 
with inclose to you. 'l add for myself that I am for the regular 
nominee in all cases, and that no one could be more satisfactory to 
me as the nominee in that district than Mr. [Roscoe] Conkling. I 
do not mean to say there [are] not others as good as he in the dis- 
trict ; but I think'l know him to be at least good enough. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

August 17, 1864.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 17, 1864. 10.30 a. m. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

I liave seen your despatch expressing your unwillingness to break 
your hold where you are. Neither am I willing. Hold on with a 
bulldog grip, and chew and choke as much as possible. 

A. Lincoln. 



August 17, 1864.— Unfinished draft of letter to 
C. D. Robinson. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 17, 1864. 
Hon. Charles D. Robinson. 

My dear Sir : Your letter of the seventh was placed in my hcind 
yesterday by Governor Randall. To me it seems plain that saying 



564 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

reunion and abandonment of slavery would be considered, if offered, 
is not saying that nothing else or less would be considered, if offered. 
But I will not stand upon the mere construction of language. It is 
true, as you remind me, that in the Greeley letter of 1862 I said : 
" If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do 
it ; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it ; 
and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I 
would also do that." I continued in the same letter as follows: 
" What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I be- 
lieve it helps to save the Union ; and what I forbear, I forbear be- 
cause I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do 
less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the eaase ; and 
I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the 
cause." 

All this I said in the utmost sincerity ; and I am as true to the 
whole of it now as when I first said it. When I afterwajd pro- 
claimed emancipation, and employed colored soldiers, I only followed 
the declaration just quoted from the Greeley letter that " I shqll do 
more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause." The 
way these measures were to help the cause was not to be by magic 
or miracles, but by inducing the colored people to come bodily over 
from the rebel side to ours. On this point, nearly a year ago, in a 
letter to Mr. Conkliug, made public at once, I wrote as follows: " But 
negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should they do 
anything for us if we Avill do nothing for them ? If they stake their 
lives for us they must be prompted by the strongest motive — even 
the promise of freedom. And the promise being made, must be kept." 
I am sure you will not, on due reflection, say that the promise 
being made must be broken at the first opportunity. I am sure 
you would not desire me to say, or to leave an inference, that 
I am ready, whenever convenient, to join in reenslaving those who 
shall have served us in consideration of our promise. As matter of 
morals, could such treachery by any possibility escape the curses of 
heaven, or of any good man ? As matter of policy, to announce such 
a purpose would ruin the Union cause itself. All recruiting of col- 
ored men would instantly cease, and all colored men now in our ser- 
vice would instantly desert us. And rightfully, too. Why should 
they give theii' lives for us, with full notice of our purpose to betray 
them °? Drive back to the support of the rebellion the physical force 
which the colored people now give and promise us, and neither the 
present, nor any coming, administration can save the Union. Take 
from us and give to the enemy the hundred and thii'ty, forty, or fifty 
thousand colored persons now serving us as soldiers, seamen, and 
laborers, and we cannot longer maintain the contest. The party who 
could elect a President on a War and Slavery Restoration platform 
would, of necessity, lose the colored force ; and that force being lost, 
would be as powerless to save the Union as to do any other impossi- 
ble thing. 

It is not a question of sentiment or taste, but one of physical force, 
which may be measured and estimated, as horse-power and steam- 
power are measured and estimated. And, by measurement, it is 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 565 

more tliau we can lose and live. Nor can we, by discarding it, get 
a white force in pbuie of it. There is a witness in evcMy wliite man's 
bosom that he wonld rather go to the war having the negro to help 
him than to help the enemy against him. It is not the giving of 
one class for another — it is simply giving a large force to the enemy 
for nothing in return. In addition to what 1 have said, allow me 
to remind j'ou that no one, having control of the rebel armies, or, 
in fact, having any influence whatever in the rebellion, has offered, 
or intimated, a willingness to a restoration of the Union, in any 
event, or on any condition whatever. Let it be constantly borne in 
mind that no such offer has been made or intimated. Sliall we be 
weak eijii'l^J^ to allow the enemy to distract ns with an abstract 
questio! which he himself refuses to present as a practical one! In 
tiie Co/ikling letter before mentioned, I said : " Whenever you shall 
have (on(iuered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to 
continiK" ^ghting, it will be an apt time then to declare that you will 
not fig >t to free negroes." I repeat this now. If Jefferson Davis 
wisht'^ for himself, or for the benefit of his friends at the North, to 
know what I would do if he were to offer peace and reunion, saying 
nothing about slavery, let him try me. 



August 18, 1864. — Proclaimatign concerning Commercial 

Regulations. 

By THE President of the United States of Ajvierica: 

A Proclamation. 

Wliereas the act of Congress of the 28th of September, 1850, en- 
titled " An act to create additional collection districts in the State of 
California, and to change the existing districts therein, and to modify 
the existing collection districts in the United States,-' extends to mer- 
chandise warehoused under bond the privilege of being exported to 
the British North American provinces adjoining the United States, 
in the manner prescribed in the act of Congress of the 3d of March, 
1845, which designates certain frontier ports through which mer- 
chandise ma.v be exported, and further provides *' that such other 
ports, situated on the frontiers of the United States adjoining the 
Britisii North xVmerican ])rovinces, as may hereafter be found ex- 
pedient, may have extended to them the like privileges, on the 
recommendation of the Secretary of the Treasury, and proclama- 
tion duly made by the President of the United States, specially 
designating the ports to which the aforesaid privileges are to be 
extended " : 

Now, therefore, T, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States of America, in accordance with the recommendation of the 
Secretary of tlie Treasury, do hereby declare and proclaim that the 
port of Newport, in the State of Vermont, is and shall be entitled 
to all the privileges in regard to the exportation of merchandise in 
bond to the British North American provinces adjoining the United 



566 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

States, which are extended to the ports enumerated in the seventh 
section of the act of Congress of the 3d of March, 1845, aforesaid, 
from and after the date of this proclamation. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this eighteenth day of 
r 1 August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
[^- S-J (Jred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United 
States of America the eighty-ninth, j^^^^^^ Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



\ 



August 18, 1864. — Address to the 164th Ohio Regiment. 

Soldiers : You are about to return to your homes and your friends, 
after having, as I learn, performed in camp a comparatively short 
term of duty in this great contest. I am greatly obliged to yoo.. and 
to all who have come forward at the call of their country. I wisVi it 
might be more generally and universally understood what the coun- 
try is now engaged in. We have, as aU will agree, a free govern- 
ment, where every man has a right to be equal with every other man. 
In this great struggle, this form of government and every form of 
human right is endangered if our enemies succeed. There is more 
involved in this contest than is realized by every one. There is in- 
volved in this struggle the question whether your children and my 
children shall enjoy the privileges we have enjoyed. I say this in 
order to impress upon you, if you are not already so impressed, that 
no small matter should divert us from our great purpose. 

There may be some inequalities in the practical application of our 
system. It is fair that each man shall pay taxes in exact proportion 
to the value of his property ; but if we should wait, before collecting 
a tax, to adjust the taxes upon each man in exact proportion with 
every other man, we should never collect any tax at all. There may 
be mistakes made sometimes ; things may be done wrong, while the 
officers of the government do all they can to prevent mistakes. But 
I beg of you, as citizens of this great republic, not to let your minds 
be carried off from the great work we have before us. This strug- 
gle is too large for you to be diverted from it by any small matter. 
When you return to your homes, rise up to the height of a genera- 
tion of men worthy of a free government, and we will carry out the 
great work we have commenced. I return to you my sincere thanks, 
soldiers, for the honor you have done me this afternoon. 



August 19, 1864. — Note from the President's Private 
Secretary to D. S. D. Baldwin. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 19, 1864. 
Bear Sir : The President never interferes with the details of 
army organization, and the note of Hon. D. S. Dickinson, accom- 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 557 

panying your application of the 17th instant, is returned, as it is 
presumed it will have as much weight with General Patrick, as if 
it were directed to liim instead of Major-General Burnside. 
Your obedient servant, 

Jno. G. Nicolay, Private Secretary. 



August 22, 1864. — Address to the 166th Ohio Regiment. 

Soldiers : I suppose you are going home to see your families and 
"irWillSv For the services you have done in this great struggle in 
which ^'C are all engaged, I present you sincere thanks for myself 
and tlje country. 

I almost always feel inclined, when I happen to say anything to 
soIrlicVS, to impress upon them, in a few brief remarks, the impor- 
tance (>f success in this contest. It is not merely for to-day, but 
for aK time to come, that we should perpetuate for our children's 
children that great and free government which we have enjoyed all 
our lives. I beg you to remember this, not merely for my sake, 
bTit for yours. I happen, temporarily, to occupy this White House. 
I am a living witness that any one of your children may look to 
come here as my father's child has. It is in order that each one 
of you may have, through this free government which we have en- 
joyed, an open field and a fair chance for your industry, enterprise, 
and intelligence ; that you may all have equal privileges in the race 
of life, with all its desirable human aspirations. It is for this the 
struggle should be maintained, that we may not lose our birthright 
— not only for one, but for two or three years. The nation is worth 
fighting for, to secure such an inestimable jewel. 



August 23, 1864. — Order for the Release of Joseph Howard. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 22, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Ml/ dear Sir : I very much wish to oblige Henry Ward Beecher 
by releasing Howard ; but I wish you to be satisfied when it is done. 
What say you ? Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

I have no objection if you think it right — and this a proper time. 

E. M. S. 

Let Howard, imprisoned in regard to the bogus proclamation, be 

discharged. . -r 

^ A. Lincoln. 

August 23, 1864. 



568 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



August 23, 1864. — Memorandum. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 23, 1864. • 
This morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly probable 
that this administration will not be reelected.^ Then it will be my 
duty to so cooperate with the President-elect as to save the Union 
between the election and the inauguration ; as he will have seeiired 
his election on such ground that he cannot possibly save it after- 
ward. A. Lincoln. 



August 24, 1864. — Draft of instructions to H. J. Raymond. — 
Not sent or used. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 24, 1J?64. 
Sir : You will proceed forthwith and obtain, if possible, a confer- 
ence for peace with Honorable Jefferson Davis, or any person by >>ini 
authorized for that purpose. You will address him in entirely re- 
spectful terms, at all events, and in any that may be indispensable 
to secure the conference. At said conference you will propose, on 
behalf of this government, that upon the restoration of the Union 
and the national authority, the war shall cease at once, all remain- 
ing questions to be left for adjustment by peaceful modes. If this 
be accepted, hostilities to cease at once. If it be not accepted, you 
will then request to be informed what terms, if any, embracing the 
restoration of the Union would be accepted. If any such be pre- 
sented you in answer, you will forthwith report the same to this 
government, and await further instructions. If the presentation of 
any terms embracing the restoration of the Union be declined, you 
will then request to be informed what terms of peace would be ac- 
cepted; and, on receiving any answer, report the same to this gov- 
ernment, and await further instructions. 

1 We copy from the MS. diary of one he would be the candidate, that I would 

of the President's secretaries under date see him and talk matters over with him. 

of November 11, 1864, the following pas- I wotdd say, "General, the election has 

sage relating to this incident: "At the demonstrated that you are stronger, have 

meeting of the Cabinet to-day the Presi- more influence with the American people 

dent took out a paper from his desk and than I. Now let us together, you with 

said : ' Gentlemen, do you remember last your influence and I with all the executive 

summer I asked you all to sign your names power of the government, try to save the 

to the back of a paper of which I did not country. You raise as many troops as you 

show you the inside ? Tliis is it. Now, Mr. possibly can for this final trial, and I will 

Hay. see if you can open this without tear- devote all my energies to assist and finish 

ing it. ' He had pasted it up in so singular a the war. " ' 

style that it required some cutting to get it " Seward said, ' And the General wovild 

open. He then read this memorandum have answered you, " Yes, yes,"' and the 

[given in the text above]. The President next day when you saw him again and 

said: 'You will remember that this was pressed these views upon him lie would 

written at the time, six days before the have said, " Yes, yes," and so on forever, 

Chicago nominating convention, when as and would have done nothing at all.' 

yet we had no adversary and seemed to " 'At least,' said Lincoln, 'I should have 

have no friends. 1 then solemnly resolved done my duty, and have stood clear before 

on the course of action indicated in this my own conscience.'" 

paper. I resolved in case of the election "Abraham Lincoln : A History," IX, 251. 
of General McCleUan, being certain that 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 569 

August 27, 1864. — Note to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 27, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of War, 

My dear Sir: If General Sigel has asked for an inquiry, let him 
have it, if there is not some insurmountable, or at least, very serious 
obstacle. He is fairly entitled to this consideration. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



i^agust 28, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington City, August 28, 1864. 
LieuTenant-General Grant : 

Th(i"e appears to be doubt whether the report of Fort Morgan 
bei"g in our possession is in the Richmond papers. Did you see 
the Richmond paper containing the statement? \ Lrvrp^rvr 



August 29, 1864.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 29, 1864. 
Lieutenant-General Grant : 

Colonel T. Worthington of Ohio is here, wishing to visit you. 
I will send him if you say so, otherwise not. 

A. Lincoln. 



August 31, 1864. — Telegram to Mrs. Lincoln. 

Washington, D. C, August 31, 1864. 
Mrs. a. Lincoln, Manchester, Vermont : 
All reasonably well. Bob not here yet. How is dear Tad ? 

A. Lincoln. 



August 31, 1864.— Order concerning Cotton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 31, 1864. 
Any person or persons engaged in bringing out cotton, in sti-ict 
conformity with authority given by W. P. Fessenden, Secretary of 
the United States Treasury, must not be hindered by the War, 
Navy, or any other Department of the government, or any person 
engaged under any of said departments. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



570 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

August 31, 1864. — Address to the 148th Ohio Regiment. 

Soldiers of the 148th Ohio: 

I am most liappy to meet you on this occasion. I understand that 
it has been your honorable privilege to stand, for a brief period, in 
the defense of your country, and that now you are on your way to 
your homes. I congratulate you, and those who are waiting to bid 
you welcome home from the war ; and permit me in the name of 
the people to thank you for the part you have taken in this struggle 
for the life of the nation. You are soldiers of the republic, every- 
where honored and respected. Whenever I appear before a hf^i\^^^ 
of soldiers, I feel tempted to talk to them of the nature'^f the 
struggle in which we are engaged. I look upon it as an ai^nipt 
on the one hand to overwhelm and destroy the national exis\ence, 
while on our part we are striving to maintain the government ^iud 
institutions of our fathers, to enjoy them ourselves, and transmit 
them to our children and our children's children forever. 

To do this the constitutional administration of our governnitwt 
must be sustained, and I beg of you not to allow your minds or 
your hearts to be diverted from the support of all necessary mea- 
sures for that purpose, by any miserable picayune arguments ad- 
dressed to your pockets, or inflammatory appeals made to your j)as- 
sions and your prejudices. 

It is vain and foolish to arraign this man or that for the j)art he 
has taken or has not taken, and to hold the government responsible 
for his acts. In no administration can there be perfect equality of 
action and uniform satisfaction rendered by all. 

But this government must be preserved in spite of the acts of 
any man or set of men. It is worthy of your ever}' effort. No- 
where in the world is presented a government of so much liberty 
and equality. To the humblest and poorest amongst us are held out 
the highest privileges and positions. The present moment finds me 
at the White House, yet there is as good a chance for your children 
as there was for my father's. 

Again I admonish you not to be turned from your stern purpose 
of defending our beloved country and its free institutions by any 
arguments urged by ambitious and designing men, but to stand fast 
for the Union and the old flag. 

Soldiers, I bid you God-speed to your homes. 



September 1, 1864.— Letter to Colonel Huidekoper. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, September 1, 1864. 
Colonel H. C. Huidekoper, Meadville, Pennsylvania. 

Sir: It is represented to me that there are at Rock Island, Illinois, 
as rebel prisoners of war, many persons of Northern and foreign 
birth who are unwilling to be exchanged and sent South, but who 
wish to take the oath of allegiance and enter the military service 
of the Union. Colonel Huidekoper, on behalf of the people of 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABE AH AM LINCOLN 571 

some parts of Pennsylvania, wishes to pay the bounties the govern- 
ment would have to pay to proper persons of this class, have them 
enter the service of the United States, and be credited to the locali- 
ties furnishing the bounty money. He will therefore proceed to 
Rock Island, ascertain the names of such persons (not including 
any who have attractions Southward), and telegraph them to the 
Provost-Marshal-General here, whereupon direction will be given 
to discharge the persons named upon their taking the oath of alle- 
giance ; and then upon the official evidence being furnished that they 
shall have been duly received and mustered into the service of the 
United States, their number will be credited as may be directed by 
Tjofui^l Huidekoper. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



Sep^mber 1, 1864. — Telegram to Postmaster-General Blair. 

Washington, D. C, September 1, 18G4. 
Hon. M. Blair, Portsmouth, N. H. : 
Please return here at your earliest convenience. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 3, 1864. — Telegram to Postmaster- General Blair. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, September 3, 1864. 
Hon. M. Blair, Portsmouth, N. H. : 
Please come at once. Don't delay. Answer when you.will be here. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 3, 1864.— Proclamation of Thanksgiving. 

Executive Mansion, Washington City, September 3, 1864. 
The signal success that divine Providence has recently vouchsafed 
to the operations of the United States fleet and army in the harbor 
of Mobile, and the reduction of Fort Powell, Fort Gaines, and Fort 
Morgan, and the glorious achievements of the army under Major- 
General Sherman, in the State of Georgia, resulting in the capture 
of the city of Atlanta, call for devout acknowledgment to the Su- 
preme Being in whose hands are the destinies of nations. It is 
therefore requested that on next Sunday, in all places of worship in 
the United States, thanksgivings be offered to him for his mercy in 
preserving our national existence against the insurgent rebels who 
have been waging a cruel war against the Government of the United 
States for its overthrow; and also that prayer be made for divine 
protection to our brave soldiers and their leaders in the field, who 
have so often and so gallantly periled their lives in battling with 
the enemy; and for blessings and comfort from the Father, of mer- 
cies to the sick, wounded, and prisoners, and to the orphans and 



572 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

widows of those who have fallen in the service of their country, and 
that he will continue to uphold the Government of the United States 
against all tlie efforts of public enemies and secret foes. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



September 3, 1864. — Orders of Thanks and Rejoicing. 

Executive Mansion, September 3, 1864. 
The national thanks are tendered by the President to Admiral 
Farragut and Major-General Canby for the skill and harmoij^'^fi^[;n 
which the recent operations in Mobile Harbor, and against^Fort 
Powell, Fort Gaines, and Fort Morgan, were planned and cabled 
into execution. Also to Admiral Farragut and Major-General Gvin- 
ger, under whose immediate command they were conducted, ai,d to 
the gallant commanders on sea and land, and to the sailors anci sol- 
diers engaged in the operations, for their energy and courage, wh'itib 
under the blessing of Providence, have been crowned with brilliant 
success, and have won for them the applause and thanks of the 
nation. Abraham Lincoln. 



Executive Mansion, September 3, 1864. 
The national thanks are tendered by the President to Major-Gen- 
eral William T. Sherman, and the gallant officers and soldiers of his 
command before Atlanta, for the distinguished ability, courage, and 
perseverance displayed in the campaign in Georgia, which, under di- 
vine favor, has resulted in the capture of Atlanta. The marches, 
battles, sieges, and other military operations that have signalized 
the campaign must render it famous in the annals of war, and have 
entitled those who have participated therein to the applause and 
thanks of the nation. 

Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States. 



Executive Mansion, September 3, 1864. 

Ordered: First. That on Monday, the fifth day of September, 
commencing at the hour of twelve o'clock noon, there shall be given 
a salute of one hundred guns at the arsenal and navy-yard, at Wash- 
ington, and on Tuesday, the 6th of September, or on the day after 
the receipt of this order, at each arsenal and navy-yard in the United 
States, for the recent brilliant achievements of the fleet and land 
forces of the United States in the harbor of Mobile, and in the reduc- 
tion of Fort Powell, Fort Gaines, and Fort Morgan. The Secretary 
of War and the Secretary of the Navy will issue the necessary di- 
rections in their respective departments for the execution of this 
order. . 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 573 

Seconal That on Wednesday the 7^,^ I^^^^T^Z^ 
at the hour of twelve o'clock uoon,^^^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ York, 

oue hundred guns at the aisenal ^K Vf^' % ' ^t (Ky.), and St. 
Boston, PhiUulelphia, Baltimore, ^ |^.burg, ^^^^^ ^^^^ 

Louis, knd New Orleans pbile, and PensacoUii^^^^^^ ^ 
Newbern, the day after the ^J^^eipt of this ^^^J^^^^^f^.^,^^^^ gher- 
achievements of the army }^^^^^'/.«™X capture^ o^^^ The 

Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States. 

September 4, 1864.- Telegram to General S. G. Burbridge. 
EXECUTIVE Mansion, Washington, September 4, 1864. 
/^ - T?iT Bttrbridge. Lexington, Kentucky : 

tStudre deVaL Kue^es him. Please have the -«-»-<>• 

September 4, 1864.-Lettee to Mrs. Gukney. 
Executive Mansion, Washinqton, September i, 1864. 

^"^m^suTiTrl^ : I have not ("^gotten _ probably .e.e;^^^^^^^ 

constant prayei^ ^f.,Z~oi Te AMgh?y a,e perfeet, and 
*^"/^y;;^tonIweC^g mortals may foil to aoenrately per- 
must prevail, thougli we jy " K ^^ termination ot this 

:rEein%t^;i| £^- J^^^^^^^^ 

mighty eonvnlsionwhn^h no mortal c-ld .-ke.^and^ ^^^^._^^^ 
"°"''' '»YArHl orSieiple ™d faith opposed to both war and 



574 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

my oath to the law. That you believe this I doubt not; and, believ- 
ing it, I shall still receive for our couutry and myself your earnest 
prayers to our Father in heaven. 

Your sincere friend, A. Lincoln. 



September 5, 1864. — Reply to Senor Blas Bruzual, Minister 

FROM Venezuela. 

Mr. Bruzual : It gives me pleasure to receive and welcome to the 
United States a representative of Venezuela. 

Venezuela, almost centrally situated among American republics 
holds a position commercially advantageous and politically iiX)or- 
tant. Endowed by nature with capacity for rich and vailed 
production, it extends over a broad territory, embracing vast Re- 
sources yet to be developed. Guided by the principles of reiiibli: 
can government and advancing civilization, it adopts institu^ous 
which have contributed largely to the growth of the countries of 
this continent in the past, and which form the basis of high and 
cherished aspirations for their future. 

The government and people of the United States cannot but feel 
a deep interest and earnest sympathy in the peace, the prosperity, 
and the progress of Venezuela. 

Thanking you for the friendly sentiments toward the United 
States which you have expressed, I pray you to accept the assurance 
of my best wishes that your sojourn in our country may be agree- 
able to yourself and satisfactory to the government which you 
represent. 



September 7, 1864. — Reply to Committee op Colored People 
OP Baltimore who presented him with a Bible. 

This occasion would seem fitting for a lengthy response to the 
address which you have just made. I would make one if prepared ; 
but I am not. I would promise to respond in writing had not ex- 
perience taught me that business will not allow me to do so, I can 
only now say, as I have often before said, it has always been a sen- 
timent with me that all mankind should be free. So far as able, 
within my sphere, I have always acted as I believe to be right and 
just; and I have done all I could for the good of mankind gener- 
ally. In letters and documents sent from this ofQce I have expressed 
myself better than I now can. In regard to this great book, I have 
but to say, it is the best gift God has given to man. 

All the good Saviour gave to the world was communicated through 
this book. But for it we could not know right from wrong. All 
things most desirable for man's welfare, here and hereafter, are to 
be found portrayed in it. To you I return my most sincere thanks 
for the very elegant copy of the great Book of God which you 
present. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 575 

September 8, 1864. — Telegram to Mrs. Lincoln. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 8, 1864. 
Mrs. a. Lincoln, Manchester, Vermont : 

All well, iucluding Tad's pony and the goats. Mrs. Colonel Dim- 
miek died night before last. Bob left Sunday afternoon. Said he 
did not know whether he should see you. 

A. Lincoln. 

September 10, 1864. — Order of Thanks to Hundred-day 
Troops from Ohio. 

Executive Mansion, Washington City, September 10, 1864. 

The term of one hundred days, for which the National Guard of 
Ohio volunteered, having expired, the President directs an official 
acknowledgment of their patriotism and vahuible services during 
the recent campaign. The term of service of their enlistment was 
short, but distinguished by memorable events in the valley of the 
Shenandoah, on the Peninsula, in the operations of the James River, 
around Petersburg and Richmond, in the battle of Monocacy, in the 
intreuchments of Washington, and in other important service. The 
National Guard of Ohio performed with alacrity the duty of patri- 
otic volunteers, for which they are entitled, and are hereby tendered, 
througli the governor of their State, the national thanks. 

The Secretary of War is directed to transmit a copy of this order 
to the Governor of Ohio, and to cause a certificate of their honor- 
able service to be delivered to the officers and soldiers of the Ohio 
National Guard who recently served in the military force of the 
United States as volunteers for one hundred days. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



September 12, 1864. — Unfinished draft of Letter to 

I. M. SCHERMERHORN. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 12, 1864. 
Isaac M. Schermerhorn, 

My dear Sir : Yours inviting me to attend a Union mass-meeting 
at Buffalo is received. Much is being said about peace, and no man 
desires peace more ardently than I. Still, I am yet unprepared to 
give up the Union for a peace which, so achieved, could not be of 
much duration. The preservation of our Union was not the sole 
avowed object for which the war was commenced. It was commenced 
for precisely the reverse object — to destroy our Union. The in- 
surgents commenced it by firing upon the Star of the West and on 
Fort Sumter, and by other similar acts. It is true, however, that the 
administration accepted the war thus commenced for the sole avowed 
object of preserving our Union ; and it is not true that it has since 
been, or will be, prosecuted by this administration for any other ob- 



576 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

ject. In declaring this I only declare what I can know and do know 
to be true, and what no other man can know to be false. 

In taking the various steps which have led to my present position 
in relation to the war, the public interest and my private interest 
have been perfectly parallel, because in no other way could I serve 
myself so well as by truly serving the Union. The whole field has 
been open to me where to choose. No place-hunting necessity has 
been upon me urging me to seek a position of antagonism to some 
other man, irrespective of whether such position might be favorable 
or unfavorable to the Union. 

Of course I may err in judgment, but my present position in ref- 
erence to the rebellion is the result of my best judgment, and, 
according to that best judgment, it is the only position upon which 
any executive can or could save the Union. Any substantial de- 
parture from it insures the success of the rebellion. An armistice 
— a cessation of hostilities — is the end of the struggle, and the in- 
surgents would be in peaceable possession of all that has been strug- 
gled for. Any different policy in regard to the colored man deprives 
us of his help, and this is more than we can bear. We cannot spare 
the hundred and forty or fifty thousand now serving us as soldiers, 
seamen, and laborers. This is not a question of sentiment or taste, 
but one of physical force, which may be measured and estimated as 
horse-power and steam-power are measured and estimated. Keep it, 
and you can save the Union. Throw it away, and the Union goes 
with it. Nor is it possible for any administration to retain the ser- 
vice of these people with the express or implied understanding that, 
upon the first convenient occasion, they are to be reenslaved. It 
cannot be, and it ought not to be. 



September 12, 1864. — Letter to I. M. Schermerhorn. 

(Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 12, 1864. 
Isaac M. Schermerhorn, Buffalo, New York. 

Mij dear Sir : Your letter, mentioned in your two telegrams, has 
not yet reached me, so that I am without knowledge of its particu- 
lars. I beg you to pardon me for having concluded that it is not 
best for me now to write a general letter to a political meeting. 

First, I believe it is not customary for one holding the office, 
and being a candidate for reelection, to do so ; and, secondly, a pub- 
lic letter must be written with some care, and at some expense of 
time, so that having begun with your meeting, I could not well re- 
fuse others, and yet could not get through with all having equal 
claims. 

Please tender to those you represent, my sincere thanks for the 
invitation, and my appeal to their indulgence for having declined 
their request. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 577 

September 12, 1864. — Letter to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 12, 1864. 
Lieutenant-General Grant : 

Sheridan and Early are facing each other at a dead-lock. Could 
we not pick np a regiment here and there, to the number of say ten 
thousand men, and quietly but suddenly concentrate them at Sheri- 
dan's camp and euable him to make a strike ? 

This is but a suggestion. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



September 13, 1864. — Letter to General B. F. Butler. 

Washington, D. C, September 13, 1864. 
Major-General Butler, Bermuda Hundred, Virginia : 

The Ames guns I am under promise to pay, or rather to advise 
paying, a very high price for, provided they bear the test, and they 
are not yet tested, though I believe in process of being tested. I 
could not be justified to pay the extraordinary price without the 
testing. I shall be happy to let you have some of them as soon as 
I can. How comes on your canal ? 

A. Lincoln. 



September 15, 1864. — Telegram to General J. B. Steedman. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 15, 1864. 
Major-General Steedman, Chattanooga, Tennessee : 

Mrs. McElrath, of East Tennessee, is here, saying she has been 
sent away by your order, and appealing to me to allow her to return 
to her home. I have told her I will, if you say so. What say you ? 

A. Lincoln. 

September 17, 1864.— Telegram to General W. T. Sherman. 

Washington, D. C, September 17, 1864. 10 a. m. 
Major-General Sherman, Atlanta, Georgia : 

I feel great interest in the subjects of your despatch mentioning 
corn and sorghum, and the contemplated visit to you. 

A. Lincoln, President of the United States. 



September 19, 1864.— Letter to General W. T. Sherman. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, September 19, 1864. 
Major-General Sherman : 

The State election of Indiana occurs on the 11th of October, and 
the loss of it. to the friends of the government, would go far toward 
Vol. II.— 37. 



578 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

losing the whole Union cause. The bad effect upon the November 
election, and especially the giving the State government to those 
who will oppose the war in every possible way, are too much to risk, 
if it can possibly be avoided. The draft proceeds, notwithstanding 
its strong tendency to lose us the State. Indiana is the only impor- 
tant State, voting in October, whose soldiers cannot vote in the field. 
Anything you can safely do to let her soldiers, or any part of them, 
go home and vote at the State election will be greatly in point. 
They need not remain for the Presidential election, but may return 
to you at once. This is in no sense an order, but is merely intended 
to impress you with the importance, to the army itself, of your do- 
ing all you safely can, yourself being the judge of what you can 
safely do. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



September 19, 1864. — Letter to J. C. Ten Eyck. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 19, 1864. 
Hon. J. C. Ten Eyck. 

My dear Sir : Dr. J. R. Freese, now editor of a leading Union 
journal in New Jersey, resided for a time in Illinois, where and when 
I made his acquaintance, and since when I have enjoyed much of 
his friendship. He is somewhat wounded with me now, that I do 
not recognize him as he thinks I ought. I wish to appoint him a 
provost-marshal in your State. May I have your approval ? 

Yours truly, a. Lincoln. 



September 20, 1864. — Telegram to General P. Sheridan. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 20, 1864. 
Major-General Sheridan, Winchester, Virginia : 

Have just heard of your great victory. God bless you all, officers 
and men. Strongly inclined to come up and see you. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 21, 1864. — Letter to General E. R, S. Canby. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 21, 1864. 
Ma.jor-General Canby : 

General Baily of Rapides Parish, Louisiana, is vouched to me as 
entirely trustworthy, and appeals to me in behalf of the people in 
his region, who he says are mostly Union people, and are in great 
destitution — almost absolute starvation. He says their condition 
is greatly aggravated by General Banks's expedition up Red River, 
last spring, in reliance upon which they mostly took the oath of 
aUegiance. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 579 

Of course what General Baily asks is permission to carry provi- 
sions to them. 

This I will not give without your consent, but I will thank you 
to hear and consider their case, and do for them the best you can, 
consistently with the interests of the public service. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



September 22, 1864. — Letter to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 22, 1864. 
Lieutenant-General Grant : 

I send this as an explanation to you, and to do justice to the Sec- 
retary of War. I was induced, upon pressing application, to au- 
thorize the agents of one of the districts of Pennsylvania to recruit 
in one of the prison depots in Illinois ; and the thing went so far be- 
fore it came to the knowledge of the Secretary that, in my judgment, 
it could not be abandoned without greater evil than would follow 
its going through. I did not know at the time that you had pro- 
tested against that class of thing being done; and I now say tha,t 
while this particular job must be completed, no other of the sort 
will be authorized, without an understanding with you, if at all. 
The Secretary of War is wholly free of any part in this blunder. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



September 23, 1864. — Letter to Postmaster-General Blair. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 23, 1864. 
Hon. Montgomery Blair. 

My dear Sir : You have generously said to me more than once 
that whenever your resignation could be a relief to me it was at my 
disposal. The time has come. You very well know that this pro- 
ceeds from no dissatisfaction of mine with you personally or offici- 
ally. Your uniform kindness has been unsurpassed by that of any 
friend ; and while it is true that the war does not so greatly add to 
the difficulties of your department as to those of some others, it is 
yet much to say, as I most truly can, that in the three years and a 
half during which you have administered the general post-office, I 
remember no single complaint against you in connection therewith. 

Yours, A. Lincoln. 



September 24, 1864. — Order concerning the Purchase op 
Products in Insurrectionary States. 

Executive Mansion, September 24, 1864. 
I. Congress having authorized the purchase for the United States 
of the products of States declared in insurrection, and the Secretary 
of the Treasury having designated New Orleans, Memphis, Nash- 



580 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

ville, Pensacola, Port Royal, Beaufort (North Carolina), and Norfolk, 
as places of purchase, and, with my approval, appointed agents and 
made regulations under which said products may be purchased, 
therefore : 

II. All persons except such as may be in the civil, military, or 
naval service of the government, having in their possession any 
products of States or parts of States declared in insurrection, which 
said agents are authorized to purchase, and all persons owning or 
controlling such products therein are authorized to convey such 
products to either of the places which have been hereby or may 
hereafter be designated as places of purchase, and such products so 
destined shall not be liable to detention, seizure, or forfeiture while 
in transitu, or in store waiting transportation. 

III. Any person having the certificate of a purchasing agent, as 
prescribed by Treasury Regulation VIII, is authorized to pass with 
the necessary means of transportation to the points named in said 
certificate, and to return therefrom with the products required for 
the fulfilment of the stipulations set forth in said certificate. 

IV. Any person having sold and delivered to a purchasing agent 
any products of an insurrectionary State in accordance with the 
regulations in relation thereto, and having in his possession a certifi- 
cate setting forth the fact of such purchase and sale, the character and 
quantity of products, and the aggregate amount paid therefor, as pre- 
scribed by Regulation I, shall be permitted by the military authority 
commanding at the place of sale to purchase from any authorized 
dealer at such place merchandise and other articles not contraband of 
war nor prohibited by order of the War Department, nor coin, bullion, 
or foreign exchange, to an amount not exceeding in value one third 
of the aggregate value of the products sold by him as certified by 
the agents purchasing, and the merchandise and other articles so 
purchased may be transported by the same route, and to the same 
place, from and by which the products sold and delivered reached 
the purchasing agent, as set forth in the certificate, and such mer- 
chandise and other articles shall have safe conduct, and shall not 
be subject to detention, seizure, or forfeiture while being transported 
to the places and by the routes set forth in the said certificate. 

V. Generals commanding military districts, and commandants of 
military posts and detachments, and officers commanding fleets, 
flotillas, and gunboats, will give safe conduct to persons and pro- 
ducts, merchandise, and other articles duly authorized as aforesaid, 
and not contraband of war, or prohibited by order of the War De- 
partment, or of the order of such generals commanding, or other 
duly authorized military or naval officer, made in pursuance hereof, 
and all persons hindering or preventing such safe conduct of per- 
sons or property will be deemed guilty of a military offense and 
punished accordingly. 

VI. Any person transporting or attempting to transport any 
merchandise or other articles except in pursuance of regulations of 
the Secretary of the Treasury, dated July 29, 1864, or in pursuance 
of this order, or transporting or attempting to transport any mer- 
chandise or other articles contraband of war or forbidden by any 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 581 

order of the War Department, will be deemed giiilty of a military 
offeuse and punished accordingly ; and all products of insurrection- 
ary States found in transitu to any other person or place, than a pur- 
chasing agent and a designated place of purchase shall be seized 
and forfeited to the United States, except such as may be moving 
to a loyal State under duly authorized permits of a proper officer of 
the Treasury Department, as prescribed by Regulation XXXVIII, 
concerning commercial intercourse, dated July 29, 1864, or such as 
may have been found abandoned, or have been captured and are 
moving in pursuance of the act of March 12, 1864. 

VII. No military or naval officer of the United States, or person 
in the military or naval service, nor any ci\41 officer, except such as 
are appointed for that purpose, shall engage in trade or traffic in 
the products of the insurrectionary States, or furnish transporta- 
tion therefore under pain of being deemed guilty of unlawful trad- 
ing with the enemy and punished accordingly. 

VIII. The Secretary of War will make such general orders or 
regulations as will insure the proper observance and execution of 
this ordei', and the Secretary of the Navy Mall give instructions to 
officers commanding fleets, flotillas, and gunboats in conformity 
therewith. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



September 24, 1864. — Telegram to W. Dennison. 

Washington, D. C, September 24, 1864. 
Governor William Dennison, Columbus, Ohio : 

Mr. Blair has resigned and I appoint you Postmaster-General. 
Come on immediately. 

A. Lincoln. 

September 26, 1864. — Telegram to S. G. Burbridge. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 26, 1864. 
Major-General Burbridge, Lexington, Kentucky : 

Terri})le complaints are being made as to the discharge of Meade 
at Louisville. Please report the particulars of the case, including 
grounds of discharge. 

A. Lincoln. 

September 26, 1864. — Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 26, 1864. 
Major-General Rosecrans : 

One cannot always safely disregard a report, even which one may 
not believe. I have a report that you incline to deny the soldiers 
the right of attending the election in Missouri, on the assumed 
ground that they will get drunk and make disturbance. Last year 



582 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

I sent General Schofield a letter of instruction, dated October 1, 1863, 
which I suppose you will find on the files of the department, and 
which contains among other things the following : " At elections 
see that those, and only those, are allowed to vote who are entitled 
to do so by the laws of Missouri, including as of those laws the re- 
strictions laid by the Missouri Convention upon those who may have 
participated in the rebellion." This I thought right then, and think 
right now ; and, I may add, I do not remember that either party 
complained after the election of General Schofield's action under it. 
Wherever the law allows soldiers to vote, their officers must also 
allow it. Please write me on this subject. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



September 27, 1864. — Telegram to General W. T. Sherman. 

Washington, D. C, September 27, 1864. 
Major-General Sherman, Atlanta, Georgia : 

You say Jefferson Davis is on a visit to Hood. I judge that 
Brown and Stephens are the objects of his visit. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 27, 1864. — Telegram to W. Dennison. 

Washington, D. C, September 27, 1864. 
Governor William Dennison, Columbus, Ohio : 
Yours received. Come so soon as you can. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 27, 1864.— Telegram to General B. F. Butler. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 27, 1864. 
Major-General Butler, Bermuda Hundred, Virginia : 

Assistant Surgeon William Crouse is here, complaining that you 
have dismissed him, and ordered him out of the department. Please 
telegraph me briefly the reasons. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 28, 1864. — Telegram to J. R. Cannon. 

Washington, D. C, September 28, 1864. 
J. R. Cannon, New Albany, Indiana : 

It will be impossible for me to attend your ratification meeting. 
Thank you for the invitation. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 583 

September 28, 1864. — Telegram to General B. F. Butler. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 28, 1864. 
Major-General Butler, Bermuda Hundred, Virginia : 

For what offense was the money of John H. Lester confiscated? 
Please answer, and, if practicable, send me the record of confiscation. 

A. Lincoln. 



September 29, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, D. C, September 29, 1864. 10 a. m. 
Lieutenant- General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

I hope it will have no constraint on you, nor do harm any way, for 
me to say I am a little afraid lest Lee sends reinforcements to Early, 
and thus enables him to turn upon Sheridan. 

A. Lincoln. 

October 1, 1864. — Order of Thanks to Hundred-day Troops. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 1, 1864. 

The term of one hundred days for which volunteers from the 
States of Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin volunteered, under 
the call of their respective governors, in the months of May and 
June, to aid the recent campaign of General Sherman, having ex- 
pired, the President directs an official acknowledgment to be made 
of their patriotic service. It was their good fortune to render effec- 
tive service in the brilliant operations in the Southwest, and to con- 
tribute to the victories of the national arms over the rebel forces in 
Georgia, under command of Johnston and Hood. On all occasions, 
and in every service to which they were assigned, their duty as pa- 
triotic volunteers was performed with alacrity and courage, for which 
they are entitled to, and are hereby tendered, the national thanks 
through the governors of their respective States. 

The Secretary of War is directed to transmit a copy of this order 
to the governors of Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin, and to 
cause a certificate of their honorable services to be delivered to the 
officers and soldiers of the States above named, who recently served 
in the military service of the United States as volunteers for one 
hundred days. 

A. Lincoln. 

October 5, 1864. — Letter to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 5, 1864. 
Lieutenant- General Grant : 

I inclose you a copy of a correspondence in regard to a contem- 
plated exchange of naval prisoners through your lines, and not very 



584 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

distant from your headquarters. It ouly came to the knowledge of 
the War Department and of myself yesterday, and it gives us some 
uneasiness. I therefore send it to you with the state^neut that, as 
the numbers to be exchanged under it are small, and so much has 
already been done to effect the exchange, I hope you may find it 
consistent to let it go forward under the general supervision of Gen- 
eral Butler, and particularly in reference to the points he holds vital 
in exchanges. Still, you are at liberty to arrest the whole operation 
if in your judgment the public good requires it. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



October 9, 1864. — Telegram to Simon Cameron. 

Washington, D. C, October 9, 1864. 
General Simon Cameron, Philadelphia: 

There is absolutely no news here from the Army of the Potomac 
not published in Stanton's bulletins of yesterday and before. The 
line is open and mere business despatches are passing over it. Have 
no alarm on bogus despatches. 

A. Lincoln. 

October 10, 1864. — Letter to H. W. Hoffman. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 10, 1864. 
Hon. Henry W. Hoffman. 

My dear Sir : A convention of Maryland has framed a new con- 
stitution for the State; a public meeting is called for this evening 
at Baltimore to aid in securing its ratification by the people, and you 
ask a word from me for the occasion. I presume the only feature 
of the instrument about which there is serious controversy is that 
which provides for the extinction of slavery. It needs not to be a 
secret, and I presume it is no secret, that I wish success to this pro- 
vision. I desire it on every consideration. I wish all men to be 
free. I wish the material prosperity of the already free, which I 
feel sure the extinction of slavery would bring. I wish to see in 
process of disappearing that only thing which ever could bring this 
nation to civil war. I attempt no argument. Argument upon the 
question is already exhausted by the abler, better informed, and 
more immediately interested sons of Maryland herself. I only add 
that I shall be gratified exceedingly if the good people of the State 
shall, by their votes, ratify the new constitution. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



October 11, 1864.— Telegram to Governor Curtin, 

Washington, D. C, October 11, 1864. 
Governor Curtin, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: 

On looking up the Colonel Stover case this morning, I find we 
could not, without further information, be at all justified in order- 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 585 

iug him to be mustered. I hope it can be made straight, but the 
record as it stands is too bad. A copy will be immediately sent 
you by mail. 

A. Lincoln. 



October 11, 1864. — Telegram to R. T. Lincoln. 

Washington, D. C, October 11, 1864. 
Robert T. Lincoln, Cambridge, Massachusetts: 

Your letter makes us a little uneasy about your health. Tele- 
graph us how you are. If you think it would help you, make us a 
visit. 

A. Lincoln. 

October 12, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, D. C, October 12, 1864. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

Secretary of War not being in, I answer yours about election. 
Pennsylvania very close, and still in doubt on home vote. Ohio 
largely for us, with all the members of Congress but two or three. 
Indiana largely for us, — governor, it is said, by 15,000, and eight 
of the eleven members of Congress. Send us what you may know 
of your army vote. 

A. Lincoln. 

October 13, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Morton. 

Washington, D. C, October 13, 1864. 
Governor Oliver P. Morton, Indianapolis, Indiana : 

In my letter borne by Mr. Mitchell to General Sherman, I said 
that any soldiers he could spare for October need not to remain for 
November. I therefore cannot press the general on this point. 
All that the Secretary of War and General Sherman feel they can 
safely do, I, however, shall be glad of. Bravo for Indiana and for 
yourself personally ! 

A. Lincoln. 



October 14, 1864. — Telegram to General B. F. Butler. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 14, 1864. 
Major-General Butler, Butler's Headquarters, Virginia : 

It is said that Captain Joseph R. Findley, of Company F, 76th 
Pennsylvania Volunteers, has been summarily dismissed the ser\'ice 
for supposed skulking. Such representations are made to me of 
his good character, long service, and good behavior in many battles, 
as to induce the wish that you would reexamine his case. At all 
events, send me a statement of it as you have it. 

A. Lincoln. 



586 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

October 17, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Curtin. 

Washington, D. C, October 17, 1864. 
Governor A. G. Curtin, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania : 

Your information is erroneous. No part of Sheridan's force has 
left him, except by expiration of terms of service. I think there is 
not much danger of a raid into Pennsylvania. 

A. Lincoln. 



October 19, 1864. — Response to a Serenade. 

Friends and Fellow-citizens : I am notified that this is a compli- 
ment paid me by the loyal Marylanders resident in this district. I 
infer that the adoption of the new constitution for the State fur- 
nishes the occasion, and that in your view the extirpation of slavery 
constitutes the chief merit of the new constitution. Most heartily 
do I congratulate you, and Maryland, and the nation, and the world, 
upon this event. I regret that it did not occur two years sooner, 
which, I am sure, would have saved to the nation more money than 
would have met all the private loss incident to the measure ; but it 
has come at last, and I sincerely hope its friends may fully realize 
all their anticipations of good from it, and that its opponents may 
by its effects be agreeably and profitably disappointed. 

A word upon another subject. Something said by the Secretary 
of State, in his recent speech at Auburn, has been construed by some 
into a threat that if I shall be beaten at the election I will, between 
then and the end of my constitutional term, do what I may be able 
to ruin the government. Others regard the fact that the Chicago 
Convention adjourned, not sine die, but to meet again, if called to 
do so by a particular individual, as the intimation of a purpose that 
if their nominee shall be elected he will at once seize control of the 
government. I hope the good people will permit themselves to suf- 
fer no uneasiness on either point. 

I am strnggling to maintain the government, not to overthrow it. 
I am struggling, especially, to prevent others from overthrowing it. 
I therefore say that if I shall live I shall remain President until the 
4th of next March ; and that whoever shall be constitutionally elected 
therefor, in November, shall be duly installed as President on the 4th 
of March ; and that, in the interval, I shall do my utmost that who- 
ever is to hold the helm for the next voyage shall start with the best 
possible chance to save the ship. 

This is due to the people both on principle and under the Consti- 
tution. Their will, constitutionally expressed, is the ultimate law 
for all. If they should deliberately resolve to have immediate peace, 
even at the loss of their country and their liberty, I know not the 
power or the right to resist them. It is their own business, and 
they must do as they please with their own. I believe, however, they 
are still resolved to* preserve their country and their liberty ; and in 
this, in office or out of it, I am resolved to stand by them. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 587 

I may add that in this purpose — to save the country and its lib- 
erties — no classes of people seem so nearly unanimous as the sol- 
diers in the field and the sailors afloat. Do they not have the hardest 
of it I Who should quail when they do not f Grod bless the soldiers 
and seamen, with all their brave commanders. 



October 20, 1864.— Proclamation of Thanksgiving. 

By the President of the United States of America : 

A Proclamation. 

It has pleased almighty God to prolong our national life another 
year, defending us with his guardian care against unfriendly designs 
from abroad, and vouchsafing to us in his mercy many and signal 
victories over the enemy, who is of our own household. It has also 
pleased our heavenly Father to favor as well our citizens in their 
homes as our soldiers in their camps, and our sailors on the rivers 
and seas, with unusual health. He has largely augmented our free 
population by emancipation and by immigration, while he has 
opened to us new sources of wealth, and has crowned the labor of 
our working-men in every department of industry with abundant re- 
wards. Moreover, he has been pleased to animate and inspire our 
minds and hearts with fortitude, courage, and resolution sufficient 
for the great trial of civil war into which we have been brought by 
our adherence as a nation to the cause of freedom and humanity, 
and to afford to us reasonable hopes of an ultimate and happy 
deliverance from all our dangers and afflictions. 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States, do hereby appoint and set apart the last Thursday of Novem- 
ber next as a day which I desire to be observed by all my fellow- 
citizens, wherever they may then be, as a day of thanksgiving and 
praise to almighty God, the beneficent Creator and Ruler of the 
universe. And I do further recommend to my fellow-citizens afore- 
said, that on that occasion they do reverently humble themselves in 
the dust, and from thence offer up penitent and fervent prayers and 
supplications to the great Disposer of events for a return of the 
inestimable blessings of peace, union, and harmony throughout the 
land which it has pleased him to assign as a dwelling-place for our- 
selves and for our posteritj'' throughout all generations. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused 
the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this twentieth day of 
r 1 October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
^ '' 'J and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States 
the eighty-ninth. Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



588 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

October 21, 1864. — Telegrajm to J. G. Nicolay. 

Washington, D. C, October 21, 18G4. 9.45 p. m. 
J. G. Nicolay, St. Louis, Missouri : 

While Curtis is fighting Price, have you any idea where the force 
under Rosecrans is, or what it is doing? 

A. Lincoln. 

October 22, 1864. — Letter to Wm. B. Campbell and Others. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, October 22, 1864. 

Messrs. Wm. B. Campbell, Thomas A. R. Nelson, James T. P. 
Carter, John Williams, A. Blizzard, Henry Cooper, Bailie 
Peyton, John Lellyett, E. Etheridge, John D. Perrymans. 

Gentlemen : On the fifteenth day of this month, as I remember, a 
printed paper, with a few manuscript interlineations, called a pro- 
test, with your names appended thereto, and accompanied by another 
printed paper purporting to be a proclamation by Andrew Johnson, 
military governor of Tennessee, and also a manuscript paper pur- 
porting to be extracts from the Code of Tennessee, was laid before 
me. The protest, proclamation, and extracts are respectively as 
follows : 

[The protest is here recited, and also the proclamation of Governor 
Johnson, dated September 30, to which it refers, together with a list 
of the counties in East, Middle, and West Teunessee; also an ex- 
tract from the Code of Tennessee, in relation to electors of President 
and Vice-President of the United States, the qualifications of voters 
for members of the General Assembly, and the places of holding 
elections of officers of popular elections.] 

At the time these papers were presented, as before stated, I had 
never seen either of them, nor heard of the subject to which they 
relate, except in a general way, only one day previously. Up to the 
present moment nothing whatever has passed between Governor 
Johnson, or any one else connected with the proclamation, and my- 
self. Since receiving the papers, as stated, I have given the subject 
such brief consideration as I have been able to do in the midst of so 
many pressing public duties. 

My conclusion is that I have nothing to do with the matter, either 
to sustain the plan as the convention and Governor Johnson have 
initiated it, or to revoke or modify it as you demand. By the Con- 
stitution and laws, the President is charged with no duty in the 
conduct of a presidential election in any State ; nor do I, in this 
case, perceive any military reason for his interference in the matter. 

The movement set on foot by the convention and Governor John- 
son does not, as seems to be assumed by you, emanate from the 
national executive. In no proper sense can it be considered other 
than as an independent movement of at least a portion of the loyal 
people of Tennessee. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 589 

I do not perceive in the plan any menace of violence or coercion 
toward any one. Grovernor Johnson, like any other loyal citizen of 
Tennessee, has the right to favor any political plan he chooses, and, 
as military governor, it is his duty to keep the peace among and for 
the loyal people of the State. I cannot discern that by this plan he 
purposes any more. 

But you object to the plan. Leaving it alone will be your perfect 
security against it. Do as you please on your own account, peace- 
fully and loyally, and Governor Johnson will not molest you, but 
will protect you against violence so far as in his power. 

I presume that the conducting of a presidential election in Ten- 
nessee in strict accordance with the old code of the State is not 
now a possibility. 

It is scarcely necessary to add that if any election shall be held, 
and any votes shall be cast in the State of Tennessee for President 
and Vice-President of the United States, it will belong, not to the 
military agents, nor yet to the executive department, but exclu- 
sively to another department of the government, to determine 
whether they are entitled to be counted in conformity with the 
Constitution and laws of the United States. 

Except it be to give protection against violence, I decline to 
interfere in any way with any presidential election. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



October 22, 1864. — Telegram to G-eneral P. H. Sheridan. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 22, 1864. 
Major-General Sheridan : 

With great pleasure I tender to you and your brave army the 
thanks of the nation, and my own personal admiration and grati- 
tude, for the month's operations in the Shenandoah Valley; and 
especially for the splendid work of October 19, 1864. 

Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln. 



October 23, 1864.— Telegram to General G. H. Thomas. 

Washington, D. C, October 23, 1864. 5 p. m. 
Major-General Thomas, Nash^-ille, Tennessee : 

I have received information to-day, having great appearance of 
authenticity, that there is to be a rebel raid into Western Ken- 
tucky ; that it is to consist of 4000 infantry and 3000 cavalry, and 
is to start from Corinth, Mississippi, on the fourth day of Novembei-. 

A. Lincoln, President. 

Send copy to General Washburn at Memphis. 

A. L. 



/ 



590 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



October 24, 1864. — Address to the 189th New York Regiment. 

Soldiers : I am exceedingly obliged to you for this mark of re- 
spect. It is said that we have the best government the world ever 
knew, and I am glad to meet you, the supporters of that govern- 
ment. To you who render the hardest work in its support should 
be given the greatest credit.) Others who are connected with it, 
and who occupy higher positions,^ can be dispensed with, but we 
cannot get along without your aid.) While others differ with the 
administration, and, perhaps, honestly, the soldiers generally have 
sustained it ; they have not only fought right, but, so far as could 
be judged from their actions, they have voted right, and I for one 
thank you for it. I know you are eti route for the front, and there- 
fore do not expect me to detain you long. I will now bid you good 
morning. 



October 26, 1864. — Note to Mrs. Swift. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 26, 1864. 
Mrs. George W. Swift. 

3fi/ dear Madam : Your complimentary little poem asking for 
my autograph was duly received. I thank you for it, and cheer- 
fully comply with your request. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

October 26, 1864. — Unfinished Draft of Letter to J. R. 
Underwood and H. Grider. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 26, 1864. 
Hon. J. R. Underwood and Hon. Henry Grider. 

Gentlemen : A petition has been presented to me on behalf of cer- 
tain citizens of Allen and Barren counties, in the State of Kentucky, 
assuming that certain sums of money have been assessed and col- 
lected from them by the United States military authorities to com- 
pensate certain Union citizens of the same vicinage for losses by 
rebel depredations, and praying that I will order the money to be 
refunded. The petition is accompanied by a letter of yours, which 
so presents the case as to induce me to make a brief response. 
You distinctly admit that the petitioners *' sympathize with the 
Confederate States and regard them as warring to preserve their 
Constitutional and legal rights." This admitted, it is scarcely pos- 
sible to believe that they do not help the cause they thus love when- 
ever they conveniently can. Their sons and relatives go into the 
rebel [armies], but we may not be able to distinctly prove that they 
outfitted and sent them. When armed rebels come among them 
their houses and other property are spared while Union men's 
houses are burned and their property pillaged. Still, we may not 
be able to specifically prove that the sympathizers protected and 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 591 

supplied the raiders in turn, or designated their Union neighbors 
for plunder and devastation. Yet we know all this exists, even 
better than we could know an isolated fact upon the sworn testi- 
mony of one or two witnesses; just as we better know there is 
fire whence we see much smoke rising than we could know it by 
one or two witnesses swearing to it. The witnesses may commit 
perjury, but the smoke cannot. Now, experience has already 
taught us in this war that holding these smoky localities responsi- 
ble for the conflagrations within them has a very salutary effect. 
It was obviously so in and about St. Louis, and on [the] eastern 
shore of Virginia. 

October 27, 1864. — Letter to General S. G. Burbridge. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 27, 1864. 
Major- General Burbridge: 

It is represented to me that an officer has, by your authority, as- 
sessed and collected considerable sums of money from citizens of 
Allen and Barren counties, Kentucky, to compensate Union men 
for depredations committed upon them in the vicinity by rebels ; 
and I am petitioned to order the money to be refunded. At most, I 
could not do this without hearing both sides, which, as yet, I have 
not. I write now to say that, in my opinion, in some extreme cases 
this class of proceedings becomes a necessity ; but that it is liable 
to — almost inseparable from — great abuses, and therefore should 
onlj^ be sparingly resorted to, and be conducted with great caution ; 
that you, in your department, must be the judge of the proper local- 
ities and occasions for applying it ; and that it will be well for you 
to see that your subordinates be at all times ready to account for 
every dollar, as to why collected, of whom, and how applied. With- 
out this you will soon find some of them making assessments and 
collections merely to put money in their own pockets, and it will 
also be impossible to correct errors in future and better times. 

In the case I have mentioned, such good men as Hon. J. R. Under- 
wood and Hon. Henry Grider, though not personally interested, 
have appealed to me in behalf of others. So soon as you can, con- 
sistently with your other duties, I will thank you to acquaint your- 
self with the particulars of this case, and make any correction which 
may seem to be proper. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



October 28, 1864. — Telegram to A. G. Hodges. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 28, 1864. 
Hon. a. G. Hodges, Frankfort, Kentucky : 

Mrs. Margaret C. Price is here, asking that her son, Philemon B. 
Price, now a prisoner of war at Camp Chase may be discharged, 
and I have told her I will do it if you say so. What say j^ou ? 

A. Lincoln. 



592 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

October 28, 1864.— Telegram to J. A. Prall. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 28, 1864. 
J. A. Prall, Paris, Kentucky : 

Mrs. George W. Bowen is here, asking for the discharge of her 
husband, now a prisoner of war at Camp Chase, and I have told 
her I will do it if you say so. What say you ? 

A. Lincoln. 



October 31, 1864. — Proclamation admitting Nevada into the 

Union. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas the Congress of the United States passed an act, which 
was approved on the twenty-first day of March last, entitled "An act 
to enable the people of Nevada to form a constitution and State 
government, and for the admission of such State into the Union on 
an equal footing with the original States"; 

And whereas the said constitution and State government have 
been formed, pursuant to the conditions prescribed by the ^fth sec- 
tion of the act of Congress aforesaid, and the certificate required by 
the said act, and also a copy of the constitution and ordinances, have 
been submitted to the President of the United States : 

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
of the United States, in accordance with the duty imposed upon me 
by the Act of Congress aforesaid, do hereby declare and proclaim 
that the said State of Nevada is admitted into the Union on an equal 
footing with the original States. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this thirty-first day of 
r 1 October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
L ' ^'^ and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States 
the eighty-ninth. Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



October 31, 1864. — Note to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 31, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Sir : Herewith is a letter of Governor Curtin, which speaks for 
itself. I suggest for your consideration, whether, to the extent of, 
say, 5000, we might not exempt from the draft, upon the men being 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 593 

put in j^ood shape to defend and give assurance to the border. I 
have not said even this much to the bearer, General Todd, whom I 
hope you will see and hear. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



November 5, 1864. — Indorsement. 

War Department, Washington City. 
Mr. President : Please read the accompanying telegram, just received, 
and favor me with your judgment on the point presented by General 
Butler, so that I can answer him. Yours truly, 

E. M. Stanton. 

[Indorsement.] 

I think this might lie over till morning. The tendency of the or- 
der, it seems to me, is to bring on a collision with the State author- 
ity, which I would rather avoid, at least until the necessity for it is 
more apparent than it yet is. 

A. Lincoln. 

November 5, 1864. 



November 6, 1864, — Telegram to Secretary Seward. 

Washington, D. C, November 6, 1864, 
Hon, William H, Seward, Auburn, New York : 

Nothing of much importance. Day before yesterday rebels de- 
stroyed two or more of our wooden gunboats at Johnsonville on 
Tennessee River., Curtis, on the 4th, was at Fayetteville, Arkansas, 
still pursuing and damaging Price, Richmond papers say Yankees 
landed at Escambia Bay, below Hilton, not far from Mobile, cap- 
tured fifty men and destroyed all camp equipage, wagons, salt works, 
etc., and everything in and about Hilton, Richmond papers also 
confirm the destruction of the Albemarle, and the consequent eva- 
cuation of Plymouth, North Carolina. 

A, Lincoln, 



November 6, 1864, — Telegram to Naval Officer at 
Mobile Bay. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 6, 1864. 9 p. m. 
Major-General Canby, New Orleans, Louisiana: 

Please forward with all possible despatch to the naval officer 
commanding at Mobile Bay the following order, 

A. Lincoln. 
Vol. H,— 38. 



594 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

[Inclosure.] 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 6^ 1864. 
Naval Officer in command at Mobile Bay: 

Do not on any account, or on any showing of authority whatever, 
from whomsoever purporting to come, allow the blockade to be 

^i«l^^^^- A. Lincoln. 



November 8, 1864. — Telegram to Sailors' Fair at Boston, 
Massachusetts. 

Washington, D. C, November 8, 1864. 
To THE Managing Committee of the Sailors' Fair, 

Boston, Massachusetts : 
Allow me to wish you a great success. With the old fame of the 
navy made brighter in the present war you cannot fail. I name 
none lest I wrong others by omission. To all, from rear-admiral 
to honest Jack, I tender the nation's admiration and gratitude. 

A. Lincoln. 



November 8, 1864. — Telegram to A. H. Rice. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 8, 1864. 
Hon. a. H. Rice, Boston, Massachusetts: 

Yours received. I have no other notice that the ox is mine. If it 
be really so, I present it to the Sailors' Fair as a contribution. 

A. Lincoln. 

November 8, 1864, — Telegram to Secretary Seward. 

Washington, November 8, 1864. 
Hon. William H. Seward, Auburn, New York: 

News from Grant, Sherman, Thomas, and Rosecrans satisfactory, 
but not important. Pirate Florida captured by the Wachusett Octo- 
ber 7, on the coast of Brazil. The information is certain. 

A. Lincoln. 

November 9, 1864. — Response to a Serenade. 

Friends and Fellow-citizens : Even before I had been informed by 
you that this compliment was paid me by loyal citizens of Penn- 
sylvania, friendly to me, I had inferred that you were of that portion 
of my countrymen who think that the best interests of the nation 
are to be subserved by the support of the present administration. I 
do not pretend to say that you, who think so, embrace all the patriot- 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 595 

ism and loyalty of the country, but I do believe, and I trust without 
personal interest, that the welfare of the country does require that 
such support and indorsement should be given. 

I earnestly believe that the consequences of this day's work, if it 
be as you assume, and as now seems probable, will be to the lasting 
advantage, if not to the very salvation, of tlie countr}^ I cannot at 
this hour say what has been the result of the election. But, what- 
ever it may be, I have no desire to modify this opinion: that all who 
have labored to-day in behalf of the Union have wrought for the 
best interests of the country and the world; not only for the present, 
but for all future ages. 

I am thankful to God for this approval of the people ; but, while 
deeply grateful for this mark of their confidence in me, if I know my 
heart, my gratitude is free from any taint of personal triumph. I 
do not impugn the motives of any one opposed to me. It is no 
pleasure to me to triumph over any one, but I give thanks to the 
Almighty for this evidence of the people's resolution to stand by free 
government and the rights of humanity. 



^ November 10, 1864. — Response to a Serenade. j 

It has long been a grave question whether any government, not 
too strong for the liberties of its people, can be strong enough to 
maintain its existence in great emergencies. On this point the pres- 
ent rebellion brought our republic to a severe test, and a presi- 
dential election occurring in regular course during the rebellion, 
added not a little to the strain. / 

If the loyal people united were put to the utmost of their strength 
by the rebellion, must they not fail when divided and partially par- 
alyzed by a political war among themselves? But the election was 
a necessity. We cannot have free government without elections ; 
and if the rebellion could force us to forego or postpone a national 
election, it might fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined 
us. The strife of the election is but human nature practically ap- 
plied to the facts of the case. What has occurred in this case must 
ever recur in similar cases. Human nature will not change. In 
any future great national trial, compared with the men of this, we 
shall have as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, as bad and as 
good. Let us, therefore, study the incidents of this as philosophy 
to learn wisdom from, and none of them as wrongs to be revenged. 
But the election, along with its incidental and undesirable strife, has 
done good too. It has demonstrated that a people's government 
can sustain a national election in the midst of a great civil war. 
Until now, it has not been known to the world that this was a pos- 
sibility. It shov/s, also, how sound and how strong we still are. It 
shows that, even among candidates of the same party, he who is 
most devoted to the Union and most opposed to treason can receive 
most of the people's votes. It shows, also, to the extent yet known, 
that we have more men now than we had when the war began. 



596 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

Gold is good in its place, but living, brave, patriotic men are bet- 
ter than gold. 

But the rebellion continues, and now that the election is over, 
may not all having a common interest reunite in a common effort 
to save our common country ? For my own part, I have striven 
and shall strive to avoid placing any obstacle in the way. So long 
as I have been here I have not willingly planted a thorn in any 
man's bosom. While I am deeply sensible to the high compliment 
of a reelection, and duly grateful, as I trust, to almighty God for 
having directed my countrymen to a right conclusion, as I think, 
for their own good, it adds nothing to my satisfaction that any other 
man may be disappointed or pained by the result. 

May I ask those who have not differed with me to join with me 
in this same spirit toward those who have? And now let me close 
by asking three hearty cheers for our brave soldiers and seamen 
and their gallant and skilful commanders. 



November 10, 1864. — Telegram to General S. G. Burbridge. 

Washington, D. C, November 10, 1864. 
Major-General Burbridge, Lexington, Kentucky: 

I have just received a telegram from Governor Bramlette saying: 
" General John B. Houston, a loyal man and prominent citizen, was 
arrested, and, yesterdaj', started off by General Burbridge, to be sent 
beyond our lines by way of Catlettsburg, for no other offense than 
opposition to your reelection," and I have answered him as follows 
below, of which please take notice and report to me. 

A. Lincoln. 



Washington, D. C, November 10, 1864. 
Governor Bramlette, Frankfort, Kentucky : 

Yours of yesterday received. I can scarcely believe that General 
John B. Houston has been arrested " for no other offense than op- 
position to my reelection"; for, if that had been deemed sufficient 
cause of arrest, I should have heard of more than one arrest in 
Kentucky on election day. If, however. General Houston has been 
arrested for no other cause than opposition to my reelection. Gen- 
eral Burbridge will discharge him at once, I sending him a copy of 
this as an order to that effect. 

A. Lincoln. 



November 12, 1864.— Telegram to General Logan. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 12, 1864. 
Major-General John A. Logan, Carbondale, Illinois : 

Yours of to-day just received. Some days ago I forwarded, to 
the care of Mr. Washburne, a leave for you to visit Washington, 
subject only to be countermanded by General Sherman, This qual- 



< 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 597 

ificatioD I thought was a necessary prudence for all concerned. 
Subject to it, you may remain at home thirty days, or come here at 
your own option. If, in view of maintaining your good relations 
with General Sherman, and of probable movements of his army, 
you can safely come here, I shall be very glad to see you. 

A. Lincoln. 



November 14, 1864. — Letter to General S. A. Hurlbut. 

(Private.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 14, 1864. 
Major-General Hurlbut : 

Few things since I have been here have impressed me more pain- 
fully than what, for four or five months past, has appeared a bitter 
military opposition to the new State government of Louisiana. I 
still indulged some hope that I was mistaken in the fact; but copies 
of a correspondence on the subject between General Canby and 
yourself, and shown me to-day, dispel that hope. A very fair pro- 
portion of the people of Louisiana have inaugurated a new State 
government, making an excellent new constitution — better for the 
poor black man than we have in Illinois. This was done under 
military protection, directed by me, in the belief, still sincerely en- 
tertained, that with such a nucleus around which to build we could 
get the State into position again sooner than otherwise. In this 
belief a general promise of protection and support, applicable alike 
to Louisiana and other States, was given in the last annual mes- 
sage. During the formation of the new government and consti- 
tution they were supported by nearly every loyal person, and op- 
posed by every secessionist. And this support and this opposition, 
from the respective standpoints of the parties, was perfectly con- 
sistent and logical. Every Unionist ought to wish the new gov- 
ernment to succeed; and every disunionist must desire it to fail. 
Its failure would gladden the heart of Slidell in Europe, and of 
every enemy of the old flag in the world. Every advocate of slav- 
ery naturally desires to see blasted and crushed the liberty prom- 
ised the black man by the new Constitution. But why General 
Cauby and General Hurlbut should join on the same side is to 
me incomprehensible. 

Of course, in the condition of things at New Orleans, the military 
must not be thwarted by the civil authority; but when the Consti- 
tional Convention, for what it deems a breach of privilege, arrests 
an editor in no way connected with the military, the military neces- 
sity for insulting the Convention and forcibly discharging the editor 
is difficult to perceive. Neither is the military necessity for pro- 
tecting the people against paying large salaries fixed by a legisla- 
ture of their own choosing very apparent. Equally difficult to 
perceive is the military necessity for forcibly interposing to prevent 
a bank from loaning its own money to the State. These things, if 
they have occurred, are, at the best, no better than gratuitous hos- 



598 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

tility. I wish I could hope that they may be shown to not have 
occurred. To make assurance against misunderstanding, I repeat 
that in the existing condition of things in Louisiana, the military 
must not be thwarted by the civil authority ; and I add that on 
points of difference the commanding general must be judge and 
master. But I also add that in the exercise of this judgment and 
control, a purpose, obvious, and scarcely una vowed, to transcend all 
military necessity, in order to crush out the civil government, will 
jjot be overlooked. Yours truly, j^ Lincoln. 



November 15, 1864. — Telegram to J. K. Dubois. 

Washington, November 15, 1864. 
Hon. Jesse K. Dubois, Springfield, Illinois: 

Yours of to-day, asking that 530 men may be assigned to the 32d 
Illinois, shall be attended to. You say: ^' State gone 25,000." Which 
way did it go? How stand the members of Congress and the other 

«^«^^^- A. Lincoln. 

November 15, 1864. — Telegram to i-oyal Governors. 

Washington, November 15, 1864. 
The Governor of Maine, Augusta, Maine: 

Please send, as soon as practicable, exactly, or approximately, the 
aggregate of votes cast in your State at the late election. It is 
desired with reference to the forthcoming message. 

A. Lincoln. 



November 17, 1864. — Reply to Maryland Union Committee. 

The President, in reply, said that he had to confess he had been 
duly notified of the intention to make this friendly call some days ago, 
and in this he had had a fair opportunity afforded to be ready with 
a set speech; but he had not prepared one, being too busy for that 
purpose. He would say, however, that he was gratified with the 
result of the presidential election. He had kept as near as he could 
to the exercise of his best judgment for the interest of the whole 
country, and to have the seal of approbation stamped on the course 
he had pursued was exceedingly grateful to his feelings. He thought 
he could say, in as large a sense as any other man, that his pleasure 
consisted in belief that the policy he had pursued was the best, if not 
the only one, for the safety of the country. 

He had said before, and now repeated, that he indulged in no feel- 
ing of triumph over any man who thought or acted differently from 
himself. He had no such feeling toward any living man. Wlien 
he thought of Maryland, in particular, he was of the opinion that 
she had more than double her share in what had occurred in the 
recent elections. The adoption of a free-State constitution was a 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 599 

greater thing than the part taken by the people of the State in the 
presidential election. He would any day have stipulated to lose 
Maryland in the presidential election to save it by the adoption of a 
free-State constitution, because the presidential election comes every 
four years, while that is a thing which, being done, cannot be un- 
done. He therefore thought that in that they had a victory for the 
right worth a great deal more than their part in the presidential 
election, though of the latter he thought highly. He had once before 
said, but would say again, that those who have differed with us and 
opposed us will see that the result of the presidential election is 
better for their own good than if they had been successful. 

Thanking the committee for their compliment, he brought his 
brief speech to a close. 



November 19, 18G4. — Proclamation concerning Blockade. 

By the President of the United States op America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, by my proclamation of the 19th of April, one thou- 
sand eight hundred and sixty-one, it was declared that the ports of 
certain States, including those of Norfolk in the State of Virginia, 
[and] Fernandina and Pensacola, in the State of Florida, were, for 
reasons therein set forth, intended to be placed under blockade ; and 
whereas the said ports were subsequently blockaded accordingly, 
but having for some time past been in the military possession of the 
United States, it is deemed advisable that they should be opened to 
domestic and foreign commerce : 

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of 
the United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth 
section of the act of Congress, approved on the 13th of July, 1861, 
entitled "An act further to provide for the collection of duties on 
imports, and for other purposes," do hereby declare that the block- 
ade of the said ports of Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola shall 
so far cease and determine, from and after the first day of December 
next, that commercial intercourse with those ports, except as to per- 
sons, things, and information contraband of war, inay, from that 
time, be carried on, subject to the laws of the United States, to the 
limitations and in pursuance of the regulations which may be pre- 
scribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, and to such military and 
naval regulations as are now in force, or may hereafter be found 
necessary. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of 
r 1 November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
^ ' '^ hundred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the 
United States the eighty-ninth. abraha^i Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



600 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

November 19, 1864. — Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 19, 1864. 
Major-General Rosecrans : 

A Major Wolf, as it seems, was under sentence in your depart- 
ment to be executed in retaliation for the murder of a Major Wil- 
son, and I, without any particular knowledge of the facts, was in- 
duced by appeals for mercy to order the suspension of his execution 
till further order. Understanding that you so desire, this letter 
places the case again within your control, with the remark only that 
I wish you to do nothing merely for revenge, but that what you 
may do shall be solely done with reference to the security of the 
future. Yours truly, A.Lincoln. 

November 21, 1864. — Telegram to A. R. Wright. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 21, 1864. 
Hon. a. R. Wright, Louisville, Kentucky : 

Admitting that your cotton was destroyed by the Federal army, I 
do not suppose anything could be done for you now. Congress has 
appropriated no money for that class of claims, and will not, I ex- 
pect, while the active war lasts. ^ Lincoln 

November 21, 1864. — Letter to Mrs. Bixby. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 21, 1864. 
Mrs. Bixby, Boston, Massachusetts. 

Dear Madam : I have been shown in the files of the War Depart- 
ment a statement of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts that you 
are the mother of five sons who have died gloriously on the field of 
battle. I feel how weak and fruitless must be any words of mine 
which should attempt to beguile you from the grief of a loss so 
overwhelming. But I cannot refrain from tendering to you the 
consolation that may be foimd in the thanks of the Republic they 
died to save. I pray that our heavenly Father may assuage the 
anguish of your bereavement, and leave you only the cherished 
memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must be 
yours to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom. 

Yours very sincerely and respectfully, 

Abraham Lincoln. 

November 21, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 21, 1864. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

My dear Sir : 1 now propose that Smithson and Yocum, respec- 
tively, be enlarged, allowing their sentences to stand as security for 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 601 

their good behavior — that is, not pardon them, but if they misbe- 
have, re-arrest and imprison them on the old score. 

Also, I think if Waring's premises down in Maryland are [not] 
in use by the government, he and his family might be allowed to 
re-occupy them. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



November 21, 1861. — Letter to J. Phillips. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 21, 1864. 
Deacon John Phillips. 

M)/ dear Sir : I have heard of the incident at the polls in your 
L()wn, in which you acted so honorable a part, and I take the liberty 
of writing to you to express my personal gratitude for the compli- 
ment paid me by the suffrage of a citizen so venerable. 

The example of such devotion to civic duties in one whose days 
have already been extended an average lifetime beyond the Psalm- 
ist's limit, cannot but be valuable and fruitful. It is not for myself 
only, but for the country which you have in your sphere served so 
long and so well, that I thank you. 

Your friend and servant, Abraham Lincoln. 

November 22, 1864.— Telegram to Governor Bramlette. 

Washington, D. C, November 22, 1864. 
Governor Bramlette, Frankfort, Kentucky: 

Yours of to-day received. It seems that Lieutenant-Governor 
Jacobs and Colonel Wolford are stationary now. General Sudarth 
and Mr. Hodges are here, and the Secretary of War and myself are 
trying to devise means of pacification and" harmony for Kentucky, 
which we hope to effect soon, now that the passion-exciting subject 
of the election is past. 

A, Lincoln. 



November 25, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Curtin. 

Washington, D. C, November 25, 1864. 
Governor Curtin, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: 
I have no knowledge, information, or belief, that three States, or 

any State, offer to resume allegiance. . t 

•^ ^ A. Lincoln. 



November 26, 1864. — Letter to General N. P. Banks. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 26, 1864. • 
Major- General Banks : 

I had a full conference this morning with the Secretary of War 
in relation to yourself. The conclusion is that it will be*^ best for 



602 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

all if you proceed to New Orleans and act there in obedience to your 
order ; and, in doing which, having continued, say, one month, if it 
shall then, as now, be your wish to resign, your resignation will be 
accepted. Please take this course. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



November 29, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Stone. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 29, 1864. 
Governor op Iowa, Des Moines : May I renew my request for 
the exact aggregate vote of your State, cast at the late election? 
My object fails if I do not receive it before Congress meets. 

A. Lincoln. 

Same to the Governors of Michigan, Wisconsin, Missouri, Ohio, 
Oregon, Pennsylvania, Kansas, and West Virginia. 

December 1, 1864. — Telegram to James Speed. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 1, 1864. 
Hon. James Speed, Louisville, Kentucky : 
I appoint you to be Attorney-General. Please come on at once. 

A. Lincoln. 

December 1, 1864. — Telegrams to Governor Johnson. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 1, 1864. 
Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : 

I am applied to for the release of Alexander B. Kinney, John P. Car- 
ter, and Samuel A. Owens. Your name, commending their applica- 
tion to favorable consideration, is on the papers. If you will say 
directly that you think they ought to be discharged, I will discharge 
them. Answer. 

A. Lincoln. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 1, 1864. 
His Excellency Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : 

In the cases of Alexander B. Kinney, John P. Carter, and Samuel 
A. Owens, Colonel William B. Stokes has recommended the release 
of all three. His recommendation is on file here. 

A. Lincoln. 

December 2, 1864.— Letter to General N. P. Banks. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 2, 1864. 
Major-General Banks : 

I know you are dissatisfied, which pains me very much, but I wish 
not to be argued with further. I entertain no abatement of con- 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 603 

fidence or friendship for you. I have told you why I cannot order 
General Canby from the Department of the Gulf — that he whom I 
must hold responsible for military results is not agreed. Yet I do 
believe that you, of all men, can best perform the part of advanc- 
ing the new State government of Louisiana, and therefore I have 
wished you to go and try, leaving it to yourself to give up the trial 
at the end of a month if you find it impracticable, or personally too 
disagreeable. 

This is certainly meant in no unkindness, but I wish to avoid 
further struggle about it. Yours truly, » Lincoln 

December 3, 1864. — Memorandoti. 

On Thursday of last week, two ladies from Tennessee came before 
the President, asking the release of their husbands held as prisoners 
of war at Johnson's Island. They were put off until Friday, when 
they came again, and were again put off until Saturday. At each 
of the interviews one of the ladies urged that her husband was a reli- 
gious mau, and on Saturday the President ordered the release of the 
prisoners, when he said to this lady: "You say your husband is a 
religious man ; tell him when you meet him, that I say I am not 
much of a judge of religion, but that, in my opinion, the religion 
that sets men to rebel and fight against their government, because, 
as they think, that government does not sufficiently help some men 
to eat their bread in the sweat of other men's faces, is not the sort 
of religion upon which people can get to heaven." . Lincoln 

December 5, 1864. — Message to Congress. 

To the Sfnate and House of Representatives : In conformity to the 
law of July 16, 1862, 1 most cordially recommend that Captain John 
A. Winslow, United States Navy, receive a vote of thanks from 
Congress for the skill and gallantry exhibited by him in the brilliant 
action whilst in command of the United States steamer Kearsarge, 
which led to the total destruction of the piratical craft Alal)ama, 
on the 19th of June, 1864, a vessel superior in tonnage, superior 
in number of guns, and superior in number of crew. 

This recommendation is specially made in order to comply with 
the requirements of the ninth section of the aforesaid act, which is 
in the following words, viz. : 

That any line officer of the navy or marine corps may be advanced one 
grade, if, upon recommendation by the President by name he receives the 
thanks of Congi-ess for hic:hly distinguished conduct in conflict with the 
enemy, or for extraordinary heroism in the Hue of his profession. 

Washington, December 5, 1864. Abraham Lincoln. 



December 5, 1864. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives: In conformity to 
the law of [the] 16th of July, 1862, I most cordially recommend 



604 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

that Lieutenant William B, Cusliing, United States Navy, receive a 
vote of thanks from Congress for his important, gallant, and peril- 
ous achievement in destroying the rebel iron-clad steamer Albemarle, 
on the night of the 27th of October, 1864, at Plymouth, North 
Carolina. The destruction of so formidable a vessel, which had 
resisted the continued attacks of a number of our vessels on 
former occasions, is an important event touching our future naval 
and military operations, and would reflect honor on any ofificer, and 
redounds to the credit of this young officer and the few brave com- 
rades who assisted in this successful and daring undertaking. 

This recommendation is specially made in order to comply with 
the requirements of the ninth section of the aforesaid act, which is 
in the following words, viz.: 

That any line officer of the navy or marine corps may be advanced one 
grade, if, upon recommendation of the President by name he receives the 
thanks of Congress for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the 
enemy, or for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Washington, December 5, 1864. 



December 6, 1864. — Annual Message to Congress. 

Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : Again 
the blessings of health and abundant harvests claim our profoundest 
gratitude to almighty God. 

The condition of our foreign affairs is reasonably satisfactory. 

Mexico continues to be a theater of civil war. While our political 
relations with that country have undergone no change, we have, at 
the same time, strictly maintained neutrality between the bellig- 
erents. At the request of the States of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, 
a competent engineer has been authorized to make a survey of the 
River San Juan and the port of San Juan. It is a source of much 
satisfaction that the difficulties which for a moment excited some 
political apprehensions and caused a closing of the interoceanic 
transit route, have been amicably adjusted, and that there is a good 
prospect that the route will soon be reopened with an increase of 
capacity and adaptation. We could not exaggerate either the com- 
mercial or the political importance of that great improvement. It 
would be doing injustice to an important South American State not 
to acknowledge the directness, frankness, and cordiality with which 
the United States of Colombia have entered into intimate relations 
with this government. A claims convention has been constituted to 
complete the unfinished work of the one which closed its session in 
1861. 

The new liberal constitution of Venezuela having gone into effect 
with the universal acquiescence of the people, the government under 
it has been recognized, and diplomatic intercourse with it has been 
opened in a cordial and friendly spirit. The long-deferred Aves 
Island claim has been satisfactorily paid and discharged. 

Mutual payments have been made of the claims awarded by the 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 605 

late joint commission for the settlement of claims between the United 
States and Peru. An earnest and cordial friendship continues to 
exist between the two countries, and such efforts as were in my power 
have been used to remove misunderstanding, and avert a threatened 
war between Peru and Spain. 

Our relations are of the most friendly nature with Chili, the Argen- 
tine Republic, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Paraguay, San Salvador, and 
Hayti. 

During the past year no differences of any kind have arisen with 
any of these republics, and on the other hand, their sympathies with 
the United States are constantly expressed with cordiahty and 
earnestness. 

The claim arising from the seizure of the cargo of the brig Mace- 
donian in 1821 has been paid in full by the Government of Chili. 

Civil war continues in the Spanish part of San Domingo, appa- 
rently without prospect of an early close. 

Official correspondence has been freely opened with Liberia, and 
it gives us a pleasing view of social and political progress in that 
republic. It may be expected to derive new vigor from American 
influence, improved by the rapid disappearance of slavery in the 
United States. 

I solicit your authority to furnish to the republic a gunboat, at 
moderate cost, to be reimbursed to the United States by instal- 
ments. Such a vessel is needed for the safety of that State against 
the native African races, and in Liberian hands it would be more 
effective in arresting the African slave-trade than a squadron in our 
own hands. The possession of the least organized naval force would 
stimulate a generous ambition in the republic, and the confidence 
which we should manifest by furnishing it would win forbearance 
and favor toward the colony from all civilized nations. 

The proposed overland telegraph between America and Europe, 
by the way of Behring's Straits and Asiatic Russia, which was 
sanctioned by Congress at the last session, has been undertaken, un- 
der very favorable circumstances, b}^ an association of American 
citizens, with the cordial good-will and support as well of this gov- 
ernment as of those of Great Britain and Russia. Assurances have 
been received from most of the South American States of their high 
appreciation of the enterprise and their readiness to cooperate in 
constructing lines tributary to that world-encircling communication. 
I learn with much satisfaction that the noble design of a telegraphic 
communication between the eastern coast of America and Great 
Britain has been renewed, with full expectation of its early accom- 
plishment. 

Thus it is hoped that with the return of domestic peace the 
country will be able to resume with energy and advantage its former 
high career of commerce and civilization. 

Our very popular and estimable representative in Egypt died in 
April last. An unpleasant altercation which arose between the 
temporary incumbent of the office and the government of the Pasha, 
resulted in a suspension of intercourse. The evil was promptly cor- 
rected on the arrival of the successor in the consulate, and our rela- 



606 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

tions with Egypt, as well as our relations with the Barbary Powers, 
are entirely satisfactory. 

The rebellion which has so long been flagrant in China has at last 
been suppressed with the cooperating good offices of this government 
and of the other western commercial States. The judicial consular 
establishment there has become very difficult and onerous, and it 
will need legislative revision to adapt it to the extension of our com- 
merce and to the more intimate intercourse which has been insti- 
tuted with the government and people of that vast empire. China 
seems to be accepting with hearty good-will the conventional laws 
which regulate commercial and social intercourse among the west- 
ern nations. Owing to the peculiar situation of Japan and the 
anomalous form of its government, the action of that empire in 
performing treaty stipulations is inconstant and capricious. Never- 
theless, good progress has l^een effected by the western powers mov- 
ing with enlightened concert. Our own pecuniary claims have been 
allowed or put in course of settlement, and the inland sea has been 
reopened to commerce. There is reason also to believe that these 
proceedings have increased rather than diminished the friendship 
of Japan toward the United States. 

The ports of Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola have been 
opened by proclamation. It is hoped that foreign merchants will 
now consider whether it is not safer and more profitable to them- 
selves, as well as just to the United States, to resort to these and 
other open ports, than it is to pursue, through many hazards, and 
at vast cost, a contraband trade with other ports which are closed, 
if not by actual military occupation, at least by a lawful and effective 
blockade. 

For myself, I have no doubt of the power and duty of the execu- 
tive, under the law of nations, to exclude enemies of the human race 
from an asylum in the United States. If Congress should think that 
proceedings in such cases lack the authority of law, or ought to be 
further regulated by it, I recommend that provision be made for 
effectually preventing foreign slave-traders from acquiring domicile 
and facilities for their criminal occupation in our country. 

It is possible that if it were a new and open question, the mari- 
time powers, with the lights they now enjoy, would not concede the 
privileges of a naval belligerent to the insurgents of the United 
States, destitute as they are, and always have been, equally of ships- 
of-war and of ports and harbors. Disloyal emissaries have been 
neither less assiduous nor more successful during the last year than 
they were before that time in their efforts, under favor of that privi- 
lege, to embroil our country in foreign wars. The desire and de- 
termination of the governments of the maritime States to defeat that 
design are believed to be as sincere as, and cannot be more earnest 
than, our own. Nevertheless, unforeseen political difficulties have 
arisen, especially in Brazilian and British ports, and on the north- 
ern boundary of the United States, which have required, and are 
likely to continue to require, the practice of constant vigilance and 
a just and conciliatory spirit on the part of the United States, as 
well as of the nations concerned and their governments. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 607 

Commissioners have been appointed, under the treaty with Great 
Britain, on the adjustment of the claims of the Hudson's Bay and 
Puget's Sound Agricultural Companies in Oregon, and are now 
proceeding to the execution of the trust assigned to them. 

In view of the insecurity of life and property in the region adja- 
cent to the Canadian border, by reason of recent assaults and dep- 
redations committed by inimical and desperate persons who are 
harbored there, it has been thought proper to give notice that after 
the expiration of six months, the period conditionally stipulated in 
the existing arrangement with Great Britain, the United States 
must hold themselves at liberty to increase their naval armament 
upon the lakes if they shall find that proceeding necessary. The 
condition of the border will necessarily come into consideration in 
connection with the question of continuing or modifying the rights 
of transit from Canada through the United States, as well as the 
regulation of imposts, which were temporarily established by the 
Reciprocity Treaty of the 5th of June, 1854/ 

I desire, however, to be understood while making this statement, 
that the colonial authorities of Canada are not deemed to be inten- 
tionally unjust or unfriendly toward the United States ; but, on the 
contrary, there is every reason to expect that, with the approval of 
the Imperial Government, they will take the necessary measures to 
prevent new incursions across the border. 

The act passed at the last session for the encouragement of immi- 
gration has, so far as was possible, been put in operation. It seems 
to need amendment which will enable the officers of the government 
to prevent the practice of frauds against the immigrants while on 
their way and on their arrival in the ports, so as to secure them 
here a free choice of avocations and places of settlement. A liberal 
disposition toward this great national policy is manifested by most 
of the European States, and ought to be reciprocated on our part 
by giving the immigrants effective national protection. I regard 
our immigrants as one of the principal replenishing streams which 
are appointed by Providence to repair the ravages of internal war, 
and its wastes of national strength and health. All that is neces- 
sary is to secure the flow of that stream in its present fullness, and 
to that end the government must, in every way, make it manifest 
that it neither needs nor designs to impose involuntary military 
service upon those who come from other lands to cast their lot in 
our country. 

The financial affairs of the government have been successfully 
administered during the last year. The legislation of the last ses- 
sion of Congress has beneficially affected the revenues, although suf- 
ficient time has not yet elapsed to experience the full effect of several 
of the provisions of the acts of Congress imposing increased taxation. 

The receipts during the year, from all sources, upon the basis of 
warrants signed by the Secretary of the Treasury, including loans 
and the balance in the treasury on the first day of July, 1863, were 
$1,394,796,007.62, aiul the aggregate disbursements, upon the same 
basis, were $1,298,056,101.89, leaving a balance in the treasurv, as 
shown by warrants, of $96,739,905.73. 



608 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

Deduct from these amounts the amount of the principal of the 
public debt redeemed, and the amount of issues in substitution 
therefor, and the actual cash operations of the treasury were : re- 
ceipts, $884,076,646.57 ; disbursements, $865,234,087.86, which leaves 
a cash balance in the treasury of $18,842,558.71. 

Of the receipts, there were derived from customs, $102,316,152.99 ; 
from lands, $588,333.29 ; from direct taxes, $475,648.96 ; from inter- 
nal revenue, $109,741,134.10 ; from miscellaneous sources, $47,511,- 
448.10 ; and from loans applied to actual expenditures, including 
former balance, $623,443,929.13. 

There were disbursed for the civil service, $27,505,599.46; for 
pensions and Indians, $7,517,930.97 ; for the War Department, 
$690,791,842.97 ; for the Navy Department, $85,733,292.77 ; for in- 
terest on the public debt, $53,685,421.69, — making an aggregate of 
$865,234,087.86, and leaving a balance in the treasury of $18,842,- 
558.71, as before stated. 

For the actual receipts and disbursements for the first quarter, 
and the estimated receipts and disbursements for the three remain- 
ing quarters of the current fiscal year, and the general operations 
of the treasury in detail, I refer you to the report of the Secretary 
of the Treasury. I concur with him in the opinion that the pro- 
portion of moneys required to meet the expenses consequent 
upon the war derived from taxation should be still further in- 
creased ; and I earnestly invite your attention to this subject, to the 
end that there may be such additional legislation as shall be re- 
jquired to meet the just expectations of the Secretary. ----,-— 

The public debt on the first day of July last, as appears by the 
books of the treasury, amounted to $1,740,690,489.49. Probably, 
should the war continue for another year, that amount mciy be 
increased by not far from $500,000,000. Held as it is, for the 
most part, by our own people, it has become a substantial branch 
of national though private property. For obvious reasons, the 
more nearly this property can be distributed among all the people, 
the better. To favor such general distribution, greater induce- 
ments to become owners might, perhaps, with good effect, and 
without injury, be presented to persons of limited means. With 
this view, I suggest whether it might not be both competent and ex- 
pedient for Congress to provide that a limited amount of some 
future issue of public securities might be held by any bona-fide pur- 
chaser exempt from taxation, and from seizure for debt under such 
restrictions and limitations as might be necessary to guard against 
abuse of so important a privilege. This would enable every pru- 
dent person to set aside a small annuity against a possible day 
of want. 

Privileges like these would render the possession of such secur- 
ities, to the amount limited, most desirable to every person of 
small means who might be able to save enough for tlie purpose. 
The great advantage of citizens being creditors as well as debtors, 
with relation to the public debt, is obvious. Men readily perceive 
that they cannot be much oppressed by a debt which ttiey owe to 
themselves. . 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 609 

The public debt on the first day of July last, although somewhat 
exceeding the estimate of the Secretary of the Treasury made to 
Congress at the commencement of the last session, falls sliort of the 
estimate of that officer made in the preceding December, as to 
its probable amount at the beginning of this year, by the sum of 
$3,995,097.31. This fact exhibits a satisfactory condition and con- 
duct of the operations of the treasury. •>„_-— -v 
f"~TYie national banking system is proving to be acceptable to ] 
capitalists and to the people. On the twenty-fifth day of Novem- I 
ber 584 national banks had been organized, a considerable number 
of which were conversions from State banks. Changes from State 
systems to the national system are rapidly taking place, and it is 
hoped that very soon there will be in the United States no banks of 
issue not authorized by Congress, and no bank-note circulation not 
secured by the government. That the government and the people 
will derive great benefit from this change in the banking systems of 
the country, can hardly be questioned. The national system will 
create a reliable and permanent influence in support of the national 
credit, and protect the people against losses in the use of paper 
money. Whether or not any further legislation is advisable for the 
suppression of State bank issues, it will be for Congress to deter- 
mine. It seems quite clear that the treasury cannot be satisfac- 
torily conducted unless the government can exercise a restraining 
power over the bank-note circulation of the country. 
-^The report of the Secretary of War and the accompanying 
documents will detail the campaigns of the armies in the field since 
the date of the last annual message, and also the operations of 
the several administrative bureaus of the War Department during the 
last year. It will also specify the measures deemed essential for the 
national defense, and to keep up and supply the requisite military 
force. 

The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents a comprehensive 
and satisfactory exhibit of the affairs of that department and of the 
naval service. It is a subject of congratulation and laudable pride 
to our countrymen that a navy of such vast proportions has been 
organized in so brief a period, and conducted with so much efficiency 
and success. The general exhil)it of the navy, including vessels 
under construction on the 1st of December, 1864, shows a total of 
671 vessels, carrying 4610 guns, and 510,396 tons, being an actual 
increase during the year, over and above all losses by shipwreck or 
in battle, of 83 vessels, 167 guns, and 42,427 tons. 

The total number of men at this time in the naval service, includ- 
ing officers, is about 51,000. 

There have been captured by the navy during the year, 324 ves- 
sels, and the whole number of naval captures since hostilities com- 
menced is 1379, of which 267 are steamei's. 

The gross proceeds arising from the sale of condemned prize 
property thus far reported amounts to $14,396,250.51. A large 
amount of such proceeds is still under adjudication and yet to be 
reported. 

The total expenditure of the Navy Department of every descrip- 
VoL. II.— 39. 



610 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

tion, including the cost of the immense squadrons that have been 
called into existence from the 4th of March, 1861, to the 1st of 
November, 1864, is $238,647,262.35. 

Your favorable consideration is invited to the various recom- 
mendations of the Secretary of the Navy, especially in regard to a 
navy-yard and suitable establishment for the construction and re- 
pair of iron vessels, and the machinery and armature for our ships, 
to which reference was made in my last annual message. 

Your attention is also invited to the views expressed in the re- 
port in relation to the legislation of Congress, at its last session, in 
respect to prize on our inland waters. 

I cordially concur in the recommendations of the Secretary as to 
the propriety of creating the new rank of vice-admiral in our naval 
service. 

Your attention is invited to the report of the Postmaster-General 
for a detailed account of the operations and financial condition of 
the Post-office Department. 

The postal revenues for the year ending June 30, 1864, amounted 
to $12,438,253.78, and the expenditures to $12,644,786.20 ; the ex- 
cess of expenditures over receipts being $206,532.42. 

The views presented by the Postmaster-General on the subject of 
special grants by the government, in aid of the establishment of 
new lines of ocean mail steamships, and the policy he recommends 
for the development of increased commercial intercourse with ad- 
jacent and neighboring countries, should receive the careful con- 
sideration of Congress. 

It is of noteworthy interest that the steady expansion of popula- 
tion, improvement, and governmental institutions over the new and 
unoccupied portions of our country have scarcely been checked, 
much less impeded or destroyed, by our great civil war, which at 
first glance would seem to have absorbed almost the entire energies 
of the nation. 

The organization and admission of the State of Nevada has been 
completed in conformity with law, and thus our excellent system 
is firmly established in the mountains which once seemed a barren 
and uninhabitable waste between the Atlantic States and those 
which have grown up on the coast of the Pacific Ocean. 

The Territories of the Union are generally in a condition of 
prosperity and rapid growth. Idaho and Montana, by reason of 
their great distance and the interruption of communication with 
them by Indian hostilities, have been only partially organized ; but 
it is understood that these difficulties are about to disappear, which 
will permit their governments, like those of the others, to go into 
speedy and full operation. 

As intimately connected with and promotive of this material 
growth of the nation, I ask the attention of Congress to the valuable 
information and important recommendations relating to the public 
lands, Indian affairs, the Pacific Railroad, and mineral discoveries 
contained in the report of the Secretary of the Interior, which is 
herewith transmitted, and which report also embraces the subjects 
of patents, pensions, and other topics of public interest pertaining 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 611 

to his department. The quantity of public land disposed of during 
the five quarters ending on the 30th of September last was 4,221,- 
342 acres, of which 1,538,614 acres were entered under the home- 
stead law. The remainder was located with military land warrants, 
agricultural scrip certified to States for railroads, and sold for cash. 
The cash received from sales and location fees was $1,019,446. 

The income from sales during the fiscal year ending June 30, 
1864, was $678,007.21, against $136,077.95 received during the pre- 
ceding year. The aggregate number of acres surveyed during the 
year has been equal to the quantity disposed of, and there is open to 
settlement about 133,000,000 acres of surveyed land. 

The great enterprise of connecting the Atlantic with the Pacific 
States by railways and telegraph lines has been entered upon with a 
vigor that gives assurance of success, notwithstanding the embar- 
rassments arising from the prevailing high prices of materials and 
labor. The route of the main line of the road has been definitely 
located for one hundred miles westward from the initial point at 
Omaha City, Nebraska, and a preliminary location of the Pacific 
Railroad of California has been made from Sacramento, eastward, to 
the great bend of Truckee River, in Nevada. 

Numerous discoveries of gold, silver, and cinnabar mines have 
been added to the many heretofore known, and the country occu- 
pied by the Sierra Nevada and Rocky Mountains and the subordi- 
nate ranges now teems with enterprising labor which is richly 
remunerative. It is believed that the product of the mines of pre- 
cious metals in that region has, during the year, reached, if not ex- 
ceeded, $100,000,000 in value. 

It was recommended in my last annual message that our Indian 
system be remodeled. Congress, at its last session, acting upon the 
recommendation, did provide for reorganizing the system in Cali- 
fornia, and it is believed that under the present organization the 
management of the Indians there will be attended with reasonable 
success. Much yet remains to be done to provide for the proper 
government of the Indians in other parts of the country, to render 
it secure for the advancing settler and to provide for the welfare of 
the Indian. The Secretary reiterates his recommendations, and to 
them the attention of Congress is invited. 

The liberal provisions made by Congress for paying pensions to 
invalid soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and to the widows, or- 
phans, and dependent mothers of those who have fallen in battle, or 
died of disease contracted, or of wounds received, in the service of 
their country, have been diligently administered. 

There have been added to the pension-rolls, during the year end- 
ing the thirtieth day of June last, the names of 16,770 invalid sol- 
diers, and of 271 disabled seamen ; making the present number of 
army invalid pensioners, 22,767, and of navy invalid pensioners, 712. 

Of widows, orphans, and mothers, 22,198 have been placed on the 
army pension-rolls, and 248 on the navy-rolls. The present number 
of army pensioners of this class is 25,433, and of navy pension- 
ers, 793. At the beginning of the year, the number of Revolu- 
tionary pensioners was 1430 ; only twelve of them were soldiers, of 



612 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN ^ 

whom seven have since died. The remainder are those who under 
the hxw receive pensions because of relationship to Revolutionary 
soldiers. During the year ending the 30th of June, 1864, $4,504,- 
616.92 have been paid to pensioners of all classes. 

I cheerfully commend to your continued patronage the benevolent 
institutions of the District of Columbia, which have hitherto been 
established or fostered by Congress, and respectfully refer for infor- 
mation concerning them, and in relation to the Washington aque- 
duct, the Capitol, and other matters of local interest, to the report 
of the Secretary. 

The Agricultural Department, under the supervision of its present 
energetic and faithful head, is rapidly commending itself to the great 
and vital interest it was created to advance. It is peculiarly the peo- 
ple's department, in which they feel more directly concerned than in 
any other. I commend it to the continued attention and fostering 
care of Congress. 

The war continues. Since the last annual message, all the impor- 
tant lines and positions then occupied by our forces have been main- 
tained, and our arms have steadily advanced, thus liberating the 
regions left in rear ; so that Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and parts 
of other States have again produced reasonably fair crops. 

The most remarkable feature in the military operations of the 
year is Greneral Sherman's attempted march of three hundred miles, 
directly through the insurgent region. It tends to show a great in- 
crease of our relative strength, that our general-in-chief should feel 
able to confront and hold in check every active force of the enemy, 
and yet to detach a well-appointed large army to move on such an 
expedition. The result not yet being known, conjecture in regard 
to it is not here indulged. 

Important movements have also occurred during the year to the 
effect of molding society for durability in the Union. Although 
short of complete success, it is much in the right direction that 
12,000 citizens in each of the States of Arkansas and Louisiana have 
organized loyal State governments, with free constitutions, and are 
earnestly struggling to maintain and administer them. The move- 
ments in the same direction, more extensive though less definite, in 
Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee, should not be overlooked. But 
Maryland presents the example of complete success. Maryland is 
secure to liberty and Union for all the future. The genius of rebel- 
lion will no more claim Maryland. Like another foul spirit, being 
driven out, it may seek to tear her, but it will woo her no more. 

At the last session of Congress a proposed amendment of the 
Constitution, abolishing slavery throughout the United States, passed 
the Senate, but failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the 
House of Representatives. Although the present is the same Con- 
gress, and nearly the same members, and without questioning the 
wisdom or patriotism of those who stood in opposition, I venture to 
recommend the reconsideration and passage of the measure at the 
present session. Of course the abstract question is not changed, but 
an intervening election shows, almost certainly, that the next Con- 
gress will pass the measure if this does not. Hence there is only a 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 613 

question of time as to when the proposed amendment will go to the 
States for their action. And as it is to so go, at all events, may we 
not agree that the sooner the better? It is not claimed that the 
election has imposed a duty on members to change their views or 
their votes any further than as an additional element to be con- 
sidered, their judgment may be affected by it. It is the voice of the 
people now for the first time heard upon the question. In a great 
national crisis like ours, unanimity of action among those seeking 
a common end is very desirable — almost indispensable. And yet no 
approach to such unanimity is attainable unless some deference shall 
be paid to the will of the majority, simply because it is the will of 
the majority. In this case the common end is the maintenance of the 
Union, and among the means to secure that end, such will, through 
the election, is most clearly declared in favor of such constitutional 
amendment. 

The most reliable indication of public pnrpose in this country is 
derived through our popular elections. Judging by the recent can- 
vass and its result, the purpose of the people within the loyal States 
to maintain the integrity of the Union, was never more firm nor more 
nearly unanimous than now. The extraordinary calmness and good 
order with which the millions of voters met and mingled at the polls- 
give strong assurance of this. Not only all those who supported the 
Union ticket, so called, but a great majority of the opposing party 
also, may be fairly claimed to entertain, and to be actuated by, the 
same purpose. It is an unanswerable argument to this effect, that 
no candidate for any office whatever, high or low, has ventured to 
seek votes on the avowal that he was for giving up the Union. 
There has been much impugning of motives, and much heated con- 
troversy as to the proper means and best mode of advancing the 
Union cause ; but on the distinct issue of Union or no Union the 
politicians have shown their instinctive knr)wledge that there is no 
diversity among the people. In affording the people the fair oppor- 
tunity of showing one to another and to the world this firmness and 
unanimity of purpose, the election has been of vast value to the 
national cause. 

The election has exhibited another fact, not less valuable to be 
known — the fact that we do not approach exhaustion in the most 
important branch of national resources — that of living men. 
While it is melancholy to reflect that the war has filled so many 
graves, and carried mourning to so many hearts, it is some relief to 
know that compared with the surviving, the fallen have been so few. 
While corps, and divisions, and brigades, and regiments have formed, 
and fought, and dwindled, and gone out of existence, a great majority 
of the men who composed them are still living. The same is true of 
the naval service. The election returns prove this. So many voters 
could not else be found. The States regulai'ly holding elections, 
both now and four years ago — to w4t: California, Connecticut, Dela- 
ware, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massa- 
chusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New Hampshire, New 
Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, 
Vermont, West Virginia, and Wisconsin — cast 3,982,011 votes now, 



614 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

against 3,870,222 cast then; showing an aggregate now of 3,982,011, 
To this is to be added 33,762 cast now in the new States of Kansas 
and Nevada, which States did not vote in 1860; thus swelling the 
aggregate to 4,015,773, and the net increase during the three years 
and a half of war, to 145,551. A table is appended, showing par- 
ticulars. To this again should be added the number of all soldiers 
in the field from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Dela- 
ware, Indiana, Illinois, and California, who by the laws of those 
States could not vote away from their homes, and which number can- 
not be less than 90,000. Nor yet is this all. The number in organ- 
ized Territories is triple now what it was four years ago, while 
thousands, white and black, join us as the national arms press back 
the insurgent lines. So much is shown, affirmatively and negatively, 
by the election. 

It is not material to inquire how the increase has been produced, 
or to show that it would have been greater but for the war, which is 
probably true. The important fact remains demonstrated that we 
have more men now than we had when the war began; that we are 
not exhausted, nor in process of exhaustion; that we are gaining 
strength, and may, if need be, maintain the contest indefinitely. 
This as to men. Material resources are now more complete and 
abundant than ever. 

The national resources, then, are unexhausted, and, as we believe, 
inexhaustible. The public purpose to reestablish and maintain the 
national authority is unchanged, and, as we believe, unchangeable. 
The manner of continuing the effort remains to choose. On care- 
ful consideration of all the evidence accessible, it seems to me that 
no attempt at negotiation with the insurgent leader could result in 
any good. He would accept nothing short of sevei-ance of the 
Union — precisely what we will not and cannot give. His declara- 
tions to this effect are explicit and oft repeated. He does not at- 
tempt to deceive us. He affords us no excuse to deceive ourselves. 
He cannot voluntarily re-accept the Union ; we cannot voluntarily 
yield it. 

Between him and us the issue is distinct, simple, and inflexible. 
It is an issue which can only be tried by war, and decided by victory. 
If we yield, we are beaten ; if the Southern people fail him, he is 
beaten. Either way it would be the victory and defeat following 
war. What is true, however, of him who heads the insurgent cause, 
is not necessarily true of those who follow. Although he cannot re- 
accept the Union, they can. Some of them, we know, already desire 
peace and reunion. The number of such may increase. 

They can at any moment have peace simply by laying down their 
arms and submitting to the national authority under the Constitu- 
tion. After so much the government could not, if it would, main- 
tain war against them. The loyal people would not sustain or 
allow it. If questions should remain, we would adjust them by the 
peaceful means of legislation, conference, courts, and votes, operat- 
ing only in constitutional and lawful channels. Some certain, and 
other possible, questions are, and would be, beyond the executive 
power to adjust; as, for instance, the admission of members into 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 615 

Congress, and whatever might require the appropriation of money. 
The executive power itself woukl be greatly diminished by the 
cessation of actual war. Pardons and remissions of foi-feitures, 
however, would still be within executive control. In what spirit 
and temper this control would be exercised, can be fairly judged 
of by the past. 

A year ago general pardon and amnesty, upon specified terms, 
were offered to all except certain designated classes, and it was a^- 
the same time made known that the excepted classes were stil 
within contemplation of special clemency. During the year manj 
availed themselves of the general provision, and many more would 
only that the signs of bad faith in some led to such precautionary, 
measures as rendered the practical process less easy and certain. 
During the same time, also, special pardons have been granted to 
individuals of the excepted classes, and no voluntary application 
has been denied. 

Thus, practically, the door has been for a full year open to all, 
except such as were not in condition to make free choice — that is, 
such as were in custody or under constraint. It is still so open to 
all; but the time may come — probably will come — when public 
duty shall demand that it be closed ; and that in lieu more rigorous 
measures than heretofore shall be adopted. 

In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the national 
authority on the part of the insurgents as the only indispensable 
condition to ending the war on the part of the government, I retract 
nothing heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the declaration 
made a year ago, that "while I remain in my present position I 
shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclama- 
tion, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the 
terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress." 

If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an 
executive duty to reenslave such persons, another, and not I, must 
be theii" instrument to perform it. 

In stating a single condition of peace, I mean simply to say, that 
the war wUl cease on the part of the government whenever it shall 
have ceased on the part of those who began it. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

December 6, 1864. 



December 6, 1864. — Response to a Serenade. 

Friends and Fellow-citizens : I believe I shall never be old 
enough to speak without embarrassment when I have nothing to 
talk about. I have no good news to tell you, and yet I have no bad 
news to tell. We have talked of elections until there is nothing 
more to say about them. The most interesting news we now have 
is from Sherman. We all know where he went in, but I can't tell 
where he will come out. I will now close by proposing three cheers 
for General Sherman and his army. 



616 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



December 6, 1864.— = Nomination op Chief Justice Chase. 

Washington, D. C, December 6, 1864. 
To the Senate of the United States: I nominate Sabiion P. Chase, 
of Ohio, to be Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United 
States, vice Roger B. Taney deceased. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



December 12, 1864. — Letter to General E. R. S. Canby. 

Executive Mansion. Washington, December 12, 1864. 
Major-GtENeral Canby : 

I think it is probable that you are laboring under some misappre- 
hension as to the purpose, or rather the motive, of the government 
on two points — cotton, and the new Louisiana State government. 

It is conceded that the military operations are the first in im- 
portance ; and as to what is indispensable to these operations, the 
department commander must be judge and master. 

But the other matters mentioned I suppose to be of public im- 
portance also ; and what I have attempted in regard to them is not 
merely a concession to private interest and pecuniary greed. 

As to cotton. By the external blockade, the price is made cer- 
tainly six times as great as it was. And yet the enemy gets through 
at least one-sixth part as much in a given period, say a year, as if 
there were no blockade, and receives as much for it as he would for 
a full crop in time of peace. The effect, in substance, is, that we 
give him six ordinary crops without the trouble of producing any 
but the first ; and at the same time leave his fields and his laborers 
free to produce provisions. You know how this keeps up his armies 
at home and procures supplies from abroad. For other reasons we 
cannot give up the blockade, and hence it becomes immensely im- 
portant to us to get the cotton away from him. Better give him 
guns for it than let him, as now, get both guns and ammunition for 
it. But even this only presents part of the public interest to get 
out cotton. Our finances are greatly involved in the matter. The 
way cotton goes now carries so much gold out of the country as to 
leave us paper currency only, and that so far depreciated as that for 
every hard dollar's worth of supplies we obtain, we contract to jiay 
two and a half hard dollars hereafter. This is much to be regretted; 
and, while I believe we can live through it, at all events it demands 
an earnest effort on the part of all to correct it. And if pecuniary 
greed can be made to aid us in such effort, let us be thankful that 
so much good can be got out of pecuniary greed. 

As to the new State government of Louisiana. Most certainly 
there is no worthy object in getting up a piece of machinery merely 
to pay salaries and give political consideration to certain men. But 
it is a worthy object to again get Louisiana into proper practical re- 
lations with the nation, and we can never finish this if we never be- 
gin it. Much good work is already done, and surely nothing can be 
gained by throwing it away. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 617 

I do uot wish either cotton or the new State government to take 
precedence of the military while the necessity for the military re- 
mains ; but there is a strong public reason for treating each with so 
much favor as may not be substantially detriment al to the military. 

Allow me a word of explanation in regard to the telegram which 
you kindly forwarded to Adnnral Farragut for me. 

That telegram was prompted by a piece of secret information in- 
ducing me to suspect that the use of a forged paper might be at- 
tempted on the admiral, in order to base a claim that we had raised 
our own blockade. 

I am happy in the hope that you are almost well of your late and 
severe wound. Yours very truly, j^ Lincoln. 

December 13, 1864.— Telegram to General L. Wallace. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 13, 1864. 
Major-General Wallace, Baltimore, Maryland : 

Do not send Levin L. Waters and the judges away until further 
order ; and send me at once a statement of the cause or causes for 
which they are dealt with, ^ Lincoln 



December 13, 1864. — Telegram to General G. M. Dodge. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 13, 1864. 
Major-General Dodge, St. Louis, Missouri : 

Please suspend the sending South of Mrs. Nancy H. Thompson, 
wife of Gideon H. Thompson, of Platte County, Missouri, but now 
in the rebel army, until further order; and in the mean time ascer- 
tain and report to me whether there is anything, and what, against 
her, except that her husband is a rebel. ^ Lincoln 

December 16, 1864.— Telegram to General G. H. Thomas. 

Washington, D. C, December 16, 1864. 11.30 a. m. 
Major-General Thomas, Nashville, Tennessee : 

Please accept for yourself, officers, and men, the nation's thanks 
for your good work of yesterday. You made a magnificent begin- 
ning; a grand consummation is within your easy reach. Do uot 
let it slip. j^ Lincoln. 

December 19, 1864.— Call for 300,000 Volunteers. 

By the President op the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, by the act approved July 4, 1864, entitled "An act 
further to regulate and provide for the enrolling and calling out the 



618 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

national forces, and for other purposes/' it is provided that the 
President of the United States may, " at his discretion, at any time 
hereafter, call for any number of men as volunteers for the respec- 
tive terms of one, two, and three years, for military service," and 
'' that in case the quota, or any part thereof, of any town, township, 
ward of a city, precinct, or election district, or of any county not 
so subdivided, shall not be filled within the space of fifty days after 
such call, then the President shall immediately order a draft for one 
year to fill such quota, or any part thereof which may be unfilled." 

And whereas, by the credits allowed in accordance with the act of 
Congress, on the call for 500,000 men, made July 18, 1864, the num- 
ber of men to be obtained under that call was reduced to 280,000 ; 
and whereas the operations of the enemy in certain States have 
rendered it impracticable to procure from them their full quotas of 
troops under said call; and whereas, from the foregoing causes 
but 240,000 men have been put into the army, navy, and marine 
corps under the said call of July 18, 1864, leaving a deficiency on 
that call of 260,000 ; 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States of America, in order to supply the aforesaid deficiency, and 
to provide for casualties in the military and naval service of the 
United States, do issue this my call for 300,000 volunteers to serve 
for one, two, or three years. The quotas of the States, districts, 
and subdistricts, under this call, will be assigned by the War De- 
partment, through the Bureau of the Provost-Marshal-General of 
the United States, and "in case the quota, or any part thereof, of 
any town, township, ward of a city, precinct, or election district, or 
of any county not so subdivided, shall not be filled" before the fif- 
teenth day of February, 1865, then a draft shall be made to fill such 
quota, or any part thereof, under this call, which may be unfilled on 
said fifteenth day of February, 1865. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused 
the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of 
r n December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
L -I dred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United 
States the eighty-ninth. Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : Willia]\i H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



December 19, 1864. — Telegrams to General L. Wallace. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 19, 1864. 
Major-General Wallace: 

Several days ago I sent you a despatch directing that one Waters 
and two oth^ers should not be sent away immediately, and ask- 
ing you to send me a statement of the cause or causes of your ac- 
tion in regard to them. I have received nothing from you on the 
subject. May I again ask for such a statement, and also where the 
men now are? A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 619 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 19, 1864. 
Major-General Wallace, Baltimore, Maryland : 

To whom were the reports sent? I have not received them. 

A. Lincoln. 

December 19, 1864.— Letter to Soldiers' Fair at Springfield, 

Massachusetts. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 19, 1864. 
To the Ladies Managing the. Soldiers' Fair at Springfield, 
Massachusetts: 
Your kind invitation to be present at the opening of your fair is 
duly received by the hand of Mr. Ashmun. Grateful for the compli- 
ment, and ever anxious to aid the good cause in which you are 
engaged, I yet am compelled, by public duties here, to decline. The 
recent good news from Generals Sherman, Thomas, and, indeed, 
from nearly all quarters, will be far better than my presence, and 
will afford all the impulse and enthusiasm you will need. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

December 19, 1864. — Letter to J. H. Choate. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 19, 1864. 
Joseph H. Choate, Esq. 

3Iy dear Sir : 1 have the honor to acknowledge the reception of 
your kind invitation to be present at the annual festival of the New 
England Society to commemorate the landing of the Pilgrims, on 
Thursday, the 22d of this month. 

My duties will not allow me to avail myself of your kindness. 

I cannot but congratulate you and the country, however, upon the 
spectacle of devoted unanimity presented by the people at home, the 
citizens that form our marching columns, and the citizens that fill 
our squadrons on the sea, all animated by the same determination to 
complete the work our fathers began and transmitted. 

The work of the Plymouth emigrants was the glory of their age. 
While we reverence their memory, let us not forget how vastly 
greater is our opportunity. I am, very truly, 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

December 21,1864. — Letters to General B. F. Butler. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 21, 1864. 
Major-General Butler: 

On the 9th of August last, I began to write you a letter, the in- 
closed being a copy of so much as I then wrote. So far as it goes it 
embraces the views I then entertained and still entertain. 



620 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

A little relaxation of complaints made to me on the subject, 
occurring about that time, the letter was not finished and sent. I 
now learn, correctly I suppose, that you have ordered an election, 
similar to the one mentioned, to take place on the eastern shore of 
Virginia. Let this be suspended at least until conference with me 
and obtaining my approval. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



[Inclosnre.] 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 9, 1864. 
Major-General Butler: 

Your paper of the about Norfolk matters, is received, as 

also was your other, on the same general subject, dated, I believe, 
some time in February last. This subject has caused considerable 
trouble, forcing me to give a good deal of time and reflection to it. 
I regret that crimination and recrimination are mingled in it. I 
surely need not to assure you that I have no doubt of your loyalty 
and devoted patriotism -, and I nnist tell you that I have no less 
confidence in those of Governor Pierj)oint and the Attorney-General. 
The former — at first as the loyal governor of all Virginia, including 
that which is now West Virginia, in organizing and furnishing 
troops, and in all other proper matters — was as earnest, honest, and 
efficient to the extent of his means as any other loyal governor. 

The inauguration of West Virginia as a new State left to him, as 
he assumed, the remainder of the old State ; and the insignificance 
of the parts which are outside of the rebel lines, and consequently 
within his reach, certainly gives a somewhat farcical air to his do- 
minion, and I suppose he, as well as I, has considered that it could 
be useful for little else than as a nucleus to add to. The Attorney- 
General only needs to be known to be relieved from all question as 
to loyalty and thorough devotion to the national cause, constantly 
restraining as he does my tendency to clemency for rebels and rebel 
sympathizers. But he is the law-officer of the government, and a 
believer in the virtue of adhering to law. 

Coming to the question itself, the military occupancy of Norfolk 
is a necessity with us. If you, as department commander, find the 
cleansing of the city necessary to prevent pestilence in your army; 
street-lights and a fire-department necessary to ])revent assassina- 
tions and incendiarism among your men and stores; wharfage 
necessary to land and ship men and supplies ; a large pauperism, 
badly conducted at a needlessly large expense to the government ; 
and find also that these things, or any of them, are not reasonably 
well attended to by the civil government, you rightfully may and 
must take them into your own hands. But you should do so on your 
own avowed judgment of a military necessity, and not seem to ad- 
mit that there is no such necessity by taking a vote of the people on 
the question. 

Nothing justifies the suspending of the civil by the military 
authority, but military necessity ; and of the existence of that neces- 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 621 

sity, the military commander, and not a popular vote, is to decide. 
And whatever is^not within such necessity should be left undisturbed. 

In your paper of February you fairly notified me that you con- 
templated taking a popular vote, and, if fault there be, it was my 
fault that I did not object then, which I probably should have done 
had I studied the subject as closely as I have since done. I now 
think you would better place whatever you feel is necessary to be 
done on this distinct ground of military necessity, openly discard- 
ing all reliance for what you do on any election. I also think you 
should so keep accounts as to show every item of money received 
and how expended. 

The course here indicated does not touch the case when the mili- 
tary commander, finding no friendly civil government existing, 
may, under the sanction or direction of the President, give assis- 
tance to the people to inaugurate one. 



December 23, 1864.— Order to Commanders. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 23, 1864. 
All military and naval commanders will please give to James 
Harrison, Esq., of St. Louis, Missouri (with any number of 
steamboats not exceeding three, taking in tow any number of 
barges, scows, flats, and the like, not having steam-power, which 
they may be able to so take, with such goods and money as the 
treasury agents may grant permits for, under the rules of the De- 
partmeiat and none other, and only with crews to navigate the whole, 
and necessary provisions for himself and said crews), protection 
and safe conduct from New Orleans or Memphis to Red River, and 
up said river and its tributaries, till he shall pass beyond our mili- 
tary lines ; and also give him such protection and safe conduct on 
his" return to our lines, back to New Orleans or Memphis, with any 
cargoes he may bring; and on his safe return from beyond our lines, 
with said boats and tows, allow him to repeat once or twice if he 
shall desire. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



December 24, 1864.— Telegraj\i to J. McClernand. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 24, 1864. 
John McClernand, Nashville, Tennessee : 

A letter of yours is laid before me, in which you seek to have 
John S. Young, James Mallory, and R. T. Bridges released, adding: 
" My word for it, they are innocent." It is fair to presume that you 
would not say this without knowing what you say to be true ; but a 
telegraphic despatch of Governor Johnson, now before me, says 
this very man Mallory "has been guilty of the most outrageous and 
atrocious murders known to civilization," and that the " punishment 
of death is not half atonement for the crimes he has committed on 
the defenseless and unoffending Union men of the county." As I 



622 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

know Governor Johnson would not purposely mislead me, I think 
it will be well for you to communicate the particulars of your infor- 
mation to him. ^^ Lincoln. 



December 26, 1864. — Letter to General W. T. Sherman, 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 26, 1864. 

Mij dear General Sherman : Many, many thanks for your Christ- 
mas gift, the capture of Savannah. 

When you were about leaving Atlanta for the Atlantic coast, I 
was anxious, if not fearful ; but feeling that you were the better 
judge, and remembering that " nothing risked, nothing gained," I 
did not interfere. Now, the undertaking being a success, the honor 
is all yours ; for I believe none of us went further than to acquiesce. 

And taking the work of General Thomas into the count, as it 
should be taken, it is indeed a great success. Not onlj' does it 
afford the obvious and immediate military advantages; but in 
showing to the world that your army could be divided, putting the 
stronger part to an important new service, and yet leaving enough 
to vanquish the old opposing force of the whole, — Hood's army, — it 
brings those who sat in darkness to see a great light. But what 
next? 

I suppose it will be safe if I leave General Grant and yourself to 
decide. 

Please make my grateful acknowledgments to your whole army 
—officers and men. Yours very truly, j^ Lincoln. 



December 27, 1864. — Letter to J. Maclean. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 27, 1864. 
Dr. John Maclean. 

My dear Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the reception of 
your note of the 20th of December, conveying the announcement 
that the trustees of the College of New Jersey had conferred upon 
me the degree of Doctor of Laws. 

The assurance conveyed by this high compliment, that the course 
of the government which I represent has received the approval of 
a body of gentlemen of such character and intelligence, in this time 
of public trial is most grateful to me. 

Thoughtful men must feel that the fate of civilization upon this 
continent is involved in the issue of our contest. Among the most 
gratifying proofs of this conviction is the hearty devotion every- 
where exhil)ited by our schools and colleges to the national cause. 

I am most thankful if my labors have seemed to conduct to the 
preservation of those institutions under which alone we can expect 
good government — and in its train, sound learning and the progress 
of the liberal arts. 

I am, sir, very truly, your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 623 

December 28, 1864.— Pass for F. P. Blair, Sr. 

Allow the bearer, F. P. Blair, Sr., to pass our lines, go South, 
and return. ^ Lincoln. 

December 28, 1864. 

December 28, 1864.— Telegrajvi to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, D. C, December 28, 1864. 5.30 p. m. 
Lie UTEN ant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

If there be no objection, please tell me what you now understand 
of the Wilmington expedition, present and prospective. 

A. Lincoln. 

December 28, 1864.— Telegraji to General B. F. Butler. 

Washington, D. C, December 28, 1864. 
Ma.jor- General Butler, Fort Monroe, Virginia : 

I think you will find that the provost-marshal on the eastern 
shore has, as by your authority, issued an order, not for a meeting, 
but for an election. The order, printed in due form, was shown to 
me, but as I did not retain it, I cannot give you a copy. If the 
people, on theii- own motion, wislkto hold a peaceful meeting, I sup- 
pose you need not to hinder them. ^ Lincoln 

December 29, 1864. — Letter to Attorney-General Speed. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, December 29, 1864. 
Hon. Attorney-General: 

Please give me your opinion, in writing, whether the Secretary of 
the Navy, or any of his subordinates, is bound in law, on application 
of individuals, to furnish exemplified copies of records, or parts of 
records, of naval courts-martial on file in the Navy Department. 

Also, whether the Secretary of the Navy, or anv of his subordi- 
nates, is bound in law to answer to a commission of a State court, 
directing the taking of his or their testimony as to the contents of 
records of naval courts-martial on file in the Navy Department. 

Abrahajm Lincoln. 

January 2, 1865.— Note to Chief Justice Chase. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 2, 1865. 
Chief Justice Chase. 

My dear Sir : Without your note of to-dav, I should have felt 
assured that some sufficient reason had detained you. 

Allow me to condole with you in the sad bereavement you 
mention. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



624 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



January 5, 1865. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

To the House of Representatives of the United States : I herewith 
return to your honorable body, in which it originated, a '' joint 
resolution to correct certain clerical errors in the internal revenue 
act," without my approval. 

My reason for so doing is that I am informed that this joint 
resolution was prepared during the last moments of the last session 
of Congress for the purpose of correcting certain errors of reference 
in the internal revenue act, which were discovered on an examina- 
tion of an official copy procured from the State Department a few 
hours only before the adjournment. It passed the House and went 
to the Senate, where a vote was taken upon it, but by some accident 
it was not presented to the President of the Senate for his signature. 

Since the adjournment of the last session of Congress, other 
errors of a kind similar to those which this resolution was designed 
to correct, have been discovered in the law, and it is now thought 
most expedient to include all the necessary corrections in one act 
or resolution. 

The attention of the proper committee of the House has, I am in- 
formed, been already directed to the preparation of a bill for this 
purpose. Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, January 5, 1865. 



January 5, 1865. — Letter to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 5, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

Richard T. Jacob, Lieutenant-Governor of Kentucky, is at the 
Spotswood House, in Richmond, under an order of General Bur- 
bridge not to return to Kentucky. Please eomraunicate leave to 
him to pass our lines, and come to me here at Washington. 

A. Lincoln. 



January 6, 1865.— Letter to General N. J. T. Dana. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 6, 1865. 
Major-General Dana: 

The attached document, purporting to be an order issued by your 
authority, is sent you with the request that you will inform me 
whether such order has been issued by you, and if it has, please in- 
form me by what authority it is that you undertake to impose terms 
in the premises not imposed by the government, and which in effect 
entirely thwart and defeat the object of the government. 

It is suggested that if executing in good faith the order of the 
government in the matter in question, or any other matter, operates 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 625 

injuriously to the military service, it would be proper for you to 
report to the government fully upon it, and that would be the only 
proper course. Yours, 

A. Lincoln. 



January 7, 1865. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Congress 
a copy of two treaties between the United States and Belgium, for 
the extinguishment of the Scheldt dues, etc., concluded on the 20th 
of May, 1863, and the 20th of July, 1863, respectively, the ratifica- 
tions of which were exchanged kt Brussels on the 24th of June last ; 
and I recommend an appropriation to carry into effect the provis- 
ions thereof relative to the payment of the proportion of the United 
States toward the capitalization of the said dues. 

Abrahajm Lincoln. 

Washington, January 7, 1865. 



January 7, 1865. — Telegram to R. L. Ferguson. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 7, 1865. 
R. L. Ferguson, Provost-Marshal, Warrensburg, Missouri : 

Suspend, until further order, proceedings to enforce a bond given 
by Hickliu, Hicklin & Spratt. It is not my view of the law 
that provost-marshals are to decide whether bonds are or are not 

f^^'^^^t^^- A. Lincoln. 

January 9, 1865. — Letter to Mrs. . 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 9, 1865. 
Madam : 

It is with regret I learned that your brother, whom I had ordered 
to be discharged on taking the oath, under the impression that he 
was a private, is a captain. By an understanding, the commissary 
of prisoners detains such cases until a further hearing from me. I 
now distinctly say that if your father shall come within our lines 
and take the oath of December 8, 1863, 1 will give him a full pardon, 
and will at the same time discharge your brother on his taking the 
oath, notwithstanding he is a captain. 

Respectfully, A. Lincoln. 



January 9, 1865. — Letter to Lyman Trumbull. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 9, 1865. 
Hon. Lyman Trumbull. 

My dear Sir : The paper relating to Louisiana, submitted to the 
judiciary committee of the Senate, by General Banks, is herewith 
Vol. II.— 40. 



626 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

returned. The whole of it is in accordance with my general im- 
pression, and I believe it is true ; but much the larger part is beyoud 
my absolute knowledge, as in its nature it must be. All the state- 
ments which lie within the range of my knowledge are strictly true; 
and I think of nothing material which has been omitted. 

Even before General Banks went to Louisiana I was anxious for 
the loyal people there to move for reorganization, and restoration of 
proper practical relations with the Union ; and when he at last ex- 
pressed his decided conviction that the thing was practicable, I 
directed him to give his official cooperation to effect it. On the 
subject I have sent and received many letters to and from General 
Banks and many other persons. These letters, as you remember, 
were shown to you yesterday, as they will be again if you desire. 

If I shall neither take sides nor argue, will it be out of place for 
me to make what I think is the true statement of your question as 
to the proposed Louisiana senators ? 

" Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relations with 
the Union sooner by admitting or by rejecting the proposed 
senators ? " Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



January 9, 1865. — Message to the House of Representatives. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 9, 1865. 
Hon. Schuyler Colfax, Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
Sir: I transmit herewith the letter of the Secretary of War, with 
accompanying report of the adjutant-general, in reply to the reso- 
lution of the House of Representatives, dated December 7, 1864, re- 
questing me "to communicate to the House the report made by 
Colonel Thomas M. Key of an interview between himself and Gen- 
eral Howell Cobb, on the fourteenth day of June, 1862, on the bank 
of the Chickahominy, on the subject of the exchange of prisoners of 
war." I am, sir, very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

Abraham Lincoln. 



January 10, 1865. — Proclamation concerning Commerce. 

By the President op the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas the act of Congress of the 28th of September, 1850, 
entitled "An act to create additional collection districts in the 
State of California, and to change the existing districts therein, and 
to modify the existing collection districts in the United States," 
extends to merchandise warehoused under bond the privilege of 
being exported to the British North American provinces adjoining 
the United States, in the manner prescribed in the act of Congress 
of the 3d of March, 1845, which designates certain frontier ports 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEHS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 627 

tlirough which merchandise maybe exported, and further provides 
tnat such other ports situated ou the frontiers of the United 
fetates adjoimug the British North American provinces, as mav 
hereafter be found expedient, may have extended to them the like 
privileges on the recommendation of the Secretary of the Treasurv 
and proclamation duly made by the President of the United States 
specially designating the ports to which the aforesaid privHeffes are 
to be extended " ; ^ & 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
btates ot America, in accordance with the recommendation of the 
Secretary of the Treasury, do hereby declare and proclaim that the 
port ot St. Albans, in the State of Vermont, is, and shall be, entitled 
to all the privileges in regard to the exportation of merchandise in 
bond to the British North American provinces adjoining the United 
States, which are extended to the ports enumerated in the seventh 
section of tlie act of Congress of the 3d of March, 1845, aforesaid, 
from and after the date of this proclamation. 

In witness wherex)f, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this tenth dav of 
[l. s.l 'January m the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
dred and sixty-five, and of the independence of the United 
States of America the eighty-ninth. 

Abrahajvi Lincoln. 
By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



January 10, 1865.— Telegram to General B. F. Butler. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 10, 1865. 
Major-General Butler, Fort Monroe, Virginia : 

No principal report of yours on the Wilmington expedition has 
ever reached the War Department, as I am informed there. A pre- 
liminary report did reach here, but was returned to General 
Grant at his request. Of course, leave to publish cannot be given 
without inspection of the paper, and not then if it should be deemed 
to be detrimental to the public service. 

A. Lincoln. 



January 11, 1865.— Telegram to General J. Hooker. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 11, 1865. 
Major-General Hooker, Cincinnati, Ohio : 

It is said that you have ordered Andrew Humphreys to imprison- 
ment at hard labor, in accordance with his original sentence on the 
ground that it was not legally competent for General Hovey,'havinff 
approved the sentence, to afterward modify it. WhUe I incline to 



628 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

the belief that you are teehuically right, please let General Hovey's 
modification be acted upon until further order from me. 

A. Lincoln. 
Send copy to General Hovey at Indianapolis. A. L. 



January 12, 1865. — Telegram from the President's private 

SECRETARY TO H. A. SwiFT. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 12, 1865. 
H. A. Swift, Warden Missouri Penitentiary, Jefferson City, Missouri : 
The President does not remember the case of the petition of 
General- H. Barnes, mentioned in your telegram. Pardons are 
usually made out formally and transmitted through official channels. 
The President's mere signature on a petition would not be a pardon 
unless it was signed to an explicit order for one. I cannot send a 
more definite answer to your question unless it is stated more in 

"®^^^* Jno. G. Nicolay, Private Secretary. 



January 13, 1865. — Telegram to General B. F. Butler. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 13, 1865. 
Major-General Butler, Fort Monroe, Virginia : 

Yours asking leave to come to Washington is received. You have 
been summoned by the Committee on the Conduct of the War to 
attend here, which, of course, you will do. » Lincoln 



January 14, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, D. C, January 14, 1865. 
Lieutenant- General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

You have perhaps seen in the papers that ex-Senator Foote, with 
his family, attempted to escape from Richmond to Washington, and 
that he was pursued and taken back. His wife and child are now 
here. Please give me the earliest information you may receive con- 
cerning him, what is likely to be done with him, etc. 

A. Lincoln. 



January 14, 1865. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. 

Washington, D. C, January 14, 1865. 
Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : 

Yours announcing ordinance of emancipation received. Thanks 
to the convention and to you. When do you expect to be here ? 
Would be glad to have your suggestions as to supplying your place 
of military governor. j^ Lincoln. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 629 



January 15, 1865. — Telegram to General G. M. Dodge. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 15, 1865. 
Major-General Dodge, St. Louis, Missouri : 

It is represented to me that there is so much irregular violence in 
northern Missouri as to be driving away the people and almost 
depopulating it. Please gather information, and consider whether 
an appeal to the people there to go to their homes and let one an- 
other alone — recognizing as a full right of protection for each that 
he lets others alone, and banning only him who refuses to let others 
alone — may not enable you to withdraw the troops, their presence 
itself [being] a cause of irritation and constant apprehension, and 
thus restore peace and quiet, and returning prosperity. Please con- 
sider this and telegraph or write me. 

A. Lincoln. 

January 18, 1865. — Telegram to R. T. Jacob. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 18, 1865. 
Hon. Richard T. Jacob. 

Sir : You are at liberty to proceed to Kentucky, and to remain at 
large so far as relates to any cause now past. In what I now do, I 
decide nothing as to the right or wrong of your arrest, but act 
in the hope that there is less liability to misunderstanding among 
Union men now than there was at the time of the arrest. 

Respectfidly, A. Lincoln. 

January 18, 1865. — Letter to F. P. Blair, Sr. 

Washington, January 18, 1865. 
F. P. Blair, Esq. 

Sir : You having shown me Mr. Davis's letter to you of the 12th 
instant, you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, 
and shall continue, ready to receive any agent whom he or any other 
influential person now resisting the national authority may infor- 
mally send to me with the view of securing peace to the people of our 
one common country. Yours, etc., 

A. Lincoln. 

January 19, 1865. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 19, 1865. 
Hon. Secretary of War. 

Bear Sir : You remember that from time to time appeals have 
been made to us by persons claiming to have attempted to come 
through our lines with their effects to take the benefit of the am- 
nesty proclamation, and to have been despoiled of their effects 



630 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OP ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

under General Butler's administration. Some of these claims have 
color of merit, and may be really meritorious. Please consider 
whether we cannot set on foot an investigation which may advance 
justice in the premises. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



January 19, 1865. — Letter to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 19, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant : 

Please read and answer this letter as though I was not President, 
but only a friend. My son, now in his twenty-second year, having 
graduated at Harvard, wishes to see something of the war before it 
ends. I do not wish to put him in the ranks, nor yet to give him a 
commission, to which those who have already served long are better 
entitled and better qualified to hold. Could he, without embarrass- 
ment to you or detriment to the service, go into your military family 
with some nominal rank, I, and not the public, furnishing his neces- 
sary means! If no, say so without the least hesitation, because I 
am as anxious and as deeply interested that you shall not be encum- 
bered as you can be yourself. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



January 24, 1865. — Letter to W. L. Garrison. 

Washington, January 24, 1865. 
My dear Mr. Garrison : I have your kind letter of the 21st of 
January, and can only beg that you will pardon the seeming neglect 
occasioned by my constant engagements. When I received the 
spirited and admirable painting, " Waiting for the Hour," I directed 
my secretary not to acknowledge its arrival at once, preferring to 
make my personal acknowledgments of the thoughtful kindness of 
the donors ; and waiting for some leisure hour, I have committed 
the discourtesy of not replying at all, I hope you will believe that 
my thanks, though late, are most cordial, and request that you will 
convey them to those associated with you in this flattering and gen- 
erous gift. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



January 24, 1865.— Telegram to General G. M. Dodge. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 24, 1865. 
Major-General Dodge, St. Louis, Missouri : 

It is said an old lady in Clay County, Missouri, by name Mrs. 
Winifred E. Price, is about being sent South. If she is not misbe- 
having let her remain. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 631 

January 24, 1865. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 24, 1865. 
Hon. Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : 

Several members of the Cabinet, with myself, considered the 
question, to-day, as to the time of your coming on here. While we 
fully appreciate your wish to remain in Tennessee until her State 
government shall be completely reinaugurated, it is our unanimous 
conclusion that it is unsafe for you to not be here on the 4th of 
March. Be sure to reach here by that time. * j tj^^qt >t 

January 24, 1865. — Reply to a Committee. 

Reverend Sir, and Ladies and Gentlemen : I accept with emotions 
of profoundest gratitude, the beautiful gift you have been pleased 
to present to me. You will, of course, expect that I acknowledge 
it. So much has been said about Gettysburg, and so well, that for 
me to attempt to say more may perhaps only serve to weaken the 
force of that which has already been said. A most graceful and 
eloquent tribute was paid to the patriotism and self-denying labors 
of the American ladies, on the occasion of the consecration of the 
national cemetery at Gettysburg, by our illustrious friend, Edward 
Everett, now, alas ! departed from earth. His life was a truly great 
one, and I think the greatest part of it was that which crowned its 
closing years. I wish you to read, if you have not already done so, 
the eloquent and truthful words which he then spoke of the women 
of America. Truly, the services they have rendered to the defen- 
ders of our country in this perilous time, and are yet rendering, can 
never be estimated as they ought to be. For your kind wishes to 
me personall}^, I beg leave to render you likewise my sincerest 
thanks. I assure you they are reciprocated. And now, gentlemen 
and ladies, may God bless you all. 



January 26, 1865. — Telegram to A. Wakeman. 

Washington, D. C, January 26, 1865. 
Abram Wakeman, New York : 

I have telegraphed W. 0. Bartlett to come and see me. He neither 
comes nor answers. Can you not send him ! i j rj^p^j vr 

January 28, 1865. — Indorsement on Letter to F. P. Blair, Sr., 
of January 18, 1865. 

Washington, January 18, 1865. 
F. P. Blaik, Esq. 

Sir : You ha\ing shown me Mr. Davis's letter to you of the 12th instant, 
you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and shall continue 



632 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

ready to receive any agent whom he or any other influential person now re- 
sisting the national authority may informally send to me with the view of 
securing peace to the people of oui* one common country. 

Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. 

[Indorsement] 

January 28, 1865. 
To-day Mr. Blair tells me that on the 21st instant he delivered to 
Mr. Davis the original of which the within is a copy, and left it 
with him ; that at the time of delivering it Mr. Da\is read it over 
twice in Mr. Blair's presence, at the close of which he (Mr. Blair) re- 
marked that the part about '' onr one common country" related 
to the part of Mr. Davis's letter about " the two countries," to which 
Mr. Davis replied that he so understood it. 

A. Lincoln. 



January 30, 1865. — Instructions to Major Eckert. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 30, 1865. 
Major T. T. Eckert. 

Sir : You will proceed with the documents placed in your hands, 
and on reaching General Ord will deliver him the letter addressed to 
him by the Secretary X)f War. Then, by General Ord's assistance, 
procure an interview with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, 
or any of them, deliver to him or them the paper on which your 
own letter is written. Note on the copy which you retain the time 
of delivery and to whom delivered. Receive their answer in writ- 
ing, waiting a reasonable time for it, and which, if it contain their 
decision to come through without further condition, will be your 
warrant to ask General Ord to pass them through as directed in the 
letter of the Secretary of War to him. If by their answer they de- 
cline to come, or propose other terms, do not have them pass through. 
And this being your whole duty, return and report to me. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



January 31, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 31, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

A messenger is coming to you on the business contained in your 
despatch. Detain the gentlemen in comfortable quarters until he 
arrives, and then act upon the message he brings, as far as ap])li- 
cable, it having been made up to pass through General Ord's hands, 
and when the gentlemen were supposed to be beyond our lines. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 633 



January 31, 1865. — Instructions to Secretary Seward. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 31, 1865. 
Hon. Williaji H. Seward, Secretary of State : 

You will proceed to Fortress Monroe, Virginia, there to meet and 
informally confer with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, on 
the basis of my letter to F. P. Blair, Esq., of January 18, 1865, a 
copy of which you have. You wall make known to them that three 
things are indispensable — to wit : 

1. The restoration of the national authority throughout all the 
otates. 

2. No receding by the executive of the United States on the slav- 
ery question from the position assumed thereon in the late annual 
message to Congress, and in preceding documents. 

3. No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the war, and the 
disbanding of all forces hostile to the government. 

You will inform them that all propositions of theirs, not incon- 
sistent with the above, will be considered and passed upon in a 
spirit of sincere liberality. You will hear all they may choose to 
say and report it to me. You will not assume to definitely con- 
summate anything. Yours, etc., 

Abraham Lincoln. 



January 31, 1865. — Response to a Serenade. 

He supposed the passage through Congress of the constitutional 
amendment for the abolishment of slavery thronghout the United 
States was the occasion to which he was indebted" for the honor of 
this call. 

The occasion was one of congratulation to the country, and to 
the whole world. But there is a task yet before us — to go forward 
and have consummated by the votes of the States that which Con- 
gress had so nobly begun yesterday. [Applause and cries, " They 
will do it," etc.] He had the honor to inform those present that 
Illinois had already to-day done the Avork. Maryland was about 
half through, but he felt proud that Illinois was a little ahead. 

He thought this measure was a very fitting if not an indispen- 
sable adjunct to the winding up of the great difficulty. He wished 
the reunion of all the States perfected, and so effected as to remove 
all causes of disturbance in the future ; and, to attain this end, 
it was necessary that the original disturbing cause should, if pos- 
sible, be rooted out. He thought all would bear him witness that 
he had never shrunk from doing all that he conld to eradicate 
slavery, by issuing an emancipation proclamation. But that proc- 
lamation falls short of what the amendment will be when fully con- 
summated. A question might be raised whether the proclamation 
was legally valid. It might be urged, that it only aided those that 
came into our lines, and that it was inoperative as to those who did 
not give themselves up; or that it would have no effect upon the 



634 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

children of slaves born hereafter; in fact, it would be urged that 
it did not meet the evil. But this amendment is a king's cure-all 
for all evils. It winds the whole thing up. He would repeat that 
it was the fitting if not the indispensable adjunct to the consumma- 
tion of the great game we are playing. He could not but congratu- 
late all present — himself, the country, and the whole world — upon 
this great moral victory. 



February 1, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, February 1, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point: 

Let nothing which is transpiring change, hinder, or delay your 
military movements or plans. 

A. Lincoln. 



February 1, 1865. — Telegram from the President's Private 
Secretary to Governor Andrew. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 1, 1865. 4.00 p. m. 
John A. Andrew, Governor of Massachusetts, Boston : 

The President of the United States has just signed the resolution 
of Congress, submitting to the legislatures of the several States a 
proposition to amend the Constitution of the United States. 

Jno. G. Nicolay, Private Secretary. 



February 1, 1865. — Telegram to Major Eckert. 

Washington, D. C, February 1, 1865. 
Major T. T. Eckert, care of General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 
Call at Fortress Monroe, and put yourself under direction of Mr. 
Seward, whom you will find there. 

A. Lincoln. 



February [1?], 1865.— Letter to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February [1?], 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant : 

Some time ago j^ou telegraphed that you had stopped a Mr. Laws 
from passing our lines with a boat and cargo ; and I directed you to 
be informed that you must be allowed to do as you please in such 
matters. To-night Mr. Laws calls on me, and I have told him, and 
now tell you, that the matter as to his passing the lines is under 
your control absolutely ; and that he can have any relaxation you 
choose to give him and none other. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 635 

February 2, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, D. C, February 2, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

Say to the gentlemen I will meet them personally at Fortress 
Monroe as soon as I can get there. 

A. Lincoln. 



February 2, 1865. — Telegram to Secretary Seward. 

Washington, D. C, February 2, 1865. 
Hon. William H. Seward, Fortress Monroe, Virginia : 

Induced by a despatch of General Grant, I join you at Fort 
Monroe, as soon as I can come. 

A. Lincoln. 



February 3, 1865.— Letter to J. F. Driggs. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 3, 1865. 
Hon. J. F. Driggs, etc. 

My dear 8ir: I have received at your hands a very fine specimen 
of the Mackinaw salmon trout, and I beg that you will convey to 
Mr. Williams my cordial thanks for his kind though tfulness, and 
accept my acknowledgments for your courtesy in the transmission 
of his present. I am, sir, very truly yours, 

A. Lincoln. 



February 4, 1865. — Telegram to Officer commanding at 
Johnson's Island, Ohio. 

Washington, D. C, February 4, 1865. 
Officer in command at JoJmson^s Island, Ohio : Parole Lieutenant 
John A. Stephens, prisoner of war, to report to me here in per- 
son, and send him to me. It is in pursuance of an arrangement 
I made yesterday with his uncle, Hon. A. H. Stephens. Acknow- 
ledge receipt. 

A. Lincoln. 



February 5, 1865.— Draft op Message to Congress, not 
signed or sent. 

Fellow-cUizens of the Senate and ffouse of Representatives : I re- 
spectfully recommend that a joint resolution, substantially as fol- 
lows, be adopted so soon as practicable by your honorable bodies : 
"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 



636 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Presi- 
dent of the United States is hereby empowered, in his discretion, to 
pay $400,000,000 to the States of Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, 
Florida, Georgia, Kentncky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Mis- 
souri, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, 
and West Virginia, in the manner and on the conditions following, 
to wit : The payment to be made in six per cent, government bonds, 
and to be distributed among said States pro rata on their respective 
slave populations as shown by the census of 1860, and no part of 
said sum to be paid unless all resistance to the national authority 
shall be abandoned and cease, on or before the first day of April 
next ; and upon such abandonment and ceasing of resistance one 
half of said sum to be paid in manner aforesaid, and the remaining 
half to be paid only upon the amendment of the National Constitu- 
tion recently proposed by Congress becoming valid- law, on or be- 
fore the first day of July next, by the action thereon of the requisite 
number of States." 

The adoption of such resolution is sought with a view to embody 
it, with other propositions, in a proclamation looking to peace and 
reunion. 

Whereas a joint resolution has been adopted by Congress, in the 
words following, to wit : 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States, do proclaim, declare, and make known, that on the condi- 
tions therein stated, the power conferred on the executive in and 
by said joint resolution will be fully exercised ; that war will cease 
and armies be reduced to a basis of peace ; that all political offenses 
will be pardoned ; that all property, except slaves, liable to confis- 
cation or forfeiture, will be released therefrom, except in cases of 
intervening interests of third parties; and that liberality will be 
recommended to Congress upon all points not lying within execu- 
tive control. 

[Indorsement.] 

February 5, 1865. To-day these papers, which explain themselves, 
were drawn up and submitted to the cal3inet and unanimously dis- 
approved by them. ^^ Lincoln. 



February 5, 1865.— Telegram to Governor Bramlette. 

Washington, D. C, February 5, 1865. 
His Excellency, Governor Bramlette, Frankfort, Kentucky : 

Your despatch received. Will send official copy of constitutional 
amendment by mail to-morrow, this being Sunday. Precedents 
justify the legislature to act on ex-officio notice of Congress having 
passed the proposed amendment; nevertheless, I will send you the 
authenticated copy. . j^ Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 637 

February 6, 1865.— Telegram to Governor Johnson. 

Executive Mansion, February 6, 1865. 
Governor Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : 

Let the matter of the McKendree church remain as it is, without 
further action, until you see me. ^ Lincoln. 

February 6, 1865.— Order to make Corrections in the Draft. 
Executive Mansion, Washington City, February 6, 1865. 

Whereas complaints are made in some localities respecting the 
assignments of quotas and credits allowed for the pending call of 
troops .to fill up the armies : Now, in order to determine all con- 
troversies in respect thereto, and to avoid any delay in filling up 
the armies, it is ordered, That the Attorney-General, Brigadier- 
General Richard Delafield, and Colonel C. W. Foster, be, and they 
are hereby constituted, a board to examine into the proper quotas 
and credits of the respective States and districts under the call of 
December 19, 1864, with directions, if any errors be found therein, 
to make such corrections as the law and facts may require, and re- 
port their determination to the Provost-Marshal-General. The de- 
termination of said board to be final and conclusive, and the draft 
to be made in conformity therewith. . ^ • 

2. The Provost-Marshal-General is ordered to make the draft in 
the respective districts as speedily as the same can be done after 
the 15th of this month. Abraham Lincoln. 



February 7, 1865.— Telegram to Lieutenant-Colonel Glenn. 

ExECUTF^E Mansion, Washington, February 7, 1865. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Glenn, Commanding Post at Henderson, 
Kentucky : 
Complaint is made to me that you are forcing negroes into the 
military service, and even torturing them — riding them on rails 
and the like — to extort their consent. I hope this may be a mis- 
take. The like must not be done by you, or any one under you. 
You must not force negroes any more than white men. Answer 
me on this. A. Lincoln. 

February 7, 1865.— Letter to General U. S. Grant. 
Executh^e Mansion, Washington, February 7, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

General Singleton, who bears you this, claims that he already has 
arrangements made, if you consent, to bring a large amount of 



G38 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

Southern produce through your lines. For its bearing on our 
finances I would be glad for this to be done if it can be without 
injuriously disturbing your military operations, or supplying the 
enemy. I wish you to be judge and master on these points. Please 
see and hear him fully, and decide whether anything, and if any- 
thing what, can be done in the premises. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



February 8, 1865. — Letter to Governor Smith. 

Executive Mansion, "Washington, February 8, 1865. 
His Excellency Governor Smith, of Vermont : 

Complaint is made to me by Vermont that the assignment of her 
quota for the draft on the pending call is intrinsically unjust, and 
also in bad faith of the government's promise to fairly allow credits 
for men previously furnished. To illustrate, a supposed case is 
stated as follows : 

Vermont and New Hampshire must, between them, furnish six 
thousand (6,000) men on the pending call, and being equals each 
must furnish as many as the other in the long run. But the govern- 
ment finds that on former calls Vermont furnished a surplus of five 
hundred (500), and New Hampshire a surplus of fifteen hundred 
(1,500). These two surpluses making two thousand (2,000), and 
added to the six thousand (6,000), making eight thousand (8,000) to 
be furnished by the two States, or four thousand (4,000) each, less 
by fair credits. Then subtract Vermont's surplus of five hundred 
(500) from her four thousand (4,000), leaves three thousand five 
hundred (3,500) as her quota on the pending call ; and likewise sub- 
tract New Hampshire's surplus of fifteen hundred (1,500) from her 
four thousand (4,000), leaves two thousand five hundred (2,500) as 
her quota on the pending call. These three thousand five hundred 
(3,500) and two thousand five hundred (2,500) make precisely the 
six thousand (6,000) which the supposed case requires from the two 
States, and it is just equal for Vermont to furnish one thousand 
(1,000) more now than New Hampshire, because New Hampshire 
has heretofore furnished one thousand (1,000) more than Vermont, 
which equalizes the burdens of the two in the long run ; and this 
result, so far from being bad faith to Vermont, is indispensable to 
keeping good faith with New Hampshire. By no other result can 
the six thousand (6,000) men be obtained from the two States, and 
at the same time deal justly and keep faith with both, and we do 
but confuse ourselves in questioning the process by which the right 
result is reached. The supposed case is perfect as an illustration. 

The pending call is not for three hundred thousand (300,000) men 
subject to fair credits, but is for three hundred thousand (300,000) 
remaining after all fair credits have been deducted, and it is impos- 
sible to concede what Vermont asks without coming out short of the 
three hundred thousand (300,000) men, or making other localities 
pay for the partiality shown her. 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 639 

This upon the case stated. If there be different reasons for mak- 
ing an allowance to Vermont, let them be presented and considered. 
Yours truly, Abraham Lincoln. 



February 8, 1865. — Message to Congress. 

To the HonorabU the Senate and House of Representatives : The 
joint resolution, entitled " Joint resolution declaring certain States 
not entitled to representation in the electoral college,'' has been 
signed by the executive, in deference to the view of Congress im- 
plied in its passage and presentation to him. In his own view, 
however, the two Houses of Congress, convened under the twelfth 
article of the Constitution, have complete power to exclude from 
counting all electoral votes deemed by them to be illegal; and it is 
not competent for the executive to defeat or obstruct that power 
by a veto, as would be the case if his action were at all essential 
in the matter. He disclaims all right of the executive to interfere 
in any way in the matter of canvassing or counting electoral votes; 
and he also disclaims that, by signing said resolution, he has ex- 
pressed any opinion on the recitals of the preamble, or any judg- 
ment of his own upon the subject of the resolution. 

Washington, February 8, 1865. Abraham Lincoln. 



February 8, 1865. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- 
gress a copy of a note of the 4th instant, addressed by J. Hume 
Burnley, Esq., her Britannic Majesty's charge d'affaires, to the Sec- 
retary of State, relative to a sword which it is proposed to present 
to Captain Henry S. Stellwagen, commanding the United States 
frigate Constellation, as a mark of gratitude for his services to the 
British brigantine Mersey. The expediency of sanctioning the ac- 
ceptance of the gift is submitted to your consideration. 

Washd^gton, February 8, 1865. Abraha^i Lincoln. 



February 8, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, February 8, 1865, 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

I am called on by the House of Representatives to give an account 
of my interview with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, and 
it is very desirable to me to put in your despatch of February 1. to 
the Secretary of War, in which, among other things, you say: ^'I fear 
now their going back without any expression from any one in 
authority will have a bad influence." I think the despatch does you 
credit, while I do not see that it can embarrass you. May I use it! 

A. Lincoln. 



640 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 



February 9, 1865, — Reply to a Committee of Congress, 
Reporting the Result of the Electoral Count. 

With deep gratitude to my countrymen for this mark of their con- 
fidence; with a distrust of my own ability to perform the duty re- 
quired under the most favorable circumstances, and now rendered 
doubly difficult by existing national perils; yet with a firm reliance 
on the strength of our free government, and the eventual loyalty 
of the people to the just principles upon which it is founded, and 
above all with an unshaken faith in the Supreme Ruler of nations, 
I accept this trust. Be pleased to signify this to the respective 
Houses of Congress. 



February 10, 1865. — Message to the House of 
Repre sentatives . 

To the Honorable the House of Representatives : In response to 
your resolution of the 8th instant, requesting information in rela- 
tion to a conference recently held in Hampton Roads, I have the 
honor to state that on the day of the date I gave Francis P. Blair, 
Sr., a card written on as follows, to wit : 

Allow the bearer, F. P. Blair, Sr., to pass our fines, go south, and retiu'n. 

A. Lincoln. 
December 28, 1864. 



That at the time I was informed that Mr. Blair sought the card 
as a means of getting to Richmond, Virginia ; but he was given no 
authority to speak or act for the government, nor was I informed 
of anything he would say or do on his own account, or otherwise. 
Afterward Mr. Blair told me that he had been to Richmond, and 
had seen Mr. Jefferson Davis ; and he (Mr. Blair) at the same time 
left with me a manuscript letter, as follows, to wit : 

Richmond, Virginia, January 12, 1865. 
F. P. Blair, Esq. 

Sir : I have deemed it proper, and probably desirable to you, to give 
you, va. this form, the substance of remarks made by me, to be repeated by 
you to President Lincoln, etc., etc. 

1 have no disposition to find obstacles in forms, and am wiUing, now as 
heretofoi'e, to enter into negotiations for the restoration of peace; am 
ready to send a commission whenever I have reason to suppose it will be 
received, or to receive a commission, if the Uuited States Government 
shall choose to send one. That, notwithstanding the rejection of our 
former offers, I would, if you could promise that a commissioner, minister, 
or other agent would be received, appoint one immediately, and renew the 
effort to enter into conference, with a view to secure peace to the two 
coiuitries. Yours, etc., 

Jefferson Davis. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 641 

Afterward, and with the view that it should be shown to Mr. 
Davis, I wrote and delivered to Mr. Blair a letter as follows, to wit : 

Washington, January 18, 1865, 
F. P. Blair, Esq. 

Sir : You having sliown me Mr. Davis's letter to yoii of the 12th instant, 
you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and shall con- 
tinue ready to receive any agent whom he, or any other influential person 
now resisting the national authority, may informally send to me, with the 
view of securing peace to the people of our one common country. 

Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. 

Afterward Mr. Blair dictated for and authorized me to make an 
entry on the back of my retained copy of the letter last above re- 
cited, which entry is as follows : 

January 28, 1865. 
To-day Mr. Blair tells me that on the 21st instant he dehvered to Mr. 
Davis the original, of which the within is a copy, and left it with him ; that 
at the time of delivering it Mr. Davis read it over twice in Mr. Blair's pres- 
ence, at the close of which he (Mr. Blair) remarked that the part about 
" our one common country " related to the part of Mr. Davis's letter about 
" the two countries," to which Mr. Davis replied that he so understood it. 

A. Lincoln. 

Afterward the Secretary of War placed in my hands the follow- 
ing telegram, indorsed by him as appears : 

(Cipher.) 

Office United States Military Telegraph, War Department. 
The following telegram received at Washington, January 29, 1865 : 

Headquarters Army of the James, January 29, 1865. 6.30 p. m. 
The following despatch just received from Major-General Parke, who 
refers it to me for my action. I refer it to you in Lieutenant-General 
Grant's absence. 

E. 0. C. Ord, Major-General Commanding. 
Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

Headquarters Army of the Potomac, January 29, 1865. 4 p. m. 
The following despatch is forwarded to you for your action. Since I 
have no knowledge of General Grant's having had any understanding of 
this kind, I refer the matter to you as the ranking officer present in the two 
armies. 

Jno. G. Parke, Major-General Commanding. 
Major-General E. 0. C. Ord, Headquarters Army of the James. 

From Headquarters Ninth Army Corps, 29th. 
Alex. H. Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter, and J. A. Campbell desire to cross 
my lines, in accordance with an understanding claimed to exist with Lieu- 
VOL. II.— 41. 



642 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

tenant- General Grant, on tlieir way to Washington as peace commissioners. 
Shall they be admitted ? They desire an early answer, to come thi-ough im- 
mediately. Would like to reach City Point to-night if they can. If they 
cannot do this, they would like to come through at 10 A. M. to-morrow 
morning. 

0. B. Wilcox, Major-General Commanding 9th Corps. 

Major- General Jno. G. Parke, Headquarters Army of the Potomac. 

Respectfully referred to the President for such instructions as he may be 
pleased to give. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 
January 29, 1865. 8.30 p. m. 

It appears that about the time of placing the foregoing telegram 
in my hands, the Secretary of War despatched General Ord as 
follows, to wit: 

{Sent in cipher at 2 A. M., 30th.) 

War Department, Washington City, January 29, 1865. 10 p. m. 
This depai'tment has no knowledge of any understanding by General 
Grant to aUow any person to come within his lines as commissioner of any 
sort. You will therefore allow no one to come into your lines under such 
character or profession until you receive the President's instructions, to 
whom your telegram will be submitted for his directions. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 
Major-General Ord. 



Afterward, by my direction, the Secretary of War telegraphed 
General Ord as follows, to wit : 

War Department, Washington, D. C, January 30, 1865. 10.30 a. m. 

By direction of the President, you are instructed to inform the three 
gentlemen, Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, that a messenger will 
be despatched to them at or near where they now are without unnecessary 
delay. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

Major-Generai. E. 0. C. Ord, Headquarters Army of the James. 

Afterward I prepared and put into the hands of Major Thomas 
T. Eckert the following instructions and message : 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 30, 1865. 
Major Thomas T. Eckert. 

Sir : You will proceed with the documents placed in your hands, and, on 
reaching General Ord, wiU deliver him the letter addressed to him by the 
Secretary of War ; then, by General Ord's assistance, procure an interview 
with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, or any of them. Deliver to 
him or them the paper on which your own letter is wi-itten. Note on the 
copy which you retain the time of delivery and to whom delivered. Re- 
ceive their answer in writing, waiting a reasonable time for it, and which, 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 643 

if it contain their decision to come through without further condition, will 
be your warrant to ask General Ord to pass them through, as directed in 
the letter of the Secretary of War to him. If, by their answer, they decline 
to come, or propose other terms, do not have them passed through. And 
this being your whole duty, return and report to me. 

Yours truly, A. LmcoLN. 

Messrs. Alex. H. Stephens, J. A. Campbell, and R. M. T. Hunter. 

Gentlemen : I am instructed by the President of the United States to place 
this paper in your hands, with the information that if you pass through the 
United States raihtary Unes, it will be understood that you do so for the 
purpose of an informal conference on the basis of the letter, a copy of 
which is on the reverse side of this sheet, and that, if you choose to pass on 
such understanding, and so notify me in writing, I will procure the com- 
manding general to pass you through the lines and to Fortress Monroe, 
under such military precautions as he may deem prudent, and at which 
place you wiU be met in due time by some person or persons, for the pur- 
pose of such informal conference. And, further, that you shall have pro- 
tection, safe-conduct, and safe return in all events. 

Thomas T. Eckert, Major and Aide-de-camp. 

City Point, Virginia, February 1, 1865. 

"Washington, January 18, 1865. 
F. P. Blair, Esq. 

Sir : You having shown me Mr. Davis's letter to you of the 12th instant, 
you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and shall con- 
tinue ready to receive any agent whom he, or any other influential person 
now resisting the national authority, may informally send to me, with the 
view of secui'ing peace to the people of our one common country. 

Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. 



Afterward, but before Major Eckert had departed, the following 
despatch was received from General Grant : 

(Cipher.) 

Office United States Military Telegraph, "War Department. 
The following telegram, received at "Washington, January 31, 1865 : 

City Point, "Virginia, January 31, 1865. 10.30 a. m. 
His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States: 
The following communication was received here last evening : 

Petersburg, "Virginia, January 30, 1865. 
LiEUTENANT-GrENERAL U. S. Grant, Commanding Armies of the United 
States. 
Sir: "We desire to pass your lines under safe-conduct, and to proceed 
to Washington to hold a conference with President Lincoln upon the subject 
of the existing war, and with a view of ascertaining upon what terms it 
may be terminated, in pursuance of the course indicated by him in his let- 
ter to Mr. Blaii' of January 18, 1865, of which we presume you have a copy, 



C)4A LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

and if not we wish to see you in person, if convenient, and to confer with, 
you upon the subject. Very respectfully yours, 

Alexander H. Stephens. 
J. A. Campbell. 
E. M. T. Hunter. 

I have sent directions to receive these gentlemen, and expect to have 
them at my quarters this evening, awaiting your instructions. 

U. S. Grant, 
Lieutenant-General Commanding Armies of the United States. 

This, it will be perceived, transferred General Ord's agency in the 
matter to General Grant. I resolved, however, to send Major 
Eckert forward with his message, and accordingly telegraphed 
General Grant as follows, to wit: 

{Sent in cipher at 1.30 P. M.) 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 31, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

A messenger is coming to you on the business contained in your despatch. 
Detain the gentlemen in comfortable quarters until he arrives, and then 
act upon the message he brings as far as applicable, it having been made 
up to pass through General Ord's hands, and when the gentlemen were 
supposed to be beyond our lines. 

A. Lincoln. 



When Major Eckert departed, he bore with him a letter of the 
Secretary of War to General Grant, as follows, to wit : 

War Department, Washington, D. C, January 30, 1865. 
Lieutenant General Grant, Commanding, etc. 

General : The President desires that you wiU please procure for the bearer, 
Major Thomas T. Eckert, an interview with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and 
Campbell, and if. on his return to you, he request it, pass them through our 
lines to Fortress Monroe by such route and under such military precautions 
as you may deem prudent, giving them protection and comfortable quarters 
while there, and that you let none of this have any effect upon your move- 
ments or plans. 

By order of the President. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

Supposing the proper point to be then reached, I despatched the 
Secretary of State with the following instructions, Major Eckert, 
however, going ahead of him : 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 31, 1865. 
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State : 

You will proceed to Fortress Monroe, Virginia, there to meet and infor- 
mally confer with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, on the basis of 
my letter to F. P. Blair, Esq., of January 18, 1865, a copy of which you 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 645 

have. You will make known to them that three things are Indispensable, 
to wit : 

1. The restoration of the national authority throughout all the States. 

2. No receding by the executive of the United States on the slavery 
question from the position assumed thereon in the late annual message to 
Congi-ess, and in preceding documents. 

3. No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the war and the disband- 
ing of all forces hostile to the government. 

You will inform them that all propositions of theirs, not inconsistent with 
the above, will be considered and passed upon in a spirit of sincere liberal- 
ity. You will hear all they may choose to say, and report it to me. You 
will not assume to definitely consummate anything. 

Yours, etc., Abraham Lincoln. 

On the day of its date, the following telegram was sent to General 
Grant : 

{Sent in cipher at 9.30 A. M.) 

War Department, Washington, D. C, February 1, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

Let nothing which is transpiring change, hinder, or delay your military 
movements or plans. A. Lincoln. 

Afterward the following despatch was received from General 
Grant : 

{In cipher.) 

Office United States Military Telegraph, War Department. 
The following telegram received at Washington, 2.30 p. m., February 1, 
1865: 

City Point, Virginia, February 1, 1865. 12,30 p. m. 
His Excellency A. Lincoln, President United States : 

Yom- despatch received. There will be no armistice hi consequence of 
the presence of Mr. Stephens, and others within our hues. The troops are 
kept in readiness to move at the shortest notice, if occasion should justify it. 

U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General. 

To notify Major Eckert that the Secretary of State would be at 
Fortress Monroe, and to put them in communication, the following 
despatch was sent : 

{Sent in cipher at 5.30 P. M.) 

War Department, Washington, D. C, February 1, 1865. 
Major T. T. Eckert, care op General Grant, City Point, Vh-ginia : 

Call at Fortress Monroe, and put yourself under direction of Mr. Seward, 
whom you will find there. A. Lincoln. 

On the morning of the 2d instant, the following telegrams were 
received by me, respectively from the Secretary of State and Major 
Eckert : 



646 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

Fort Monroe, Virginia, February 1, 1865. 11.30 p. m. 
The President of the United States: 
Arrived at ten this evening. Richmond party not here. I remain here. 

William H. Seward. 

City Point, Virginia, February 1, 1865. 10 p. m. 
His Excellency A. Lincoln, President of the United States : 

I have the honor to report the delivery of your communication and my 
letter at 4.15 this afternoon, to which I received a I'eply at 6 P. M., but not 
satisfactory. 

At 8 P. M. the following note, addressed to General Grant, was received : 

City Point, Virginia, February 1, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant. 

Sir : We desire to go to Washington city to confer informally with the 
Pi-esident, personally, in reference to the matters mentioned in his letter to 
Mr. Blair, of the 18th of January, ultimo, without any personal compro- 
mise on any question in the letter. 

We have the permission to do so from the authorities in Richmond. 
Very respectfully yours, 

Alex. H. Stephens. 
R. M. T. Hunter. 
J. A. Campbell. 

At 9.30 p. m., I notified them that they could not proceed further unless 
they complied with the terms expressed in my letter. The point of meeting 
designated in above note would not, in my opinion, be insisted upon. 
Tliink Fort Monroe would be acceptable. Having complied with my in- 
structions, I wiU return to Washington to-morrow unless otherwise ordered. 

Thos. T. Eckert, Major, etc. 

On reading this despatch of Major Eckert, I was about to recall 
him and the Secretary of State, when the following telegram of 
General Grant to the Secretary of War was shown me : 

{In cipher.) 

Office United States Military Telegraph, War Department. 

The following telegram received at Washington, February 2, 1865. 
4.35 A. M. : 

City Point, Virginia, February 1, 1865. 10.30 p. m. 
Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War : 

Now that the interview between Major Eckert, under his written instruc- 
tions, and Mr. Stephens and party has ended, I will state confidentially, but 
not ofiicially — to become a matter of record — that I am convinced, upon 
conversation with Messrs. Stephens and Hunter, that their intentions are 
good and their desire sincere to restore peace and union. I have not felt 
myself at hberty to express even views of my own, or to account for my 
reticency. This has placed me in an awkward position, which I could have 
avoided by not seeing them in the first instance. I fear now their going 
back without any expression from any one in authority will have a bad 
influence. At the same time, I recognize the difficulties in the way of receiv- 
ing these informal commissioners at this time, and do not know what to 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 647 

recommend. I am sorry, however, that Mr. Lincoln cannot have an inter- 
view with the two named in this despatch, if not all three now within oiu' 
lines. Their letter to me was all that the President's instructions contem- 
plated to secure their safe-conduct, if they had used the same language to 
Major Eckert. 

U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General. 

This despatch of General Grant changed my purpose; and accord- 
ingly I telegraphed him, and the Secretary of State, respectively, as 
follows : 

{Sent in cipher at 9 A, M.) 

War Department, Washington, D. C, February 2, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia: 

Say to the gentlemen I will meet them personally at Fortress Monroe as 
soon as I can get there. 

A. Lincoln. 
{Sent in cipher at 9 A. M.) 

War Department, Washington, D. C, February 2, 1865. 
Hon. William H. Seward, Fortress Monroe, Virginia : 

Induced by a despatch from General Grant, I join you at Fort Mom-oe as 
soon as I can come. 

A. Lincoln. 

Before starting the following despatch was shown me. I pro- 
ceeded, nevertheless. 

{Cipher.) 

Office United States Military Telegraph, War Department. 

The following telegram received at Washington, February 2, 1865: 

City Point, Virginia, February 2, 1865. 9 a. m. 
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Fort Monroe: 

The gentlemen here have accepted the proposed terms, and will leave for 
Fort Monroe at 9.30 A. M. 

U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General. 
Copy to Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington. 



On the night of the 2d, I reached Hampton Roads, found the 
Secretary of State and Major Eckert on a steamer anchored off- 
shore, and learned of them that the Richmond gentlemen were on 
another steamer also anchored offshore, in the Roads ; and that the 
Secretary of State had not yet seen or communicated with them. 
Here I ascertained that Major Eckert had literally complied with his 
instructions, and I saw, for the first time, the answer of the Rich- 
mond gentlemen to him, which, in his despatch to me of the 1st, he 
characterizes as "not satisfactory." That answer is as follows, 
to wit: 



648 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

City Point, Virginia, February 1, 1865. 
Thomas T. Eckert, Major and Aide-de-camp, 

Major : Your note, delivered by yourself this day, has been considered. 
In reply, we have to say that we were furnished with a copy of the letter 
of President Lincoln to Francis P. Blair, Esq., of the 18th of January, 
ultimo, another copy of which is appended to your note. Our instructions 
are contained in a letter, of which the following is a copy : 



Richmond, January 28, 1865. 
In conformity with the letter of Mr. Lincoln, of which the foregoing is a 
copy, you are to proceed to Washington city for informal conference with 
him upon the issues involved in the existing war, and for the purpose of 
securing peace to the two countries. 
With great respect, your obedient servant, 

Jefferson Davis. 



The substantial object to be obtained by the informal conference is to 
ascertain upon what terms the existing war can be terminated honorably. 
Our instructions contemplate a personal interview between President 
Lincoln and ourselves at Washington city, but with this explanation we 
are ready to meet any person or persons that President Lincoln may ap- 
point, at such place as he may designate. Our earnest desire is that a 
just and honorable peace may be agreed upon, and we are prepared to re- 
ceive or to submit propositions which may, possibly, lead to the attainment 
of that end. Very respectfully yours, 

Alexander H. Stephens. 

E. M. T. Hunter. 

John A. Campbell. 



A note of these gentlemen, subsequently addressed to General 
Grant, has already been given in Major Eckert's despatch of the 
1st instant. 

I also here saw, for the first time, the following note, addressed 
by the Richmond gentlemen to Major Eckert : 

City Point, Virginia, February 2, 1865. 
Thomas T. Eckert, Major and Aide-de-camp. 

Major : In reply to your verbal statement that your instructions did not 
allow you. to alter the conditions upon which a passport could be given to 
us, we say that we are willing to proceed to Forti-ess Monroe, and there to 
have an informal conference with any person or persons that President 
Lincoln may appoint, on the basis of his letter to Francis P. Blair of the 
18th of January, tdtimo, or upon any other terms or conditions that he may 
hereafter propose, not inconsistent with the essential principles of self- 
government and popular rights upon which our institutions are founded. 

It is our earnest wish to ascertain, after a free interchange of ideas and 
information, upon what principles and terms, if any, a just and honorable 
peace can be established without the further effusion of blood, and to con- 
tribute our utmost efforts to accomplish such a result. 

We think it better to add, that, in accepting your passport, we are not to 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 649 

be understood as committing ourselves to anything, but to carry to this 
informal conference the views and feelings above expressed. 
Very respectfully yours, etc., 

Alexander H. Stephens. 

J. A. (Jampbell. 

E. M. T. Hunter. 

Note. — The above communication was dehvered to me at Fort Monroe 
at 4.30 p. M., February 2d, by Lieutenant-Colonel Babcock, of General 
Grant's staff. 

Thomas T. Eckert, Major and Aide-de-camp. 

On the morning of the 3d, the three gentlemen, Messrs. Stephens, 
Hunter, and Campbell, came aboard of our steamer, and had an 
interview with the Secretary of State and myself, of several hours' 
duration. No question of preliminaries to the meeting was then 
and there made or mentioned. No other person was present; no 
papers were exchanged or produced ; and it was, in advance, agreed 
that the conversation was to be informal and verbal merely. 

On our part the whole substance of the instructions to the Sec- 
retary of State, hereinbefore recited, was stated and insisted upon, 
and nothing was said inconsistent therewith ; while, by the other 
party, it was not said that in any event or on any condition, they 
ever would consent to reunion ; and yet they equally omitted to de- 
clare that they never would so consent. They seemed to desire a 
postponement of that question, and the adoption of some other 
course first which, as some of them seemed to argue, might or might 
not lead to reunion ; but which course, we thought, would amount 
to an indefinite postponement. The conference ended without re- 
sult. 

The foregoing, containing as is believed all the information 
sought, is respectfully submitted. 



Washington, February 10, 1865. 



Abraham Lincoln. 



February 10, 1865, — Message to the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States : In answer to the resolution of 
the Senate of the 8th instant, requesting information concerning re- 
cent conversations or communications with insurgents, under execu- 
tive sanction, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, to 
whom the resolution was referred. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, February 10, 1865. 

To the President : The Secretary of State, to whom was referred a reso- 
lution of the Senate of the 8th instant, requesting " the President of the 
United States, if, in his opinion, not incompatible with the public interests, to 
furnish to the Senate any information in his possession concerning recent 
conversations or communications with certain rebels, said to have taken 
place under executive sanction, including communications with the rebel 



650 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 

Jefferson Davis, and any correspondence relating thereto," has the honor 
to report that the Senate may properly be referred to a special message of 
the President bearing upon the subject of the resolution, and transmitted 
to the House this day. Appended to this report is a copy of an instruction 
which has been addressed to Charles Francis Adams, Esq., envoy extraordi- 
nary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States at London, and 
which is the only correspondence found in this department touching the 
subject referred to in the resolution. 

Respectfully submitted, William H. Seward. 

Department of State, Washington, February 10, 18G5. 

Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. 
{Extract.) 
No. 1258.] Department of State, Washington, February 7, 1865. 

On the morning of the 3d, the President, attended by the Secretary, re- 
ceived Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell on board the United States 
steam transport River Queen in Hampton Roads. The conference was 
altogether informal. There was no attendance of secretaries, clerks, or 
other witnesses. Nothing was written or read. The conversation, al- 
though earnest and free, was calm, and courteous, and kind on both sides. 
The Richmond party approached the discussion rather indirectly, and at 
no time did they either make categorical demands, or tender formal stipu- 
lations or absolute refusals. Nevertheless, during the conference, which 
lasted four hours, the several points at issue between the government and 
the insurgents were distinctly raised, and discussed fully, intelligently, and 
in an amicable spirit. What the insurgent party seemed chiefly to favor 
was a postponement of the question of separation, upon which the war is 
waged, and a mutual direction of efforts of the government, as well as 
those of the insurgents, to some extrinsic policy or scheme for a season 
during which passions might be expected to subside, and the armies be re- 
duced, and trade and intercourse between the people of both sections re- 
sumed. It was suggested by them that through such postponement we 
might now have immediate peace, with some not very certain prospect of 
an ultimate satisfactory adjustment of political relations between this gov- 
ernment and the States, section, or people now engaged in conflict with it. 

This suggestion, though deliberately considered, was nevertheless re- 
garded by the President as one of armistice or truce, and he announced 
that we can agree to no cessation or suspension of hostilities, except on the 
basis of the disbandment of the insurgent forces, and the restoration of the 
national authority throughout all the States in the Union. Collaterally, 
and in subordination to the proposition which was thus announced, the 
antislavery policy of the United States was reviewed in all its bearings, 
and the President announced that he must not be expected to depart from 
the positions he had heretofore assumed in his proclamation of emancipa- 
tion and other documents, as these positions were reiterated in his last an- 
nual message. It was further declared by the President that the complete 
restoration of the national authority was an indispensable condition of 
any assent on our i^art to whatever form of peace might be proposed. 
The President assured the other party that, while he must adhere to these 
positions, he would be prepared, so far as power is lodged with the 
executive, to exercise liberality. His power, however, is limited by the 
Constitution; and when peace should be made, Congress must neces- 
sarily act in regard to appropriations of money and to the admission of 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 651 

representatives from the insurrectionary States. The Richmond party 
were then informed that Congress had, on the 31st ultimo, adopted by a 
constitutional majority a joint resolution submitting to the several States 
the proposition to abolish slavery throughout the Union, and that there is 
evei'y reason to expect that it will be soon accepted by three -fourths of 
the States, so as to become a part of the national organic law. 

The conference came to an end by mutual acquiescence, without produ- 
cing an agreetnent of views upon the several matters discussed, or any of 
them. Nevertheless, it is perhaps of some importance that we have been 
able to submit our opinions and views directly to prominent insurgents, 
and to hear them in answer in a courteous and not unfriendly manner. 
I am, sii-, your obedient servant, Williajm H. Seward. 



February 10, 1865. — Letter to A. H. Stephens. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 10, 1865. 
Hon. a. H. Stephens : 

According to our agreement, your nephew, Lieutenant Stephens, 
goes to you bearing this note. Please, in return, to select and send 
to me that officer of the same rank imprisoned at Richmond, whose 
physical condition most urgently requires his release. 

Respectfully, A. Lincoln.- 



February 12, 1865. — Telegram to General J. Pope. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 12, 1865. 
Major-GtEneral Pope, St. Louis, Missouri : 

I understand that provost-marshals in different parts of Missouri 
are assuming to decide that the conditions of bonds are forfeited, 
and therefore are seizing and selling property to pay damages. 
This, if true, is both outrageous and ridiculous. Do not allow it. 
The courts, and not provost-marshals, are to decide such questions 
unless when military necessity makes an exception. Also excuse 
John Eaton, of Clay County, and Wesley Martin, of Piatt, from 
being sent South, and let them go East if anywhere. 

A. Lincoln. 



February 13, 1865. — To Commanding Officers in West 
Tennessee. 

Washington, February 13, 1865. 
To THE Military Officers Commanding in West Tennessee : 

While I cannot order as within requested, allow me to say that it 
is my wish for you to relieve the people from all burdens, harass- 
ments, and oppressions, so far as is possible consistently with your 
military necessities ; that the object of the war being to restore and 



652 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

maintain the blessings of peace and good government, I desire you 
to help, and not hinder, every advance in that direction. 

Of your military necessities you must judge and execute, but 
please do so in the spirit and with the purpose above indicated. 

A. Lincoln, 



February 13, 1865. — Message to Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- 
gress a copy of a note of the 2d instant, addressed to the Secre- 
tary of State by the Commander J. C. de Figaniere e Moral, envoy 
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of his most faithful 
Majesty, the King of Portugal, calling attention to a proposed inter- 
national exhibition at the city of Oporto, to be opened in August 
next, and inviting contributions thereto of the products of American 
manufactures and industry. The expediency of any legislation upon 
the subject is submitted for your consideration, 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, February 13, 1865. 

February 14, 1865, — Telegram to General J, Pope, 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 14, 1865, 
Major-General Pope, St, Louis, Missouri : 

Yours of yesterday about provost-marshal system received. As 
part of the same subject, let me say I am now pressed in regard to 
a pending assessment in St. Louis County. Please examine and 
satisfy yourself whether this assessment should proceed or be 
abandoned ; and if you decide that it is to proceed, please examine 
as to the propriety of its application to a gentleman by the name of 
Charles McLaran. 

A. Lincoln. 



February 15, 1865. — Telegram to General J. Pope. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 15, 1865, 
Major-General Pope, St. Louis, Missouri : 

Please ascertain whether General Fisk's administration is as good 
as it might be, and answer me. 

A, Lincoln, 

February 17, 1865, — Proclamation convening the Senate in 
Extra Session, 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas objects of interest to the United States require that the 
Senate should be convened at twelve o'clock on the fourth of March 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 653 

next to receive and act upon such, communications as may be made 
to it on the part of the executive ; 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States, have considered it to be my duty to issue this, my proclama- 
tion, declaring that an extraordinary occasion requires the Senate 
of the United States to convene for the transaction of business at 
the Capitol, in the city of Washington, on the fourth day of March 
next, at twelve o'clock at noon on that day, of which all who shall at 
that time be entitled to act as members of that body are hereby re- 
quired to take notice. 

Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, 

at Washington, the seventeenth day of February, in the year 

[l. s.] of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five, and 

of the independence of the United States of America the 

eighty-ninth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

February 18, 1865.— Telegram to General N. J. T. Dana. 

Washington, February 18, 1865. 
Major-General Dana: 

Allow the bearers of this paper to prove to you if they can that 
the foregoing statement of facts made on their representation by 
the Secretary of the Treasury is substantially true; and on their 
doing so to your satisfaction in a reasonable degree, allow them to 
bring out the products in the manner and on the terms indicated 
by the Secretary of the Treasury in the foregoing letter. The 
change of lines, if true as stated, justifies the dealing with the case, 
and similar cases, as special ones. 

Yours, etc, A. Lincoln. 

February 20, 1865. — Letter to J. G. Bennett. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 20, 1865. 
James G. Bennett, Esq. 

Dear Sir: I propose, at some convenient and not distant day, 
to nominate you to the United States Senate as Minister to France. 
Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

February 20, 1865. — Letter to Governor Fletcher 
ON Affairs in Missouri. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 20, 1865. 
His Excellency Governor Fletcher: 

It seems that there is now no organized military force of the 
enemy in Missouri, and yet that destruction of f>roperty and life is 
rampant everywhere. Is not the cure for this within easy reach of 
the people themsSelves? It cannot but be that every man not nat- 



654 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

urally a robber or cut-throat would gladly put an end to this state 
of things: A large majority in every locality must feel alike upon 
this subject; and if so, they only need to reach an understanding, 
one witli another. Each leaving all others alone solves the prob- 
lem ; and surely each would do this but for his apprehension that 
others will not leave him alone. Cannot this mischievous distrust 
be removed? Let neighborhood meetings be everywhere called 
and held, of all entertaining a sincere purpose for mutual security 
in the future, whatever they may heretofore have thought, said, or 
done about the war, or about anything else. Let all such meet, 
and, waiving all else, pledge each to cease harassing others, and to 
make common cause against whoever persists in making, aiding, or 
encouraging further disturbance. The practical means they will 
best know how to adopt and apply. At such meetings old friend- 
ships will cross the memory, and honor and Christian charity will 
come in to help. 

Please consider whether it may not be well to suggest this to the 
now afflicted people of Missouri. 

Yours truly, A. LmcOLN. 

February 24, 1865. — Telegram to GtENeral U. S. Grant. 

Washington, D. C, February 24, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

I am in a little perplexity. I was induced to authorize a gentle- 
man to bring Roger A. Pryor here with a view of effecting an 
exchange of him ; but since then I have seen a despatch of yours 
showing that you specially object to his exchange. Meantime he 
has reached here and reported to me. It is an ungracious thing for 
me to send him back to prison, and yet inadmissible for him to re- 
main here long. Cannot you help me out with it? I can conceive 
that there may be difference to you in days, and I can keep him a 
few days to accommodate on that point. I have not heard of my 
son's reaching you. ^_ Lincoln. 

February 24, 1865. — Telegram to General J. M. Palivier. 

Washington, D. C, February 24, 1865. 
Major-General Palmer, Louisville, Kentucky : 

Please telegraph me an exact copy of the order of John C. Breck- 
inridge borne by Colonel Robert J. Breckinridge. » Lincoln 

February 25, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, February 25, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

General Sheridan's despatch to you, of to-day, in which he says 
he " will be off on Monday," and that he '' will leave behind about 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 655 

2000 meu," causes the Secretary of War and myself considerable 
anxiety. Have you well considered whether you do not again leave 
open the Shenandoah Valley entrance to Maryland and Pennsylva- 
nia, or, at least, to the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad ? 

A. Lincoln. 

February 27, 1865.— Letter to H. W. Beecher. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 27, 1865. 
Rev. Henry Ward Beecher. 

Ml/ dear Sir : Yours of the 4th and the 21st reached me together 
only two days ago. 

I now thank you for both. Since you wrote the former the whole 
matter of the negotiation, if it can be so called, has been published, 
and you doubtless have seen it. When you were with me on the 
evening of the 1st, I had no thought of going in person to meet the 
Richmond gentlemen. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

February 27, 1865.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, D. C, February 27, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

Subsequent reflection, conference with General Halleck, your de- 
spatch, and one from General Sheridan, have relieved my anxiety ; 
and so I beg that you will dismiss any concern you may have on 
my account, in the matter of my last despatch. 

A. Lincoln, 

February 27, 1865.— Telegram to Governor Fletcher. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 27, 1865. 
Governor Fletcher, Jefferson City, Missouri : 

Have you received my letter of the 20th f I think some such 
thing as therein suggested is needed. If you put it before the peo- 
ple, I will direct the military to cooperate. Please answer. 

A. Lincoln. 

March 1, 1865.— Letter to General Scott and Others. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 1, 1865. 
To Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott, President; Howard 
Potter, Wm. E. Dodge, Jr., and Theo. Roosevelt. 
Gentlemen : I have received your address on the part of the 
Bureau for the Employment of Disabled and Discharged Soldiers 



656 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

which has recently been established in connection with the Protec- 
tive War Claim Association of the Sanitary Commission, 

It gives me pleasure to assure you of my hearty concurrence with 
the purposes you announce, and I shall at all times be ready to rec- 
ognize the paramount claims of the soldiers of the nation in the 
disposition of public trusts. I shall be giad also to make these sug- 
gestions to the several heads of departments. 

I am, very truly, your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



March 2, 1865.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, D. C, March 2, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

You have not sent contents of Richmond papers for Tuesday or 
Wednesday. Did you not receive them ? If not, does it indicate 
anything ? 

A. Lincoln. 



March 3, 1865. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to 
General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, March 3, 1865. 12 p. m. 
Lieutenant- General Grant : 

The President directs me to say that he wishes you to have no 
conference with General Lee unless it be for capitulation of General 
Lee's army, or on some minor or purely military matter. He in- 
structs me to say that you are not to decide, discuss, or confer upon 
any political questions. Such questions the President holds in his 
own hands, and will submit them to no militaiy conferences or con- 
ventions. Meanwhile you are to press to the utmost your military 
advantages. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 



March 4, 1865. — Second Inaugural Address. 

Fellow-countrymen : At this second appearing to take the oath of 
the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address 
than there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail, 
of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the 
expiration of four years, during which public declarations have 
been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great 
contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies 
of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress 
of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to 
the public as to myself ; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory 
and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no predic- 
tion in regard to it is ventured. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 657 

On the occasion corresponding to this fonr years ago, all thoughts 
Were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. Ail dreaded it 
— all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being 
delivered from tliis place, devoted altogether to saving the Union 
without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it 
without war — seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by 
negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would 
make war rather than let the nation survive ; and the other would 
accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came. 

One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not dis- 
tributed generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern 
part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. 
All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. 
To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object 
for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; 
while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict 
the territorial enlargement of it. 

Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration 
which it has ah'eady attained. Neither anticipated that the cause 
of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself 
should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result 
less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, 
and pray to the same God ; and each invokes his aid against the 
other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a 
just Grod's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of 
other men's faces; but let us judge not, that we be not judged. 
The prayers of both could not be answered — that of neither has 
been answered fully. 

The Almighty has his own purposes. "Woe unto the world be- 
cause of offenses ! for it must needs be that offenses come ; but woe 
to that man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose 
that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the provi- 
dence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through 
his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives to 
both North and South this terrible war, as the woe due to those 
by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure 
from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God al- 
ways ascribe to him ? Fondly do we hope — fervently do we pray — 
that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if 
God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bond- 
man's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, 
and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid 
by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years 
ago, so still it must be said, " The judgments of the Lord are true 
and righteous altogether." 

With malice toward none ; with charity for all ; with firmness in 
the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish 
the work we are in ; to bind up the nation's wounds ; to care for 
him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his 
orphan — to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and last- 
ing peace among ourselves, and with all nations. 
Vol. II.— 42. 



658 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



March 5, 1865. — Note to Charles Sumner. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 5, 1865. 
Hon. Charles Sumner. 

My dear Sir: I should be pleased for you to accompany us to- 
morrow evening at ten o'clock on a visit of half an hour to the in- 
augural ball. I inclose a ticket. Our carriage will call for you at 
half -past nine. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 6, 1865. — Note to Secretary Seward. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 6, 1865. 
Hon. Secretary of State. 

Ily dear Sir : I have some wish that Thomas D. Jones, of Cincin- 
nati, and John J. Piatt, now in this city, should have some of those 
moderate sized consulates which facilitate artists a little in their 
profession. Please watch for chances. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 



March 7, 1865. — Letter to GtEneral U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 7, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant : 

In accordance with a joint resolution of Congress, approved 
December 17, 1863, I now have the honor of transmitting and pre- 
senting to you, in the name of the people of the United States of 
America, a copy of said resolution, engrossed on parchment, together 
with the gold medal therein ordered and directed. 

Please accept for yourself and all under your command the re- 
newed expression of my gratitude for your and their arduous and 
well-performed public service. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 



March 7, 1865. — Telegram to General John Pope. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 7, 1865. 
Major-General Pope, St. Louis, Missouri : 

Please state briefly, by telegraph, what you concluded about the 
assessments in St. Louis County. Early in the war one Samuel B. 
Churchill was sent from St. Louis to Louisville, where I have quite 
satisfactory evidence that he has not misbehaved. Still I am told 
his property at St. Louis is subjected to the assessment, which I 
think it ought not to be. Still I wish to know what you think. 

A, Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 659 



March 8, 1865. — Letter to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, D. C, March 8, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

Your two despatches to the Secretary of War, one relating to 
supplies for the enemy going by the Blackwater, and the other to 
General Singleton and Judge Hughes, have been laid before me by 
him. As to Singleton and Hughes, I think they are not in Rich- 
mond by any authority, unless it be from you. I remember noth- 
ing from me which could aid them in getting there, except a letter 
to you, as follows, to wit : 

Executive Mansion, Washington City, February 7, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

General Singleton, who bears you this, claims that lie already has arrange- 
ments made, if you consent, to bring a large amount of Southern produce 
through your lines. For its bearing on oiir finances, I would be glad for 
this to be done, if it can be, Avithout injuriously disturbing your military 
operations, or supplying the enemy. I wish you to be judge and master 
on these points. Please see and hear him fully, and decide whether 
anything, and, if anything, what, can be done in the premises. 

Yours truly, A, Lincoln. 

I believe I gave Hughes a card putting him wdth Singleton on 
the same letter. However this may be, I now authorize you to get 
Singleton and Hughes away from Richmond, if you choose, and 
can. I also authorize you, by an order, or in what form you choose, 
to suspend all operations on the Treasury-trade permits, in all 
places southeastward of the Alleghanies. If you make such order, 
notify me of it, giving a copy, so that I can give corresponding 
direction to the Navy. 

A. LmcoLN. 



March 9, 1865.— Letter to General U. S. Grant. 

Washington, D. C, March 9, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

I see your despatch to the Secretary of War, objecting to rebel 
prisoners being allowed to take the oath and go free. Supposing 
that I am responsible for what is done in this way, I think fit to say 
that there is no general rule of action, allowing prisoners to be dis- 
charged merely on taking the oath. What has been done is that 
members of Congress come to me, from time to time, with lists of 
names, alleging that from personal knowledge, and evidence of re- 
liable persons, they are satisfied that it is safe to discharge the par- 
ticular persons named on the lists, and I have ordered their dis- 
charge. These members are chiefly from the border States, and 
those they get discharged are their neighbors and neighbors' sons. 
They tell me that they do not bring to me one-tenth of the names 



660 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

which are brought to them, bringing only such as their knowledge 
or the proof satisfies them about. I have, on the same principle, dis- 
charged some on the representations of others than members of 
Congress ; as, for instance. Governor Johnson, of Tennessee. The 
number I have discharged has been rather larger than I liked, 
reaching, I should think, an average of fifty a day since the recent 
general exchange commenced. On the same grounds, last 3'ear, I 
discharged quite a number at different times, aggregating perhaps 
a thousand Missourians and Kentuckians ; and their members, re- 
turning here since the prisoners' I'eturn to their homes, report to me 
only two cases of proving false. Doubtless some more have proved 
false ; but, on the whole, I believe what I have done in this way has 
done good rather than harm. 

A. Lincoln. 



March 11, 1865. — Proclamation offering Pardon to 

Deserters. ] 

By THE President op the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas the twenty-first section of the act of Congress approved 
on the third instant, entitled ''An act to amend the several acts 
heretofore passed to provide for the enrolling and calling out the 
national forces, and for other purposes," requires: 

That in addition to the other lawful penalties of the crime of desertion 
from the military or naval service, all persons who have deserted the miU- 
tary or naval service of the United States who shall not return to said ser- 
\ice, or report themselves to a Provost Marshal within sixty days after the 
proclamation hereinafter mentioned, shall be deemed and taken to have 
voluntarily relinquished and forfeited then rights of citizenship and their 
rights to become citizens, and such deserters shall be forever incapable of 
holding any oflftce of trust or profit under the United States, or of exercis- 
ing any rights of citizens thereof ; and all persons who shall hereafter desert 
the military or naval service, and all persons who, being duly enrolled, 
shall depart the jurisdiction of the district in which he is enrolled, or go 
beyond the limits of the United States with intent to avoid any draft into 
the military or the naval service, duly ordered, shall be liable to the penal- 
ties of this section. And the President is hereby authorized and required 
forthwith, on the passage of this act, to issue his proclamation setting forth 
the provisions of this section, in which proclamation the President is re- 
quested to notify all deserters returning within sixty days as aforesaid, that 
they shall be pardoned on condition of returning to their regiments and 
companies, or to such other organizations as they may be assigned to, until 
they shall have served for a period of time equal to their original term of 
enlistment. 

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
of the United States, do issue this my proclamation, as required 
by said act, ordering and requiring all deserters to return to their 
proper posts ; and I do hereby notify them that all deserters who 
shall within sixty days from the date of this proclamation — viz., on 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 661 

or before the tenth day of May, 1865 — return" to service, or report 
themselves to a Provost Marshal, shall be pardoned, on condition 
that they return to their regiments and companies, or to such other 
organizations as they may be assigned to, and serve the remainder 
of their original terms of enlistment, and, in addition thereto, a 
period equal to the time lost by desertion. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused 
the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this eleventh day of 
March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
[l. s.] dred and sixty-five, and of the independence of the United 
States the eighty-ninth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



March 13, 1865. — Letter to J. Z. Goodrich. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 13, 1865. 
Hon, John Z. Goodrich. 

Ml/ dear Sir: Your official terra expires about this time. I know 
not whether you desire a reappointment, and I am not aware of any 
objection to you — personal, political, or official. Yet if it be true, 
as I have been informed, that the office is of no pecuniary conse- 
quence to you, it would be quite a relief to me to have it at my 
disposal. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 15, 1865. — Letter to Thurlow Weed. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, March 15, 1865. 
Dear Mr. Weed : 

Every one likes a compliment. Thank you for yours on my lit- 
tle notification speech and on the recent inaugural address. I ex- 
pect the latter to wear as well as — perhaps better than — anything I 
have produced ; but I believe it is not immediately popular. Men 
are not flattered by being shown that there has been a diiference of 
purpose between the Almighty and them. To deny it, however, in 
this case, is to deny that there is a God governing the world. It is 
a truth which I thought needed to be told, and, as whatever of 
humiliation there is in it falls most directly on myself, I thought 
others might afford for me to tell it. Truly yours, 

A. Lincoln. 



March 17, 1865.— Address to an Indiana Regiment. 

FeUoiv-citizens : A few words only. I was born in Kentucky, 
raised in Indiana, reside in Illinois, and now, here, it is my duty to 



662 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

care equally for the good people of all the States. I am to-day glad 
of seeing it in the power of an Indiana regiment to present this 
captured flag to the good governor of their State ; and yet I would 
not wish to compliment Indiana above other States, remembering 
that all have done so well. 

There are but few aspects of this great war on which I have not 
already expressed my views by speaking or writing. There is one — 
the recent effort of " our erring brethren," sometimes so called, to 
employ the slaves in their armies. The great question with them 
has been, "Will the negro fight for them?" They ought to know 
better than we, and doubtless do know better than we. I may 
incidentally remark, that having in my life heard many arguments — 
or strings of words meant to pass for arguments — intended to show 
that the negro ought to be a slave — if he shall now really fight to 
keep himself a slave, it will be a far better argument why he should 
remain a slave than I have ever before heard. He, perhaps, ought 
to be a slave if he desires it ardently enough to fight for it. Or, 
if one out of four will, for his own freedom, fight to keep the other 
three in slavery, he ought to be a slave for his selfish meanness. 
I have always thought that all men should be free; but if any 
should be slaves, it should be first those who desire it for them- 
selves, and secondly those who desire it for others. Whenever 
I hear any one arguing for slavery, I feel a strong impulse to see 
it tried on him personally. 

There is one thing about the negro's fighting for the rebels which 
we can know as well as they can, and that is that they cannot at the 
same time fight in their armies and stay at home and make bread 
for them. And this being known and remembered, we can have but 
little concern whether they become soldiers or not. I ain rather in 
favor of the measure, and would at any time, if I could, have loaned 
them a vote to carry it. We have to reach the bottom of the insur- 
gent resources ; and that they employ, or seriously think of employ- 
ing, the slaves as soldiers, gives us glimpses of the bottom. There- 
fore I am glad of what we learn on this subject. 



March 17, 1865.— Proclamation concerning Indians. 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas reliable information has been received that hostile 
Indians, within the limits of the United States, have been furnished 
with arms and munitions of war by persons dwelling in conter- 
minous foreign territory, and are thereby enabled to prosecute their 
savage warfare upon the exposed and sparse settlements of the 
frontier ; 

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
of the United States of America, do hereby proclaim and direct that 
all persons detected in that nefarious traffic shall be arrested and 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 663 

tried by court-martial at the nearest military post, and if convicted, 
shall receive the punishment due to their deserts. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be af&xed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this seventeenth day of 
March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
[l. s.] and sixtv-five, and of the independence of the United States 
the eighty-ninth. Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : WiLLL^M H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

March 18, 1865. — Order Annulling the Sentence against 
Benjamin G. Smith and Franklin W. Smith. 

I am unwilling for the sentence to stand, and be executed, to any 
extent in this case. In the absence of a more adequate motive than 
the evidence discloses, I am wholly unable to believe in the exis- 
tence of criminal or fraudulent intent on the part of men of 
such well established good character. If the evidence went as far 
to establish a guilty profit of one or two hundred thousand dollars, 
as it does of one or two hundred dollars, the case would, on the 
question of guilt, bear a far different aspect. That on this contract, 
involving some twelve hundred thousand dollars, the contractors 
would plan, and attempt to execute a fraud, which, at the most, could 
profit them only one or two hundred, or even one thousand dollars, 
is to_ my mind beyond the power of rational belief. That they did 
not, in such a case, make far greater gains, proves that they did 
not, with guOty or fraudulent intent, make at all. The judgment 
and sentence are disapproved, and declared null, and the defendants 
are fully discharged. 

March 18, 1865. A. Lincoln. 

March 19, 1865. — Telegram to General J. Pope. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 19, 1865. 
Major-General Pope, St. Louis, Missouri : 

Understanding that the plan of action for Missouri contained 
in your letter to the governor of that State, and your other letter to 
me, is concurred in by the governor, it is approved by me, and you 
will be sustained in proceeding upon it. 

A. Lincoln. 

March 20, 1865. — Telegram to Governor Swann. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 20, 1865. 
Governor Swann, Baltimore, Maryland : 

I wish you would find Cresswell and bring him with you, and 
see me to-morrow. ^_ Lincoln. 



664: LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

March 20, 1865. — Telegram to General Uo S. Grant. 

Washington, D. C, March 20, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

Your kind invitation received. Had ah'eady thought of going 
immediate!}' after the next rain. Will go sooner if any reason for 
it. Mrs. Lincoln and a few others will probably accompany me. 
Will notify you of exact time, once it shall be fixed upon. 

A. Lincoln. 



March 21, 1865. — Telegram to Judge Scates. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 21, 1865. 
Hon. Walter B. Scates, Centralia, Illinois : 

If you choose to go to New Mexico and reside, I will appoint you 
chief justice there. What say you ? Please answer. 

A. Lincoln. 



March 21, 1865. — Telegram to Captain Lincoln. 

Washington, D. C, March 21, 1865. 
Captain R. T. Lincoln, City Point, Virginia : 

We now think of starting to you about 1 p. m. Thursday. Don't 
make public. 

A. Lincoln. 



March 22, 1865. — Telegram to General W. S.Hancock. 

Washington, D. C, March 22, 1865. 
Major-General Hancock, Winchester, Virginia : 

Seeing your despatch about General Crook, and fearing that 
through misapprehension something unpleasant may occur, I send 
you below two despatches of General Grant, which I suppose will 
lully explain General Crook's movements. 

A. Lincoln. 



March 23, 1865.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, March 23, 1865. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : 

We start to you at 1 p. m. to-day. May lie over during the dark 
hours of the night. Very small party of us. 

A. Lincoln. 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 665 



March 25, 1865. — Telegram to Secretary Stanton. 

City Point, Virginia, March 25, 1865. 8.30 a. m. 
Hon. Secretary op War, Washington, D. C. : 

Arrived here all safe about 9 p. m. yesterday. No war news. 
General Grant does not seem to know very much about Yeatman, 
but thinks very well of him so far as he does know. 

I like Mr. Whiting very much, and hence would wish him to re- 
main or resign as best suits himself. Hearing this much from me, 
do as you think best in the matter. General Lee has sent the Rus- 
sell letter back, concluding, as I understand from Grant, that their 
dignity does not admit of their receiving the document from us. 
Robert just now tells me there was a little rumpus up the line this 
morning, ending about where it began. 

A. Lincoln. 



March 27, 1865. — Telegram to Secretary Stanton. 

City Point, Virginia, March 27, 1865. 3.35 p. m. 
Hon. Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. : 

Yours inclosing Fort Sumter order received. I think of but one 
suggestion. I feel quite confident that Sumter fell on the loth, and 
not on the 14th of April, as you have it. It fell on Satiu'day, the 
13th; the first call for troops on our part was got up on Sunday, the 
14th, and given date and issued on Monday, the 15th. Look up 
the old almanac and other data, and see if I am not right. 

A. Lincoln. 



March 28, 1865. — Telegram to Secretary Stanton. 

City Point, Virginia, March 28, 1865. 12 m. 
Hon. Secretary op War, Washington, D. C. : 

After your explanation, I think it is little or no difference whether 
the Fort Sumter ceremony takes place on the 13th or 14th. 

General Sherman tells me he is well acquainted with James Yeat- 
man, and that he thinks him almost the best man in the country for 
anything he will undertake. 

A. Lincoln. 



March 31, 1865. — Telegram to Secretary Stanton. 

City Point, Virginia, March 31, 1865. 3 p. m. 

Secretary Stanton: 

At 12.30 p. m. to-day General Grant telegraphed me as follows : 

There has been much hard figbting this morning. The enemy drove our 
left from near Dabney's house back well toward, the Boydton plank road. 



666 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

We are now about to take the offensive at that point, and I hope will more 
than recover the lost ground. 

Later he telegraphed again as follows : 

Our troops, after being driven back to the Boydton plank road, turned 
and drove the enemy in turn, and took the White Oak road, which we now 
have. This gives us the ground occupied by the enemy this morning. I 
will send you a rebel flag captured by our troops in driving the enemy 
back. There have been four flags captured to-day. 

Judging by the two points from which General Grant telegraphs, 
I infer that he moved his headquarters about one mile since he sent 
the first of the two despatches. 

A. Lincoln. 



April 1, 1865. — Telegram to Secretary Stanton. 

City Point, April 1, 1865. 12.50 p. m. 
Hon. Secretary op War, Washington, D. C: 

I have had two despatches from General Grant since my last to 
you, but they contain little additional, except that Sheridan also had 
pretty hot work yesterday, that infantry was sent to his support 
during the night, and that he (Grant) has not since heard from 
Sheridan. 

Mrs. Lincoln has started home, and I will thank you to see that 
our coachman is at the Arsenal wharf at eight o'clock to-morrow 
morning, there to wait until she arrives. 

A. Lincoln. 



April 1, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

City Point, April 1, 1865. 5.45 p. m. 
Lieutenant-General Grai^t : 

Yours showing Sheridan's success of to-day is just received, and 
highly appreciated. Having no great deal to do here, I am still 
sending the substance of your despatches to the Secretary of War. 

A. Lincoln. 



April 2, 1865.— Telegrams to Secretary Stanton. 

City Point, Virginia, April 2, 1865. 8.30 a. m. 
Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War : 

Last night General Grant telegraphed that General Sheridan, 
with his cavalry and the Fifth Corps, had captured three brigades 
of infantry, a train of wagons, and several batteries; the prisoners 
amounting to several thousand. 

This morning General Grant, having ordered an attack along the 
whole line, telegraphs as follows : 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 667 

Botli Wright and Parke got through the enemy's lines. The battle now 
rages furiously. General Sheridan, with his cavalry, tlie Fifth Corps, and 
Miles's Division of the Second Corps, which was sent to him this morning, 
is now sweeping down from the west. 

All now looks highly favorable. General Ord is engaged, but I have not 
yet heard the residt in his front. 

A. LmcoLN. 

City Point, April 2. 11.00 a. m. 
Despatches are frequently coming in. All is going on finely. 
Generals Parke, Wright, and Ord's lines are extending from the 
Appomattox to Hatcher's Run. They have all broken through the 
enemy's intrenched lines, taking some forts, gnns, and prisoners. 

Sheridan, with his own cavalry, the Fifth Corps, and part of the 
Second, is coming in from the west on the enemy's flank. Wright 
is already tearing up the Southside Raih'oad. 

A. Lincoln. 

City Point, Virginia, April 2. 2 p. m. 
At 10.45 A. M. General Grant telegraphs as follows : 

Everything has been carried from the left of the Ninth Corps. The Sixth 
Corps alone captured more than 3000 prisoners. The Second and Twenty- 
fourth Corps captured forts, guns, and prisoners from the enemy, but I 
cannot tell the numbers. We are now closing around the works of the line 
immediately enveloping Petersbm-g. All looks remarkably well. I have 
not yet heard from Sheridan. His headquarters have been moved up to 
Banks's house, near the Boydton road, about three miles southwest of 
Petersburg. 

A. Lincoln. 

City Point, Virginia, April 2. 8.30 p. m. 
At 4.30 p. M. to-day General Grant telegraphs as follows : 

We are now up and have a continuous line of troops, and in a few hours 
will be intrenched from the Appomattox below Petersburg to the river 
above. The whole captures since the army started out will not amount to 
less than 12,000 men, and probably fifty pieces of artillery. I do not know 
the number of men and guns accurately, however. A portion of Foster's 
Division, Twenty-fourth Corps, made a most gallant charge this afternoon, 
and captured a very important fort from the enemy, with its entire gar- 
rison. AU seems weU with us, and everything is quiet just now. 

A. Lincoln. 



April 3, 1865.— Telegram to Secretary Stanton. 

City Point, Virginia, April 3, 1865. 8.30 a. m. 
Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War : 

This morning Lientenant-General Grant reports Petersburg evac- 
uated, and he is confident that Richmond also is. 

He is pushing forward to cut off, if possible, the retreating rebel 

^^^y- A. Lincoln. 



668 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



Ai)ril 5, 1865, — Telegram to General Banks. 

City Point, Virginia, April 5, 1865. 7.30 p. m. 
Major-General N. p. Banks, New York : 

Yours of to-day just received. I have been so much occupied 
with other thoughts that I really have no directions to give you. 
You may go at once, and you and. I will correspond when desired 
by either. 

A. Lincoln, President. 

April 5, 1865. — Unsigned Memorandum given to J. A. Campbell. 

As to peace, I have said before, and now repeat, that three things 
are indispensable : 

1. The restoration of the national authority throughout the United 
States. 

2. No receding by the executive of the United States on the sla- 
very question from the position assumed thereon in the late annual 
message, and in preceding documents. 

3. No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the war, and the 
disbanding of all forces hostile to the government. That all propo- 
sitions coming from those now in hostility to the government, not 
inconsistent with the foregoing, will be respectfully considered and 
passed upon in a spirit of sincere liberality. 

I now add that it seems useless for me to be more specific with 
those who will not say that they are ready for the indispensable 
terms, even on conditions to be named by themselves. If there be 
any who are ready for these indispensable terms, on any conditions 
whatever, let them say so, and state their conditions, so that the 
conditions can be known and considered. It is further added, that 
the remission of confiscation being within the executive power, if 
the war be now further persisted in by those opposing the govern- 
ment, the making of confiscated property at the least to bear the 
additional cost will be insisted on, but that confiscations (except in 
case of third party intervening interests) wiU be remitted to the 
people of any State which shall now promptly and in good faith 
withdraw its troops from further resistance to the government. 
What is now said as to the remission of confiscation has no refer- 
ence to supposed property in slaves. 



April 6, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. 

Headquarters Armies of the United States, 
City Point, April 6, 1865. 12 m. 
Lieutenant-General Grant, in the Field : 

Secretary Seward was thrown from his carriage yesterday and 
seriously injured. This, with other matters, will take me to Wash- 
ington soon. I was at Richmond yesterday and the day before, 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 669 

when and where Judge Campbell, who was with Messrs. Hunter and 
Stephens in February, called on me, and made such representations 
as induced me to put in his hands an informal paper, repeating the 
propositions in my letter of instructions to Mr. Seward, which you 
remember, and adding that if the war be now further persisted in by 
the rebels, confiscated property shall at the least bear the additional 
cost, and that confiscation shall be remitted to the people of any 
State which will now promptly and in good faith withdraw its 
troops and other support from resistance to tlie government. 

Judge Campbell thought it not impossible that the rebel legisla- 
ture of Virginia would do the latter if permitted ; and accordingly 
I addressed a private letter to General Weitzel, with permission to 
Judge Campbell to see it, telling him (G-eneral Weitzel) that if they 
attempt this, to permit and protect them, unless they attempt some- 
thing hostile to the United States, in which case to give them no- 
tice and time to leave, and to arrest any remaining after such time. 

I do not think it very probable that anything will come of this, 
but I have thought best to notify you so that if you should see 
signs you may understand them. 

From your recent despatches it seems that you are pretty effec- 
tually withdrawing the Virginia troops from opposition to the gov- 
ernment. Nothing that I have done, or j)robably shall do, is to de- 
lay, hinder, or interfere with your work. 

Yours trvdy, A. Lincoln. 

April 6, 1865. — Telegraisi to General G. Weitzel. 

Headquarters Armies op the United States, 

City Point, April 6, 1865. 
Major- General Weitzel, Richmond, Virginia: 

It has been intimated to me that the gentlemen who have acted 
as the legislature of Virginia in support of the rebellion may now 
desire to assemble at Richmond and take measures to withdraw the 
Virginia troops and other support from resistance to the General 
Government. If they attempt it, give them permission and protec- 
tion, until, if at all, they attempt some action hostile to the United 
States, in which case you will notify them, give them reasonable 
time to leave, and at the end of which time arrest any who remain. 
AUow Judge Campbell to see this, but do not make it public. 

A. Lincoln. 



April 10, 1865. — Response to a Call. 

If the company had assembled by appointment, some mistake had 
crept into their understanding. He had appeared before a larger 
audience than this one to-day, and he would repeat what he then 
said —namely, he supposed owing to the great good news there would 
be some demonstration. He would prefer to-morrow evening, when 
he should be quite willing, and he hoped ready, to say something. 



670 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

He desired to be particular, because everything lie said got into 
print. Occupying the position he did, a mistake would produce 
harm, and therefore he wanted to be careful not to make a mistake. 



April 10, 1865.— Telegram to Governor Pierpoint. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 10, 1865. 
Governor Pierpoint, Alexandria, Virginia : 
Please come up and see me at once. A. Lincoln. 

April 11, 1865. — Proclamation. 

By the President of the United States op America: 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, by my proclamations of the nineteenth and twenty- 
seventh days of April, 1861, the ports of the United States, in the 
States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Flor- 
ida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, were declared to be 
subject to blockade ; but whereas the said blockade has, in conse- 
quence of actual military occupation by this government, since been 
conditionally set aside or relaxed in respect to the ports of Norfolk 
and Alexandria, in the State of Virginia; Beaufort, in the State of 
North Carolina ; Port Royal, in the State of South Carolina ; Pen- 
sacola and Fernandina, in the State of Florida; and New Orleans, 
in the State of Louisiana ; 

And whereas, by the fourth section of the act of Congress, ap- 
proved on the 13th of July, 1861, entitled " An act further to pro- 
vide for the collection of duties on imports, and for other purposes," 
the President, for the reasons therein set forth, is authorized to close 
certain ports of entry ; 

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
of the United States, do hereby proclaim that the ports of Rich- 
mond, Tappahannock, Cherrystone, Yorktown, and Petersburg, in 
Virginia ; of Camden (Elizabeth City), Edenton, Plymouth, Wash- 
ington, Newbern, Ocracoke, and Wilmington, in North Carolina; 
of Charleston, Georgetown, and Beaufort, in South Carolina; of 
Savannah, St. Mary's, and Brunswick (Darien), in Georgia; of 
Mobile, in Alabama ; of Pearl River (Shieldsborough), Natchez, and 
Vicksburg, in Mississippi ; of St. Augustine, Key West, St. Mark's 
(Port Leon), St. John's (Jacksonville), and Appalachicola, in Flor- 
ida; of Teche (Franklin), in Louisiana; of Galveston, La Salle, 
Brazos de Santiago (Point Isabel), and Brownsville, in Texas, are 
hereby closed, and all right of importation, warehousing, and other 
privileges shall, in respect to the ports aforesaid, cease until they 
shall have again been opened by order of the President; and if, 
while said ports are so closed, any ship or vessel from beyond the 
United States, or having on board any articles subject to duties, 



LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 671 

shall attempt to enter any such ports, the same, together with its 
tackle, apparel, furniture, and cargo, shall be forfeited to the 
United States. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this eleventh day of 
r 1 April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
^ ' '^ and sixty-five, and of the independence of the United States 
of America the eighty-ninth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 
By the President : William H, Seward, Secretary of State. 



April 11, 1865. — Proclamation. 

By the President of the United States of America : 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, by my proclamation of this date, the port of Key West, 
in the State of Florida, was inadvertently included among those 
which are not open to commerce ; 

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
of the United States, do hereby declare and make known that the 
said port of Key West is and shall remain open to foreign and 
domestic commerce upon the same conditions by which that com- 
merce has there hitherto been governed. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this eleventh day of 
r ■^ April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
L * -I and sixty-five, and of the independence of the United States 
of America the eighty-ninth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

April 11, 1865. — Proclamation. 

By the President of the United States of America : 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, for some time past, vessels of war of the United States 
bave been refused, in certain foreign ports, privileges and immuni- 
ties to which they were entitled by treaty, public law, or the comity 
of nations, at the same time that vessels of war of the country 
wherein the said privileges and immunities have been withheld, have 
enjoyed them fully and uninterruptedly in ports of the United 
States, which condition of things has not always been forcibly re- 
sisted by the United States, although, on the other hand, they have 
not at any time failed to protest against and declare their dissatis- 
faction with the same; [and whereas,] in the view of the United 



672 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

States, no condition any longer exists which can be claimed to 
justify the denial to them, by any one of such nations, of customary 
naval rights, as has heretofore been so unnecessarily persisted in ; 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States, do hereby make known, that if, after a reasonable time shall 
have elapsed for intelligence of this proclamation to have reached 
any foreign country in whose ports the said privileges and immuni- 
ties shall have been refused, as aforesaid, they shall continue to be 
so refused ; then and thenceforth the same privileges and immuni- 
ties shall be refused to the vessels of war of that country in the 
ports of the United States, and this refusal shall continue until war- 
vessels of the United States shall have been placed upon an entire 
equality in the foreign ports aforesaid with similar vessels of other 
countries. The United States, whatever claim or pretense may have 
existed heretofore, are now, at least, entitled to claim and concede 
an entire and friendly equality of rights and hospitalities with all 
maritime nations. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this eleventh day of 
r 1 April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
^ ' J dred and sixty-five, and of the independence of the United 
States the eighty-ninth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President : Wiiaaam H. Sev^ard, Secretary of State. 



April 11, 1865. — Last Public Address. 

We meet this evening not in sorrow, but in gladness of heart. 
The evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and the surrender of 
the principal insurgent army, give hope of a righteous and speedy 
peace, whose joyous expression cannot be restrained. In the midst 
of this, however. He from whom all blessings flow must not be for- 
gotten. A call for a national thanksgiving is being prepared, and 
will be duly promulgated. Nor must those whose harder part give 
us the cause of rejoicing be overlooked. Their honors must not be 
parceled out with others. I myself was near the front, and had the 
high pleasure of transmitting much of the good news to you; but 
no part of the honor for plan or execution is mine. To General 
Grant, his skilful officers and brave men, all belongs. The gallant 
navy stood ready, but was not in reach to take active part. 

By these recent successes the reinauguration of the national 
authority — reconstruction — which has had a large share of thought 
from the first, is pressed much more closely upon our attention. It 
is fraught with great difficulty. Unlike a case of war between in- 
dependent nations, there is no authorized organ for us to treat 
with — no one man has authority to give up the rebellion for any 
other man. We simply must begin with and mold from disor- 
ganized and discordant elements. Nor is it a small additional 
embarrassment that we, the loyal people, differ among ourselves as 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 673 

to the mode, manner, and measure of reconstruction. As a general 
rule, I abstain from reading the reports of attacks upon myself, 
wishing not to be provoked by that to which I cannot properly offer 
an answer. In spite of this precaution, however, it comes to my 
knowledge that I am much censured for some supposed agency in 
setting up and seeking to sustain the new State government of 
Louisiana. 

In this I have done just so much as, and no more than, the public 
knows. In the annual message of December, 1863, and in the ac- 
companying proclamation, I presented a plan of reconstruction, as 
the phrase goes, which I promised, if adopted by any State, should 
be acceptable to and sustained by the executive government of the 
nation. I distinctly stated that this was not the only plan which 
might possibly be acceptable, and I also distinctly protested that the 
executive claimed no right to say when or whether members should 
be admitted to seats in Congress from such States. This plan was in 
advance submitted to the then Cabinet, and distinctly approved by 
every member of it. One of them suggested that I should then 
and in that connection apply the Emancipation Proclamation to the 
theretofore excepted parts of Virginia and Louisiana; that I should 
drop the suggestion about apprenticeship for freed people, and 
that I should omit the protest against my own power in regard 
to the admission of members to Congress. But even he approved 
every part and parcel of the plan which has since been employed or 
touched by the action of Louisiana. 

The new constitution of Louisiana, declaring emancipation for 
the whole State, practically applies the proclamation to the part 
previously excepted. It does not adopt apprenticeship for freed 
people, and it is silent, as it could not well be otherwise, about the 
admission of members to Congress. So that, as it applies to 
Louisiana, every member of the Cabinet fully approved the plan. 
The message went to Congress, and I received many commendations 
of the plan, written and verbal, and not a single objection to it from 
any professed emancipationist came to my knowledge until after the 
news reached Washington that the people of Louisiana had begun 
to move in accordance with it. From about July, 1862, I had cor- 
responded with different persons supposed to be interested [in] 
seeking a reconstruction of a State government for Louisiana. 
When the message of 1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached 
New Orleans, General Banks wrote me that he was confident that 
the people, with his military cooperation, would reconstruct sub- 
stantially on that plan. I wrote to him and some of them to try it. 
They tried it, and the result is known. Such has been my only 
agency in getting up the Louisiana government. 

As to sustaining it, my promise is out, as before stated. But as 
bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall treat this as a bad 
promise, and break it whenever I shall be convinced that keeping it 
is adverse to the public interest; but I have not yet been so con- 
vinced. I have been shown a letter on this subject, supposed to be 
an able one, in which the writer expresses regret that my mind has 
not seemed to be definitely fixed on the question whether the 
Vol. IL— 43. 



674 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

seceded States, so called, are in the Union or out of it. It would 
perhaps add astonishment to his regret were he to learn that since 
I have found professed Union men endeavoring to make that ques- 
tion, I have purposely forborne any public expression upon it. As 
appears to me, that question has not been, nor yet is, a practically 
material one, and that any discussion of it, while it thus remains 
practically immaterial, could have no effect other than the mischiev- 
ous one of dividing our friends. As yet, whatever it may hereafter 
become, that question is bad as the basis of a controversy, and good 
for nothing at all — a merely pernicious abstraction. 

We all agree that the seceded States, so called, are out of their 
proper practical relation with the Union, and that the sole object of 
the government, civil and military, in regard to those States is to 
again get them into that proper practical relation. I believe that it is 
not only possible, but in fact easier, to do this without deciding- or 
even considering whether these States have ever been out of the 
Union, than with it. Finding themselves safely at home, it would 
be utterly immaterial whether they had ever been abroad. Let us all 
join in doing the acts necessary to restoring the proper practical re- 
lations between these States and the Union, and each forever after 
innocently indulge his own opinion whether in doing the acts he 
brought the States from without into the Union, or only gave them 
proper assistance, they never having been out of it. The amount 
of constituency, so to speak, on which the new Louisiana govern- 
ment rests, would be more satisfactory to all if it contained 50,000, 
or 30,000, or even 20,000, instead of only about 12,000, as it does. 
It is also unsatisfactory to some that the elective franchise is not 
given to the colored man. I would myself prefer that it were now 
conferred on the very intelligent, and on those who serve our cause 
as soldiers. 

Still, the question is not whether the Louisiana government, as it 
stands, is quite all that is desirable. The question is, will it be 
wiser to take it as it is and help to improve it, or to reject and dis- 
perse it! Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relation 
with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new State 
government? Some twelve thousand voters in the heretofore slave 
State of Louisiana have sworn allegiance to the Union, assumed to 
be the rightful political power of the State, held elections, organized 
a State government, adopted a free-State constitution, giving the 
benefit of public schools equally to black and white, and empower- 
ing the legislature to confer the elective franchise upon the colored 
man. Their legislature has already voted to ratify the constitu- 
tional amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing slavery 
throughout the nation. These 12,000 persons are thus fully com- 
mitted to the Union and to perpetual freedom in the State — com- 
mitted to the very things, and nearly all the things, the nation wants 
— and they ask the nation's recognition and its assistance to make 
good their committal. 

Now, if we reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to disor- 
ganize and disperse them. We, in effect, say to the white man : 
You are worthless or worse ; we will neither help you, nor be helped 



LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 675 

by you. To the blacks we say: This cup of liberty which these, 
your old masters, hold to your lips we will dash from you, and leave 
you to the chances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents 
in some vague and undefined when, where, and how. If this course, 
discouraging and paralyzing both white and black, has any tendency 
to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations with the Union, 
I have so far been unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, we 
recognize and sustain the new government of Louisiana, the con- 
verse of all this is made true. We encourage the hearts and nerve 
the arms of the 12,000 to adhere to their work, and argue for it, and 
proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed it, and gi'ow it, and ripen 
it to a complete success. The colored man, too, in seeing all united 
for him, is inspired with vigilance, and energy, and daring, to the 
same end. Grant that he desires the elective franchise, will he 
not attain it sooner by saving the already advanced steps toward 
it than by running backward over them? Concede that the new 
government of Louisiana is only to what it should be as the egg is 
to the fowl, we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg than 
by smashing it. 

Again, if we reject Louisiana we also reject one vote in favor of 
the proposed amendment to the national Constitution. To meet 
this proposition it has been argued that no more than three-fourths 
of those States which have not attempted secession are necessary 
to validly ratify the amendment. I do not commit myself against 
this further than to say that such a ratification would be question- 
able, and sure to be persistently questioned, while a ratification by 
three-fourths of all the States would be unquestioned and unques- 
tionable. I repeat the question: Can Louisiana be brought into 
proper practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by 
discarding her new State government? What has been said of 
Louisiana will apply generally to other States. And yet so great 
peculiarities pertain to each State, and such important and sudden 
changes occur in the same State, and withal so new and unprece- 
dented is the whole case that no exclusive and inflexible plan can 
safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals. Such exclusive 
and inflexible plan would surely become a new entanglement. Im- 
portant principles may and must be inflexible. In the present situ- 
ation, as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make some new 
announcement to the people of the South. I am considering, and 
shall not fail to act when satisfied that action will be proper. 



April 12, 1865, — Telegram to General G. Weitzel. 

Washington, D. C, April 12, 1865. 
Major-General Weitzel, Richmond, Virginia : 

I have seen your despatch to Colonel Hardie about the matter of 
prayers, I do not remember hearing prayers spoken of while I 
was in Richmond ; but I have no doubt you have acted in what 
appeared to you to be the spirit and temper manifested by me while 
there. Is there any sign of the rebel legislature coming together 



676 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 

on the understanding of my letter to you ? If there is any such 
sign, inform me what it is ; if there is no such sign, you may with- 
draw the offer. 

A. Lincoln. 



April 12, 1865. — Telegram to General G. Weitzel. 

Washington, D. C, April 12, 1865. 
Major-General Weitzel, Richmond, Virginia : 

I have just seen Judge Campbell's letter to you of the 7th. He 
assumes, as appears to me, that I have called the insurgent legisla- 
ture of Virginia together, as the rightful legislature of the State, 
to settle all differences with the United States. I have done no 
such thing. I spoke of them, not as a legislature, but as " the gen- 
tlemen who have acted as the legislature of Virginia in support of 
the rebellion." I did this on purpose to exclude the assumption 
that I was recognizing them as a rightful body. I dealt with them 
as men having power de facto to do a specific thing, to wit: "To 
withdraw the Virginia troops and other support from resistance to 
the General Government," for which, in the paper handed Judge 
Campbell, I promised a specific equivalent, to wit: a remission to 
the people of the State, except in certain cases, of the confiscation 
of their property. I meant this, and no more. Inasmuch, however, 
as Judge Campbell misconstrues this, and is still pressing for an 
armistice, contrary to the explicit statement of the paper I gave 
him, and particularly as General Grant has since captured the Vir- 
ginia troops, so that giving a consideration for their withdrawal is 
no longer applicable, let my letter to you and the paper to Judge 
Campbell both be withdrawn, or countermanded, and he be notified 
of it. Do not now allow them to assemble, but if any have come, 
allow them safe return to their homes. 

A. Lincoln. 



INDEX 



INDEX 



ABC schools, the President at, I, 639. 

Abingdon, Va., movemeuts at, II, 428. 

Abolitionism, the ri^ht way to regard, 1, 12 ; 
teiidcucy of doctrines of, to increase the 
evils of slavery, 642. 

Abolitionist, Lincoln declared an, I, 218. 

Abolitionists, extremists anions, I, 174 ; 
.Southern recruits nnionf?, 18C>, '28S; opposi- 
tion to Kansas-Nebraska hill,';'.) ; rccruit- 
iug troni Whig and Ui-niocratic parties, 
279, 322,336, 365, 400-403; platform in Il- 
linois in 1854, 279, 280 ; charged by Douglas 
with using aliases, 338, 339, 404 ; compact 
for the election of Lincoln as U. S. sena- 
tor, 340; Douglas's charges against South- 
ern, 366; Douglas charges revolutionary 
principles against, 390; oppose the com- 
promise measures of 1850. 399; carry the 
Illinois legislature in 1854, 401, 403; declare 
for no more slave States, 468 ; the party 
bonndeil iiy geographical lines, 470 ; power 
in Illiudis, 4".i2 : assert equality of negroes 
and whites, 495. 

Abolition of slavery, schemes for compen- 
sated, II, 91, 129, 130; scheme for gradual, 
129, 130 ; the President accused of carrying 
on war for sole purpose of, 562. 

"Abraham Lincoln : a History," II, 568. 

Absterdam projectile, the, II, 494. 

Accomac County, Va., renewal of allegiance 
in, II, 104 ; excepted from declaration of 
Virginia's state of rebellion, Jan. 1, 1863, 
288 ; question of exemption of, from Eman- 
cipation I'roelainatioii, 327 ; rebels paroled 
in, by Gen. Dix, 394, 395. 

Acquisition of territory, constitutional 
power of, II, 102. 

Acts of incorporation, power of Congress to 
pass, I, 31. 

Adams, Charles Francis, suggested for Cab- 
inet position, I, 661; proposed as Minis- 
ter to (Jreut Britain, II, 24; text of diplo- 
matic despatch from Secretary Seward 
to. May 21, 1861, with the President's cor- 
rections, 48-51 ; ord(!red to decline inter- 
course with British government as long 
as it holds intercoirrse with enemies of 
the United States, 49; correspnndenee re- 
garding the Trent affair, 120; despatch 
from, regarding publications presented to 
the Library of (■oiii;iess, 281 ; instruction 
from Secretary Seward to, regarding 
meeting of the President with Confed- 
erate commissioners at Hampton Roads, 
650, 651. 

Adams, Christopher, candidate for position 
in Bureau of Construction, II, 44. 

Adams, Brig. -Gen. D. W., wounded at 
Chickamauga, II, 412. 

Adams, Green, letter to, regarding special 
force in Kentucky, II, 293. 

Adams, J. H., supports Lincoln for U. 8. 
senatorship, I, 213. 

Adams, John, relative cost of his administra- 
tion, I, 32; supporter of the Declaration 
of Iiulependenee, II, 3(;<i ; deatli, :!66. 

Adams, John Quincy, cost of his aclministra- 
tion, I, 32 ; appropriations for internal im- 
l)rovements under, 124, 125 ; position in 



regard to powers of Congress over public 
improvements, 127 ; appoints Clay Secre- 
tary of State, 170; renomiuation for Presi- 
dency, 222. 

Adams County, 111., the Hanks family in, I, 
59(;, 639. 

Addison, John, letter to, I, 159. 

Adjutant-general, the President's objec- 
tums to being accompanied by him, II, 
117, 118. 

"Admiral P. Tordenskiold," bai'k, recom- 
mendation of appropriation for, for dam- 
ages connected with the blockade, II, 262. 

Admiralty, awards of damages in, II, 448. 

Admission of States into Union, Lincoln's 
position as to, I, 306, 307. 

Africa, return of negroes to, I, 175, 187, 235 ; 
corresiioudence with Portugal regarding 
cotton cultivation in, II, 128; communica- 
tion with, 269. Se ' also African slave- 
trade. 

"Africa," the, attempted seizure of Mr. 
Fauchet by commander of, II, 278. 

African slave-trade, forbidden, I. 187, 194, 
202, 203, 501, 504, 540. 565, 587, 615 ; not to- 
tally suppressed, 193; declared piracy, 
194 ; specious reasoning of the trader in 
regard to, 197 ; provisions of U. S. Consti- 
tution in regard to, 202, 253, 565 ; protec- 
tion of the'Liome industry, 245 ; Douglas's 
position in regard to, 245, 555, 565, 566; 
parity with Territorial slavery, 288 ; re- 
vival of, by Douglas's popular sover- 
eignty doctrine, 537, 538, .554-557, 564; early 
public sentiment in regard to, 555, 556; re- 
vival nnist be preveided, 574, 585, 586, 588, 
593; period of extiuKuislinient of, 587; 
Democratic call for revival of, 607, 627 ; 
reopening of, condemned by Republican 
National Convention of 1860, 636 ; a pecu- 
liar "necessitv," 649; suppression of, II, 
101, 268; treaty with Great Britain for 
suppression of, 178, 445 ; Liberia's share in 
arrest of, (305. See also Slave-trade. 

Agency, the Federal government's relation 
to the States one of, II, 440. 

Agricultural fairs, use of, I, 576, 577. 

Agricultural reports, value of, II, 101. 

Agricultural scrip, certified to States for 
railroads, II, 611. 

Agriculture, Calhoun's views on, 1, 73 ; Jack- 
son's views on, 73 ; comparison of condi- 
tions under free trade and protection, 90- 
95; iniprovcnient of, 576, 577,11,268; the 
chemistry of, I, 578, 583 ; animal, man, and 
steam power used in, 578-582; a<lvaiitages 
of education in. 582, 583; the lueehanics 
of, 583 ; Lincoln's early experience in, 597 ; 
encouragement of, 637 ; the Chicago plat- 
form of 1860 on, 679 ; lack of a bureau for, 
II, 101 ; act to provide for colleges of, 313 ; 
deficiency of laborers in, 447. See also 
Department of Agriculture ; Ham- 
burg. 

Alabama, former ownership, by Georgia, of 
territory now, I, 181, 601; ceded to Fed- 
eral government, 601 ; provision as to 
slavery in deed of cession of, 601 ; ob- 
struction of U. S. laws in, II, 34 ; insur- 



679 



680 



INDEX 



rection in, 35. 55 ; blockade of ports of, pro- 
chiiiued, 35, 39, 485, 670 ; declared iu state of 
insuiTection, 75, 195, 285,288,321,322; orsiini- 
zation of the provisional frovemment at 
Montgomery, 164; orderforseizureof prop- 
erty, and eniploynicut of military "con- 
trabands" in, 212 ; reconstruction of, 443. 

"Alabama," tbe, destruction of, by the A'car- 
sarye, II, 603. 

Albany, N. Y., acceptance of invitation to 
visit New York legislature at, 1, 668 ; reply 
to Gov. Morgan at, Feb. 18, 1861, 683 ; reply 
to mayor of, Feb. 18, 1861, 683 ; address to 
New York legislature at, Feb. 18, 1861, 684 ; 
resolutions passed at public meeting at. 
May 16, 1863, II, 345-352, 360. 

Albany " Eveningjournal," Tburlow Weed's 
valedictory to iiatrons of, II, 308. 

"Albemarle," the, destruction of, II, 593, 604. 

Alden,CommanderJames, recommended tor 
thanks of Cou,i;Tess, II, 152. 

Aldie, Va., Jackson's movements through, 
II, 158; question of McClellan's move- 
nients by way of, 247. 

Aldie's Gap, II, 356. 

Alexandria, Egypt, action of U. 8. consul 
at, regarding: outi-age on missionary agent 
iu Egypt, II, 157. 

Alexandria, La., Banks's movements from, 
II, 343. 

Alexandria, Va., II, 92; death of Col. Ells- 
worth at, 73, Gen. Kicketts at, 106; Gen. 
Wadsworth sent to, 166 ; McDowell needed 
at, 166; transportation from, 187; McClel- 
lan at, 228: opening the port of, 412, 670. 

Alexandria and Orange railroad, destroyed 
by Lee, II, 428. 

Aliens, Lincoln's attitude toward, I, 676; 
proclaraation concerning, II, 333, 334; 
claim to cxcinptiou from military service 
disallowcil, H;i3, 3:u ; riglits of, \n\ ; assump- 
tinu of right of sutiiagc 1>.\ , 44(), 447; draft- 
ing of, 417; redress of injuries to, 448. 

Alleghany Mountains, boundary line be- 
tween loyalty and rebellion, 11,73, 321,659; 
boundary of t)ie great interior region of 
tlie VuWWX 8tates, 269. 

Allegiance, the oath of. See Oath. 

Allen, , I, 214. 

Allen, , defeats Col. Archer, I, 210. 

Allen, Charles, I, 207. 

Allen, J. M., signs invitation to Henry Clay, 
I, 68. 

Allen, Nathan, I, 354. 

Allen, Col. Robert, letter to, I, 7, 8. 

Allen County, Ky., assessments in, II, 590, 
591. 

Alphabet, on the invention of the, I, 525, 526. 

Alton, 111., neighborhood selected for Lin- 
coln-Shields duel, 1,70; Truml>uirs charge 
against Douglas at, 371, 374, 388, 394; ex- 
tracts from 'i'lumbuH's si>eech at, 379-385; 
Joint deliate at, see .T<.)INT Debates. 

"Alton Courier," the, I, 212. 

Ambition, Lincoln's personal, I, 4; misdi- 
rected, 11,13,14, 11,307; well-directed, I, 
13. II, 307 ; a motive for enlistment, 388. 

Ambos, , claim against Barret, I, 530. 

Amelia Island, capture of, II, 140. 

Amendments. See U. S. Constitution. 

America, on the discovery of, I, 526, 528. 

American Baptist Home Mission Society, 
preamble and resolutions of, II, 526. 

American citizens?— or Democrats? II, 350. 

American classics, II, 255. 

American Colonization Society, Clay's 
speech l)efore, I, 175. 

American government, rests in public opin- 
ion, I, 225. 

Americanindustries, protection of the slave- 
trade, I, 245. See also Protection. 



Americanism, I, 237. 

American Party, Douglas's affection for, I, 
271 ; Lincoln denies membership in, 519, 
646, 647. 

American people, patriotism of, I, 11-15; 
supremacy of, II, 3; resources, advan- 
tages, and powers of, 308 ; loyalty of, 640. 

American republicanism, the sheet-anchor 
of, I, 195. 

American Tract Society, slavery dissension 
in, I, 507. 

American women, II, 500, 501, 631. 

Ames, Horatio, offer to purchase guns of, 
II, 415 ; testing of guns of, 577. 

Ames, Bishop Edward, War Department 
gives control of Methodist churches to, 
II, 481. 

Ammunition, order concerning exportation 

of, II, 403. 

Amnesty, to political or state prisoners, TI, 
123-125 ; for Southern representatives, 281 ; 
to soldiers absent without leave, 314, 315; 
proclamations of, 442-444, 504, 505; to Mrs. 
E. T. Helm, 458 ; question of conflict be- 
tween oath of, and that of Gov. Johnson, 
486-488; definition of persons entitled to 
claim, uuder proclamation of Dec. 8, 
1863, 504, 505; offer of general pardon and, 
615. 

Amnesty proclamation. Gen. Sickles com- 
missioned to make investigation tour con- 
cerning, II, 483. 

Anarchy, tendencies toward, 1, 11; relation 
to secession, II, 5. 

Ancestors, the works of our, I, 9. 

Anderson, Gen. R. H., opposing McDowell, 
II, 158, 169 ; sujiposed to have'eutered the 
valley of Virginia, 173. 

Anderson, Major Robert, commanding Fort 
Sumter, II, 9; opinion on provisioning the 
fort, 15, 16 ; weakness of his position, 19 ; 
not to be considered in planning policy re- 
ganling Fort Sumter, 21 ; the President 
declines to submit (lesi)atches from, to the 
Senate, 25; his recall advised, 26, 27; in- 
structions to, A])ril 4, 180] , 31, 32 ; prepara- 
tion of expedition to relieve, 31 ; author- 
ized to capitulate, 32 ; letter to. May 1, 
1861, 40; ordered to enlist troops from 
Kentucky and western Virginia, 43 ; re- 
port on condition of Fort Sumter, 56 ; dis- 
cretion as to commissioning Simon Buck- 
ner, 76; reports the effects of Fremont's 
proclamation, 81 ; Western troops for, 84 ; 
at Louisville, 84. 

Anderson, W. G., letter to, I, 42. 

Andrew, John A., governor of Massachu- 
setts, consent of, asked for Gen. Butler to 
raise troops in Massachusetts, II, 78 ; i-e- 
portto, concerning Banks, 167 ; notified as 
to relief of militia, and enlistment of three- 
years men, 167 ; draft t>f letter to, concern- 
ing recruiting colored troops iu Massa- 
chusetts, 484; desitafch to, concerning the 
Thirteenth Amendment, 634. . 

Andrews, , sentenced to be shot for de- 
sertion, II, 468. 

Andrews, Israel D., enormous claim against 
the govenuneut, II, 355. 

Andrews, Paymaster-General, alleged per- 
sonal feeling connected with appointment 
of paymaster for Rosecraus's army, II, 
315, 316. 

Animal power, substitution of, for man 
power, I, 578 ; substitution of steam 
power for, 579. 

Annapolis, Md., Gov. Hicks's action regard- 
ing troops at, II, 36; patriotism at, 37. 

Antietam, battle of, II, 250, 398; effect of 
the battle on the Emancipation Proclama- 
tion, 480. 



INDEX 



681 



Anti-Nebraska men, I, 401. 

Appalachicola, Fla., port of, declared closed, 

II, 670. 

Appeal to the country, dangers of, II, 191. 

Appomattox, Federal lines on the, II, 667. 

Apportionment law, .Iiidd's draft of, I, 520. 

Apprenticeship of negroes, II, 91, 296, GT.i. 

Appropriations, local, I, 124 ; $400,000,000 
asked for, from Com^-irss, 60. 

Aquia Creek, McCIellan's niovenients Ijy 
way of, II, 247 ; the President near, 258, 259. 

Aquia Creek railroad, question to McC'lellan 
al.oitt cuttinir, II, 160. 

Arbitration, Gov. Ilieks's request to submit 
matters to media tio)i of Lord LA^ons, II, 
36, 37; scheme for, iu the Trent affair, 108, 
109; resolution of the Senate regarding, 
310. 

Archer, Col., defeated by Allen, I, 210. 

Argentine Republic, relations with, II, 605. 

Arizona, mineral resdurccs in. II, 447. 

Arkansas, intcrestid in Mississippi River 
improvements, I, 125; part of Louisiana 
purchase, 182; admission of, 183, 192; 
Seward looks to, for revival of Union sen- 
timent, II, 13; repression of Union senti- 
ment in, 58 ; declared in state of insurrec- 
tion, 75, 195, 285, 2s«, ;iji, ;i22; Price's re- 
treat to, 86, 87 ; insurgents from, in posses- 
sion of Indian Territory, 100, 101 ; order 
for seizure of property and employment 
of military contrabands in, 212 ; negotia- 
tions for election of representatives to 
Congress from, 248; military operations 
in, 303; partial transfer of, to Grant's de- 
partment, 304; the Kmaneipatiou Procla- 
mation in, 379; reconstruction in, 443, 467, 
472, 473, 475, 476,479, 4.S2-4.S4, 487, 495, .501, 515, 
535, 539, 545, 612 ; emancipation in, 454 ; 
cleared of insurgent control, 454 ; treat- 
ment of freeilmeu in. 473, 474; Clay and 
Field undertake to cultivate plantations 
in, on free-lalior system, 474 ; amendment 
of constitution of, as regards slavery, 475 ; 
elections iu, 498, 501, 515 ; representatives 
from, refused admittance to Congress, 539. 

Arkansas Post, Ark., Admiral Porter's ser- 
vices at, II, 307. 

Arkansas River, McClernand's services on 
the, II, 305. 

Arlington, Va., headquarters of Department 
of Northeastern Virginia, II, 67; reorgan- 
ization of Manassas troops at, 69. 

Armed neutrality iu the border States, II, 59. 

Armies, power of Congress to raise and 
support, II. 389. 

Armistice, none granted in consequence of 
A. H. Stephens's presence within the 
lines, II, 645 ; Judge Campbell's demands 
for, 676. 

Arms, distribution of national, among 
Southern States, II, .55; scarcity of, 82; 
mixture of politics with the profession of, 
307 ; order c(»ncerning exportation of, 403. 

Armstrong, A. N., I, 521. 

Armstrong, Hosea, I, 41. 

Armstrong, Hugh, I, 6. 

Army and Navy, orders to officers of, April 
1, 1861, II, 28, 29; joint expedition, 80; a 
Constitutional lueans of suppressing re- 
belli(m, 363. See also U. S. Army; U. S. 
Nav y. 

Army corps, organization of, II, 149. 

Army of the James, II, 641, 642. 

Army of the Potomac, proposed forward 
movement, II, 92, 93 ; orders for move- 
ments on Feb. 22, 1862, 119; expedition to 
seize the railroad southwest of Manassas 
Junction, 119, 120; McCIellan's plans for 
movements of, coutraste<l with the Presi- 
dent's, 120; reorganization of, 130 ; opera- 



tions directed for, 131 ; to provide for the 
safety of Washington, 131 ; McClellan 
head of, 137 ; direcfn)us for its operations 
before Richmond, 188; visit of the Presi- 
dent to, July 9, 1862, 201 ; McClellan re- 
lieved from command of, 252 ; Burnside 
appointed to command, 252 ; condition of, 
259; congratulations to, Dec. 22, 1862, 282, 
283; plan of operations for, by Gens. 
Franklin and Snntii, 283 ; question of 
forming reser\e cavalry corps for, 293 ; 
Lee its main oiiject, not Richmond, 295, 
322,345,409; the I'lcsident has no desire 
to relieve liurnside, 29(; ; KurnsidereUeved 
from command, 306 ; Gens. Franklin and 
Sumner relieved from duty, 306 ; Hooker 
assigned to command, 306 ; relative posi- 
tions of Lee's army and, 322 ; (Jen. Schurz 
requests the sei)aratii)n of his division 
from, 323 ; battle of ( iettysburg, 365 ; prop- 
osition that it attack Lee, 429 ; services 
of part of, in Georgia, 442; news from, 

584. 

Army of the Rappahannock, proposed junc- 
tion with McClellan, II, 1.54. 

Army of the 'West, services in Georgia, II, 
442. 

Army of Virginia, order constituting, II, 
188; command assigned to Pope, 188; plan 
of its duties, isrt; dirt'ctions for its opera- 
tions liefore Kichmond, ls8. 

Army of Western Virginia, orders for move- 
ments of. Feb. 22, 1862, II, 119. 

Army organization, the President's policy 
of non-interference with, II, 566. 567. 

Arnold, Isaac N., letter to. May 25, 1864, II, 
525 ; nominated to Congress, .540, 541. 

Arrests, complaints about, in Missouri, II, 
291, 292. 

Arsenals, employment of slaves in, I, 659; 
Confederate seizures of, II, 11, 55, 58; trea- 
son iu, 124. 

Articles of Association of 1774, II, 3. 

Articles of Confederation, I, 181; provided 
for perpetuity of the Union, II. 3, 62. 

Articles of War, II, 188; an addition to the, 
237, 238 ; Art. 65, 303 ; provision of, regard- 
ing intemperance in the army, 415. 

Asbury, Henry, letters to, I, 277, 521. 

Ascension Parish, La., excepted from dec- 
laration of Louisiana's state of rebellion, 
Jan. 1, 1863, II, 288. 

Ashby's Gap, Jackson's movements from, 
II, 158; distance from Harper's Feri-y, 247. 

Ashland, Va., seizure of, by Federal force, 
II, 170; Federal cavalry raid at, 332. 

Ashley, Gen. Chester, U. S. senator from Ar- 
kansas, I, 118. 

Ashman, George, introduces amendment in 
House of Representati\(s declaring Mex- 
ican war unconstitutional, 1,110,409,514, 
643; letter ti>, 635 ; invites the I'residentto 
attend Soldiers' Fair at Springticld, 11,619. 

Asia, coniniunication with, II, 2(':9. 

Asiatic coolie trade, resolution of the House 
respecting, II, 110. 

Assassination, raison d'etre of, I, 609; insti- 
gated 1).\- resistance to the draft, II, 362 ; 
in Missoiu-i, 507. 

Assemblies, suppression of, in Missouri, 
II, 416. 

Assessments for rebel outrages, complaints 
about, iu Missouri, II, 291, 292 ; necessity 
and evils of the system, 591. 

Assumption Parish, La., excepted from 
declaration of Louisiana's state of rebel- 
lion, Jan. 1, 1863, II, 288. 

Astor, J. J., Jr., letter to, regarding pro- 
posed mayoralty of (ion. Dix, II, 436, 437. 

Atchison, D. R., election and resignation 
of, I, 223. 



682 



INDEX 



Atchison, Kan., speech in, I, 585; growth 
of, 632. 

Athens, Ga., dispute on mail-route to Mill- 
eclseville, 1, 108, 109. 

Atherton's Ferry, I, 639. 

Atkinson, Gen. H., I, 5. 

Atkinson, , question of removal of, II, 

533. 

Atlanta, Ga., Sherman near, II, 555, 561; 
capture of, 571-573 ; Sherman at, 577, 582 ; 
Sherman's march to Savannah from, 622. 

Atlanta, 111., I, 274. 

"Atlanta," the, Confederate ironclad, en- 
gagement with the Weehawken , II, 456, 457. 

Atlantic Ocean, the, II, 224 ; proposed in- 
ternational telegi-aph line across, 263, 447, 
605. 

Atlantic seaboard, proposed telegraphic 
communication between Washington and 
forts on the, II, 447. 

Attainder, provision of U. 8. Constitution 
asaiust, II, 211. 

Attorney-General, proposed opinion of, on 
(piestiou of habeas corpus, II, 60 ; opinion 
of, on rights of colored ti'oops, 519. 

Auburn, N. Y., speech by Seward at, II, 
586 ; Seward at, 593, 594. 

Augusta, III., Lincoln speaks at, I, 361. 

Aurora, 111., platform of Republican Con- 
gressional Convention at, 1854, I, 465, 466. 

Austria, Bui-lingame proposed as minister 
to, II, ■.4; coiTespoudeuce with, regard- 
ing the Trent attatr, 113; relations with, 
263. 

Autobiography of the President, I, 638-644. 

Avarice, overborne by patriotism, I, 14. 

Averell, Maj.-Gen. W. 'W., success at Lewis- 
burg, II, 437. 

Avery, , disputed mail contracts of, I, 

109. 

Aves Island, settlement of claim, II, 604. 

Babcock, Lt.-Col. O. E., II, 649. 

Backus, Abner L., letter to, II, 360-363. 

Bailey, Joshua F., collector of customs at 
New York, II, 481. 

Bailey, Capt. Theodoras, recommended for 
thanks of Congress, II, 151. 

Baily, Gen., reports stai'vation in Louisiana, 
II, 578, 579. 

Baird, Isaac P., case of, II, 222, 490. 

Baker, Col. E. D., I. 39, 100, 152-154, 158, 214, 
594; 11,130; nominated for Illinois Senate, 
I, 41 ; defeated for senatorship, 43 ; signer 
of Whig circular, 47; counsel in Fisher 
murder trial, 49; signs call for Whig State 
Convention, 54 ; defeats Lincoln as dele- 
gate to district convention, 79; Campbel- 
ute influence for, 80 ; alleged election tac- 
tics of, 81 ; candidate for Congress, 82, 644 ; 
service in Mexican war. 111, 146; interest 
asked in favor of Gen. Taylor, 118 ; influ- 
ence in Illinois, 131 ; candidate for Cabinet 
office, 149 ; desires to be heard by Secre- 
tary of the Treasury on Illinois appoint- 
ments, 151 ; arranjre'nient with, concern- 
ing nominees for Ucneral LandOftice, 154; 
in Congress, 643; commanding California 
regiment, II, 107 ; patriotism of, 258 ; killed 
in battle, 510. 

Baker, Jehu, speaks at Waterloo, 111., I, 338, 
404 ; speaks in Monroe County, 433, 438. 

Baldwin, Abraham, I, 600-602. 

Baldwin, Commander Charles H., recom- 
mended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. 

Baldwin, D. S. D., note to, II, 566, 567. 

Ballot, reliance on, for solution of domestic 
ditticulties, II, 56, 57 ; no successful appeal 
from, to the bullet, 398. 

Ball's Bluff, battle of, II, 107. 

" Baltic," the, movements of, II, 136. 



Baltimore, Md., conventions at, I, 123, 138, 
140, 278, 336, 399, 645, 650, II, 527, 528 ; passage 
of troops through, 36, 215, 512 (see also 
Maryland) ; French 8. Evans lecom- 
mended for appraisership at, 42,43 ; policy 
regarding the holding of, 69; arrest and 
in)prisonment of police commissioners of, 
70, 79 ; Gen. Dix commanding in, 127 ; Hal- 
leck's troops ordered to Richmond by way 
of, 189; riot in, 215; Gen. Wright at, 230; 
straggling soldiers in, 248 ; troops sent 
from, to intercept enemy threatening 
Pennsylvania, 330 ; defense of, yes, 546, 547 ; 
Gen. Schenck in command of department 
at, 365, 369, 428, 430 ; the President's passage 
through, to Gettysburg, 439; address at 
Sanitary Fair in, 512-514 ; changes in, 512 ; 
Gen. Wallace at, 521, 617; Sanitary fairs 
in, 534 ; salute flred at, 573 ; negroes of, pre- 
sent a Bible to the President, 574 ; meeting 
at, to ratify new Constitution, 584. 
" Baltimore," the, the President on board 

of, II, 259. 
" Baltimore American," quoted, I, 139, II, 

191. 
Baltimore and Ohio railroad, defense of the, 
II, 142; clearing the, 377; proposes ar- 
rangements for trip to Gettysburg, 439; 
exposure to attack, 655. 
Baltimore Convention of 1844, members in- 
structed for Van Buren, 1, 140. 
Baltimore Convention of 1848, indorsefl 
Polk's vetoes of public improvement 
bills, 1, 138. 
Baltimore Conventions of 1852, approve 

Compromise of 1850, 1, 278. 
Baltimore Convention of i860, Douglas's 

Southern votes at, I, 645. 
Baltimore Convention of 1864. See UNION 

National Convention. 
Bancroft, George, correspondence with, II, 

90. 
Bangor, Me., s]»eech of Jefl'erson Davis at, 

I, 494 ; military line extended to, II, 85. 
Banishments, complaints about, in Mis- 

souri, II, 291, 292. 
Bank charter, power of Congress to grant, 

I, 31. 
Bank circulation, taxation of, II, 301. 
Banking law, national, II, 448. 
Bank-notes, Icijislation regarding circula- 
tion in District of Columbia, II, 186. 
Bank of United States, use of public money 
by, I, 25; overthrow of, 25 ; constitution- 
ality of, 136, 455. 
Bank paper, use of, in collecting revenue, 

I, 22. 
Bankrupt law, question of establishing, I, 

137. 
Banks, issue of notes by, II, 18G; suspen- 
sion of specie payments by, 264; the na- 
tional banking sy.stem, 264, 265, 301 ; issuefj 
of, suspended, 301. 
Banks, Maj.-Gen. Nathaniel P., leader in 
Abolitionist Party, I, 364,403; suggested 
for Cabinet position, 657, 061; his forces 
to be strengthened, II, 69; to command 
Fifth Corps, Ai-my of Potomac, 131 ; at 
Manassas Junction, 142 ; division of his 
corps, 142; critical position of, 157-160; 
Confederate pursuit of, 158; Fremont 
ordered to the relief of, 159; correspon- 
dence with, 160, 161, 170, 171, 174, 175, 177, 
185, 256, 257, 318, 319, 380, 381, 435, 436, 465, 
466, 469,476, 477, 509, 510, 560, 601-603,668; 
Confederate operations on his line, 160; 
proposed movement to Strasburg, 160; 
engaged with Ewell, 160; at Winchester, 
160, 177; requested to furnish informa- 
tion, 161 ; driven north. 161 ; retreat to 
Harper's Ferry, 162 ; retreat to Winches- 



INDEX 



683 



ter, 162 \, inquiry regarding his position at 
Martinsburg, 162 ; danger to, at Harper's 
Ferry, 162; Confederate atteniitt to get 
to tlie uortliward of, 163; strength at 
Strasburg, 163; beaten at Wiucliester, 
163 ; retreat to Williamsport, 166 ; oflicial 
report from, 166; reports having saved 
his command, 167 ; safe from pursuit, from 
fatigue of the enemy, 169; at Williaius- 
port, 170, 171, 173, 174; at Harper's Ferry, 
173 ; directed to cooperate with Fremont, 
173, 179, 182. 184; Sigel ordered to report 
to, 174; ordered to move to Front Royal, 
177 ; questiDU of retreat from Front Royal, 
179; waitiui;- tor Fremont's arrival, 179; 
criticism in regard to his movements op- 
posing Jackson at Strasburg and Front 
Eoyaf, 180; Sigel's corps with, 182; at 
Wa'shington, 184; at MiihUctinvu, 185 ;_ ex- 
pects movement of enemy from the West, 
185; Gen. Scott's views as to disposition 
of his troops, 187; to connnand Second 
Army Corps, Army of Virginia, 188 ; in 
command of Sheuandoah Department, 
188; cousolidation of his forces with the 
Army of Virginia, 188 ; letter to, regarding 
impedimenta, 2o(i; troops of, 197; opera- 
tions on the Mississippi. 304; to join 
Grant at Vieksburg, 304; relations 
with Butler, SOU; commuuication to, re- 
garding the raising of a colored brigade, 
318, 319; inquiry as to his comnnuiica- 
tions with (iiant, 343; proposed junction 
of Grant and. 368; alleged incapacity '• to 
run an omuibus on Broadway," 378; the 
President's thanks tendered to, for open- 
ing the Mississippi, 380; to confer with 
citizens of Louisiana regarding recon- 
struction, 11,380; question of withdrawing 
troops from, for service in Missouri, 422 ; 
communications to, regarding reconstruc- 
tion in Louisiana, 435, 436, 465, 466, 469, 477, 
560; conflict of authority between Gov. 
Shepley and, 465; at New York, 668; ab- 
solute control confided to, 465, 466 ; not to 
■withdraw from Texas, 466 ; thanks to, for 
operations in Texas, 466; relations with 
C 8. Hawkes. 476 ; submission to U. 8. 
Senate of paper relating to Louisiana by, 
625, 626 ; opinion on reconstruction, 673 ; 
case of Gen. Stone referred to, 509, 510 ; 
matter of church seizure left to, 498 ; ex- 
pedition up Red River, 578; proposed res- 
ignation of, 601-603 ; fitness for work m 
Louisiana, 603. 

Banks's House, Sheridan's headquarters at, 
II. 667. 

Baptist delegation, reply to a. May 14, 1864, 
II 522. 

Barbary Powers, relations with, II, 606. 

Barbour County, Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proclamation. II, 195. 

Barboursville, Ky., ZoUicoffer's force at, II, 
83. 

Bardstown, Ky., I, 639. 

Barnburners, support Gen. Taylor, I, 122. 

Barnes, Gen. H., petition of. II, 628. 

Barney, H. M., petition for relief from loss 
by burning of his post-office, 1, 115. 

Barney, Hiram, collector of customs atNew 
York, rumored retirement of, II, 469 ; pro- 
posed as Minister to Portugal, 481; re- 
moval of, 539. 

Barren County, Ky., assessments m, II, 590, 
591. 

Barret, , Democratic partizan, I, 153, 

156 ; Columbus Machine Mfg. Co.'s claim 
against, I, 536. 

Barrett, Col. Jas. A., ordered to New Mexico, 

Barry, W. T., favoritism by, m postofflce 



contract, T, 34; appointment to Spanish 
mission, 35; Postmaster-General, 109. 
Bartlett, W. O., invited to Washington, II, 

631. 
Bartley, T. W., letter to, June 29, 1863, II, 

360-363. 
Bassett, Richard, I, 600. 

Bates, Edward, letters to, I. 660, fifi7, 670, II, 
25,260,261, 536; otter of Ciibinet positioiito, 
1,660; iuvitation to, to join Lincoln on jour- 
ney toWashiugtou, (ITO ; Attoruey-Geueral, 
opinion on Fort Sumter, II, 21, 22, 27, 28; 
appears in Dr. McPheeters's case, 290; 
opinion requested respecting colored 
troops, 536. 
Battle of the Thames, Gen. Cass at, 1, 141, 142. 
Baxter's Fire Zouaves, II, 222. 
Bayonets, voting under, no test of popular 

sentiment, II, 64. 
Beardstown, 111., I, 640, 641 ; I'eceipt for 
arms given at, 4; newspaper support for 
Lincoln in election of 1846,84; proposed 
Whig convention at. 85. 
Beaufort, N. C, exception of, in list of States 
declared in state of rebellion, II, 322 ; des- 
ignated as place of purchase of products 
of insurrectionary States, 580 ; relaxation 
of blockade of, 670. ' 
Beaufort, S. C, raising of blockade of, II, 

150; port declared closed. 670. 
" Becca," Lincoln's pseudonym, I, 69. 
Beck, Mrs., Globe Tavern, Springfield, I, 82. 
Bedell, Grace, letter to, I, 652. 
Bedford, Pa., Stanton at, II, 403. 
Beecher, Henry W., invites Lincoln to lec- 
ture in Brooklyn, I, 633; asks for release 
of Howard, II, 567 ; visit from, 655. 
Behring's Straits, proposed telegraph line 

across, II, 605. 

Belgium, King of, arbitrates between Chili 

and the United States, II, 445 ; seizure of 

papers in the Belgian consulate at St. 

Louis, 532 ; treaties with, 625. 

Bell, David, condemned to be shot at St. 

Louis, II, 392. ^ ^ 

Bell, Commander Henry H., recommended 

for thanks of Congress, II, 151. 
Bell, John, American Party's candidate for 
President, Douglas's manipulation of his 
followers, I, 648, 649. 
Bell, W. M., arrested as a hostage m Ten- 
nessee, II, 507. 
" Belleville Advocate," quoted, I, 120. 
Belmont, August, letter to, II, 217. 218. 
Bennett, James Gordon, proposed nomina- 
tion of, as Minister to France, II, 653. 
Bennett, John, I. 83, 85. 
Benning, Brig. -Gen. Henry L., wounded at 

Chickamauira, II, 412. 
Berkeley County, Va., excepted from dec- 
laration of state of rebellion, II, 288. 
Berks County, Pa., the Lincoln family iu, I, 

117, 596, 638. 
Berlin, Prussia, signing of treaty with King 

of Hanover at, II, 123. 
Bermuda Hundred, Va., Butler at, II, 524, 

577, 582. 583. 
Berrett, J. G., imprisonment of, II, 145; con- 
templated withdrawal of his nomination 
as commissioner in District of Columbia, 
145 ; draft of letter to, 145. 
Berry, Nathaniel S., governor of New 
Hampshire, telegram to, II. 78 ; requests 
the President to call for vohmteers, 194. 
Berryville, Va., the enemy reported at, II, 

352. 
Bertinatti, Commander, envoy from Italy, 

II, 5.52. f>,53. 
Bethlehem, Pa., Gen. Schurz at. II, 561. 
Bible, a cure for the blues, I, .53; a strange 
text in the, 174, 175 ; quoted, 259, 576, II, 



684 



INDEX 



526, 574, 657 ; as autliority for slavery, I, 
563. 

Big Black River, Grant drives Peraberton 
over the, II, 339 ; Graut's movements on 
the, 368. 

Big Blue River, Ind., Josiah Lincoln's resi- 
d(Mice on, I, 177. 

Bigler, W., dci'laration about conference in 
rejiiird to Eiialdiug Act for Kansas, 1,371, 
372, 376, 377, 381-385, 392. 411. 

Bingham, John A., II, 395; appointed U. 8. 
solicitor in Court of Claims, 557. 

Birchall, C, I, 68. 

Birchard, M., letter to, II, 360-363. 

Birdsall, , on Van Kureu's rejection of 

Baltimore Convention of 1844, I, 140. 

Bird's Point, Mo., Federal forces at, II, 84. 

Birney, Gen. David B., meritorious conduct 
at Chancel lorsville, II, 492 ; nominated 
major-general, 492. 

Bishop, Capt., editor of "Charleston Cour- 
ier,"!, Ill ; i)osition on Mexican war. 111. 

Bissell, William H., goNcrnor of Illinois. I, 
341; action on McCallister and Stcbbins 
bonds, 536. 

Bixby, Mrs., mother of five sons killed in 
battle for the Union, II, 600. 

Black, William J., I, 210. 

Blackburn, Eng., address fi-om distressed 
operatives of, to people of the United 
States, 11,312. 

Black Hawk war, soldier's discharge from, 
I, 5 ; Lincoln's service in, 142, 597, 641 ; 
land-grants for service in, 641. 

Blackmail, seizures of cotton for, II, 554. 

Black Republicanism, Douglas's declara- 
tions of, I, 257 ; Southern deUuition of, 608. 

Blacksmith trade, Lincoln contemplates 
learning the, I, 641. 

" Blackstone's Commentaries," I, 651. 

Blackwater River, supplies for the enemy 
on the, II, 659. 

Blackwell, R. S., indorses Lincoln's fee-bill 
against Illinois Central R. R. Co., I, 219. 

Blair, Austin, governor of Michigan, re- 
quests the President to call for volun- 
teers, II, 194. 

Blair, Frank P., Jr., gradual emancipation 
scheme, I, 464, 510, 615, 623 ; a turncoat, 471 ; 
crusade in Missouri against slavery, 471 ; 
defeated for Congress, 615, 623 ; correspon- 
dence with, II, 47, 48, 254 ; desires to raise 
troops in Missouri, 72, 73 ; desires to join 
McClernand, 254; prospects of, 433, 434; 
possil>ility of election as Speaker, 434; 
military talents, 434; Grant requested to 
And command for, 497 ; asks for active 
service, 515 ; withdrawal of resignation 
of, 515, 517; military sei'vices of, 516; at 
relief of Knoxville, 516 ; in battles before 
Chattanooga, 516 ; seeks and obtains com- 
mand of a corps, 517; transmission of 
papers relating to, to House of Represen- 
tatives, II, 518. 

Blair, F. P., Sr., II. 79; letters to, 378, 629; 
documents and tiansaetions relating to 
meeting of the Tresideiit and Confeder- 
ate couimissiouers in Hampton Roads, 

623, 629, 631-633, 640, 641. 643, 644, 646, 648. 
Blair, Montgomery, Postmaster-General, 
opinion on Fort Sumter, II, 20, 21, 27; 
visit to Gen. Fremont, 79 ; invites border 
slave-State representatives to confer -with 
the President, 132 ; correspondence with, 
374, 375, 433, 434, 438, 571, 579; letter to, re- 

f:arding his brother Frank, 433, 434; letter 
o, regarding misconduct of military offi- 
cers at elections, 438 ; course on emanci- 
pation, 479, 481 ; alleged offensive remarks 
by, concerning military ofHcers on duty 
about Washington, 547, 548; question of 



dismissing from the Cabinet, 548; sum- 
moned from Portsmouth to Washington, 
571 ; the President asks for his resigna- 
tion, 579; the President's estimate of, 579. 

Blake, Marshal B., II, 228. 

Blatchford, R. M., empowered to act for the 
Secretary of the Navy in the public de- 
fense, II, 164; money advanced to, for 
public defense, 165; question of appoint- 
ment as Assistant Treasurer at New York, 
539. 

Bledsoe, A. T., I, 68, 72, 79. 

Blenker, Brig. -Gen. Louis, his division or- 
dered to Fremont, II, 140, 182 ; withdrawal 
of his command from McClellan, 142, 182; 
with Fr6mont, 171. 

Bliss, George, letter to, II, 360-363. 

Blizzard, A., letter to, II, 588, 589. 

Blockade of Southern ports, advocated by 
the Attorney-General and Caleb Smith, 
II, 27 ; Seward advises preparing ior a, 29 ; 
proclamations of, April 27, 1861, 35, 38, 39, 
59; conversation lu'twceii Mr. Dallas and 
Lord .John Russell regarding, 48; instruc- 
tions to Minister Adaius regarding, 49, 50; 
to be made effective, 68;' case of the 
Perthsliire, 95 ; maintenance of, 97, 450 ; 
preferred to closing ports by proclama- 
tion, 103; resolution of the House re- 
specting, 107 ; rights of, 107 ; seizure of the 
FroiiUlencia, 118; instituted, 124; procla- 
mation of i)artial raising of, May 12, 1862, 
150 ; order concerning, Nov. 12, 1862, 253 ; 
mistakes and injuries resulting therefrom, 
in enforcement of the, 262; question re- 
garding government mail of neutral 
power captured on vessel breaking, 326, 
327; relaxed as to Alexandria, Va., 412; 
adjustment of international questions 
arising out of, 445; number and value of 
vessels captured, 450 : proclamation con- 
cerning, Feb. 18, 1864, 484-486 ; to be strictly 
observed at Mobile, 594 ; raised in Norfolk, 
Fernandina, and Pensacola, 599 ; effect en 
price of cotton, 616; fears of an attempt 
to raise, by forgery, 617. 

Blockade-running, II, 606. 

Bloomington, 111., I, 96, 274; Douglas's 
speech at, 266, 267, 269 ; speeches of Lin- 
coln and Douglas at, 275, 276 ; State con- 
vention of Republican Part,v at. May, 1856, 
456 ; platform of Republican Congressional 
Convention at, in 1854, 465. 

Blount, 'William, votes for prohibition of 
slavery in Northwest Territory, I, 600. 

Blow, H. T., correspondence with, II, 337, 
368. 

Blue Ridge, the, Geary reports "no enemy 
this side of," II, 168; McClellan's cross- 
ing the Potomac in relation to, 246; gaps 
through, 247; question of McClellan's 
movement by, 247. 

Blue River, Ind., residence of Josiah Lin- 
coln on, I, 117, 638. 

Blunt, Maj.-Gen. James G., complaints by 
Gov. Carney regarding actions of, II, 328, 
371-373; encourages Judge Lynch in Kan- 
sas, 371, 373, 394 ; question of taking Kansas 
out of his department, 373 ; letter to, con- 
cerning affairs in Kansas, 393, 394; the 
President's dissatisfaction with, 394; ad- 
vice to Gen. Schotield regarding, 417. 

Boggs, Commander Charles S., recom- 
mended for thanks of Congress, II, 151. 

Bogus despatches, II, 584. 

Bohlen, Brig. -Gen. Henry, patriotism of, II, 
258. 

Boker, George H., communication to, re- 
garding election to Philadelphia Union 
League, II, 429. 

Bolivia, relations with, II, 605. 



INDEX 



685 



Bond, Benjamin, T, 151, 152. 

Bonds, proposal to issue, for compensated 
eniaucipation, II, 207. 

Boone County, Va., excepted from insurrec- 
tiou proclamntiou, II, 195. 

Boone County, Mo., exiles from, II, 292. 

Boonville, Mo., Ann Todd married and 
settled in, I, 82. 

Border States, demoralized by sympatliy for 
the slave States, II, 13 ; ditt'erences in, re- 
garding tlie qiiestion of Federal Union, 
58; armed neutrality in, 59; Confederate 
hopes of support from, 133; influence of, 
204; appeal to Kei)reseutative8, to favor 
compensated emancipation, 204, 205; 
Union feelins in the, 235 ; appeals to, for 
compensated emancipation, 508. 

Border warfare, I, 217. 

Borrowed money, views on, I, 7. 

Boston, Mass., proposed Sul)treasnry sta- 
tion at, 1,28; invitation to attend festival 
at, on Jefferson's birthday, <leelined, 532 ; 
movements of vessels to ilanipton Roads 
from, 11,136; orders to the commandant 
of the navy-yard at, to arm steamships, 
164; Freedmen's Aid Society at, 461 ; Sani- 
tary fairs at, 534 ; Mrs. Lincoln at, 536 ; 
salute fired at, 573; telegram to Sailors' 
Fair at, 594. 

Boston " Courier," I, 656. 

Botsford, Capt. Alban B., II, 293. 

Botts, John Minor, on cariiage of mails, I, 
98,99; assurance of, that South wiU not 
attempt to breali up Union, 648. 

Bouck, W. C, elected governor of New 
Yorlr, I, 78. 

Bouligny, John E., proposed appointment 
as surveyor at New Orleans, II, 208 ; ne- 
gotiates for election of representatives in 
Congress from Louisiana, 247 ; letter to, 
regarding Louisiana elections, 255 ; Union- 
ism of, 324 ; seeks position under govei'n- 
ment, 324 ; mission at New Orleans, 324. 

Bounties, payment of, to veteran volun- 
teers, II, 4i5ii, 467. 

Bounty, payment of, II, 425. 

Bounty lands, remarks, March 29, 1848, in 
U. S. House of Representatives, 1, 116, 117. 

Boutwell, George S., governor of Massachu- 
setts, letter from Gen. Banks to, regarding 
Louisiana aflfairs, II, 380. 

Bowden, L. J., action in Wright murder 
trial, II, 405. 

Bowen, Mrs. G. W., asks release of her 
husband, II, 592. 

Bowen, James, question of appointing him 
brigadier-general, II, 229. 

Bowen, S. W., I, 354. 

Bowling Green, Ky., Buoll's movement on, 
11,110; Confederate troops lor, 113 ; pos- 
sible movements of Bucll's troops on, 114, 
116 ; expected Confederate movement at, 
116 ; forces at, threaten Grant, 126. 

Boyce, Samuel, II, 139. 

Boydton Plank Road, Va., fighting near, II, 
665, 666 ; Sheridan's headquarters near, 
667. 

Boyle, Rev. F. E., II, 106. 

Boyle, Gen. J. T., correspondence with, II, 
206, 229, 230, 233, 245,308; at Louisville, 206, 
229, 230, 233, 245; to conm)U!iicnt(> with 
Halleck, 206; questioned coneeriiimr Nel- 
son's force, 229 ; questioned concerning 
wherealii)ut-i of Bragg, 230; questioned 
regarding situation at Louisville, 233 ; 
questioned regarding Bnell, 245 ; aflTair of 
Senator Powell referred to, 308. 

Bradford, A. W., governor of Maryland, II, 
499 ; requests the President to call for 
volunteers, 194 ; letter to, regarding elec- 
tions in Maryland, 434, 435. 



Bragg, Gen. Braxton, Inquiry concerning 
whereabouts i>f, II, 230; inquiry concern- 
ing his presence in Shenandoah Vallej, 
230; pursued by Buell, 244; Rosecrans 
asked to keep him from helping Johnston 
against Grant, 341 ; sent to Johnston's 
assistance, 385 ; the President's views as 
to Rosecrans's duty to attack, 385 ; tele- 
gram to Gen. Cooper from Chickamauga, 
II, 411 ; his account of Chickamauga given 
in the Richmond papers, 411. 

Bramlette, Thomas E., governor of Ken- 
tucky, communications to, concerning 
affairs in Kentucky, II, 407, 470, 471, 601 ; 
conversation with, regarding working of 
emancipation, 508, 509; reports arrest of 
Gen. Houston, 596; des]iatch to, concern- 
ing Thirteenth Amendment, 636. 

Branch, Gen. L. O'B., defeated at Hanover 
Court House, II, 167 ; opposed to Porter, 
169. 

Branham, , letter to, I, 666. 

Braxton County, Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proclamation, II, 195. 

Brayman, M., letter to, I, 177. 

Brazil, prohibition of sljive-trade with, I, 
202; mission unfilled, II, 24; capture of 
the FJiiridd off the coast of, 594; political 
difficulties in ports of, 606. 

Brazos de Santiago, Texas, port of, declared 
closed, II, 670. 

Breckinridge, John C, indorses Douglas, I, 
568 ; injiu-ed in his canvass by Douglas's 
tactics in Kentucky, 648; political.pros- 
pects in 1860, 645; treason of, II, 348; 
order of, borne by Col. Robert J. Breck- 
inridge, 654. 

Breckinridge, Col. Robert J., 11,654. 

Breckinridge County, Ky., Mary Lincoln 
and her dt;scendants in, I, 639. 

Breese, Capt. K. Randolph, recommended 
for thanks of Congress, II, 152. 

Breese, Sidney, opposes Douglas in discus- 
sion, I, 338 ; supports Trumbull, 338 ; Ab- 
olitionist worker, 364, 403; stumps Illi- 
nois against Douglas, 401. 

Brentsville, Va., proposed operations at, 
II, 92. 

Brewster, Benj. E., correspondence with, 
regarding arrest of Simon Cameron, II, 
145. 

Bridges, R. T., sentenced to death, II, 621. 

Bridges, burning in Missouri, II, 113; ques- 
tion of building, 244. 

Brigadier-generals, ignorance and lack of 
fitness tor command among, II, 113. 

Briggs, H. M., 1, 41. 

Briggs, James A., letter to, I, 585. 

Bright, Jesse D., Vice-Presidency of, I, 220, 
223. 

Brimfield, 111., burning of post-office at, I, 
115. 

Bristow Station, Va., affair at, Oct. 14, 1863, 
II, 427, 428. 

British Museum, publicalhms presented by, 
to the Library of Congress, II, 281. 

British North America, boundary of the 
great interior of the United States, II, 
269; arrest of U. S. consul-general to, 
483 ; exportation of goods in bond to, 565, 
626, 627. 

Broadhead, James O., II, 291 ; communica- 
tion to, regarding arrest of McKee, 370; 
provost-marshal-general of Department 
of Missouri. 420, 421 ; supersedes F. A. 
Dick, 420, 421. 

Broadhead, John M., candidate for second 
comptroller of the Treasury, II, 340. 

Broad Run, Va., proposed operations on, 
II, 93. 

Brockman, J. M., letter to, I, 651. 



686 



INDEX 



Brooke County, Va., excepted from insur- 
rectiou proclamation, II, 195. 

Brooklyn, N. Y., invitatiou to lecture in 
Beecher's cburcli, I, 633 ; Sanitary fairs 
In, II, 534. 

" Brooklyn," the, sent with troops to rein- 
force Fort Picliens, II, 56, 57. 

Brooks, Edward P., matter of exchange of, 
II, 501. 

Brooks, Preston S., opinion on the Consti- 
tution, I, 208; on slavery, I, 347, 480, 511, 
516, 615. 

Brooks, Gen., in command at Pittsburg, Pa., 
II, 355. 

Brough, John, governor of Ohio, correspon- 
dence witb, II, 510, 515, 525, 535 ; communi- 
cation to, of pardon of soldiers of the 12th 
Ohio, 510 ; sends offer of troops from Ohio, 
515 ; transmission to, of news from Grant, 
525; advised to watch ^■;lllau(li.^i•ham, 535. 

Brougham, Lord, supposed speecli of 
George M. Dallas to, I, 649. 

Brown, , nominated for Illinois House 

of Representatives, I, 41. 

Brown, Senator Albert G., his son wounded 
at Gettysburg, II, 377. 

Brown, B. Gratz, gradual emancipation 
scheme, I, 464, 510; crusade in Missouri 
against slavery, 471 ; telegram to, concern- 
ing affairs in Missouri, II, 294; proposes 
to nominate Gen. Schofleld as major-gen- 
eral, 462 ; relations with Senator Hender- 
son, 462 ; opinion on the difficulties in the 
Department ()f Missouri, 4C3. 

Brown, Brig. -Gen. Egbert B., complaint 
against, regarding bushwhackers, II, 537. 

Brown, George T., elected secretary of Illi- 
nois Senate, I, 212. 

Brown, George W., mayor of Baltimore, the 
President desires consultation with, re- 
garding preservation of peace in Mary- 
land, II, 36. 

Brown, Col. Harvey, expedition under, 11,29. 

Brown, James, I, 409. 

Brown, John, peculiarity of his Insurrection, 

I, 609; raid at Harper's Ferry, 607-609 ; his 
raid charged to Republican party, 615, 616 
not a Republicau, 624 ; war-cry of Demo- 
crats against Republicans, 624, 625. 

Brown, Brig. -Gen. John C, wounded at 
Chickamauga, II, 412. • 

Brown, Gov. Joseph E., II, 582. 

Brown, W. H., letter to, I, 595. 

Brown, Rev. William Y., II, 106. 

Browning, O. H., I, 19, 118, 151, 167, 252, 282, 
341, 403 ; indorses Lincoln's tee-bill against 
Illinois Central R. R. Co., 219 ; letter to, 

II, 80-82. 

Browning, Mrs. O. H., letter to, I, 17-19. 

Brownsville, Tex., J. E. Johnston's camp 
near, II, 339; relaxation of blockade of, 
485; port of, declared closed, 670. 

Brumfield, William, marries Nancy Lin- 
coln, I, 639. 

Brunswick, Ga., capture of, II, 140 ; port of, 
declai'ed closed, 670. 

Brussels, Belg., ratification of treaties at, 
II, 625. 

Bruzual, Bias, reception as representative 
of Venezuela, II, 574. 

Bryan, Thomas B., sends lithographed 
copies of Emancipation Proclamation to 
the President, II, 471 ; letter to, 471. 

Bryant, John H., letter to, respecting mon- 
umeut to Lovejoy, II, 526, 527. 

Bryant, William Cullen, letters to, I, 644, 
662, II, 337, 537, 538 ; requests reappoint- 
ment of Sigel, 337; letter to, respecting 
Henderson, 537, 538. 

Buchanan, Comm. Franklin B., treason of, 
II, 348. 



Buchanan, James, Presidential candidacy, I, 
221 ; Pennsylvania 8upi)ort of, 224; Pierce's 
opinion of his election, 225; likened to Lear, 
225 ;differeuce with Douglas, 236-238 ; elec- 
tion as President. 241. 477 ; inaugural ad- 
dress, 241, 242 ; indorses Dred Scott deci- 
sion, 242, 243 ; on the point at issue in the 
Lecompton Constitution matter, 262, 263; 
Lincoln's charge of conspiracy against, 
303, 313, 328, 396, 397, 466, 467, 485 ; on adop- 
tion of State constitutions, 346; Minister 
to Euglaud, 397, 467 ; ideas about the 
slavery question, 425 ; connection with 
Lecompton Constitution, 442 ; supported 
by Douglas, 475, 477, 478, 494 ; democracy 
of, 477, 478; Douglas on the President's 
policy, 492, 493; on slavery within Terri- 
tories, 494; principle on which he was 
elected, 495; Douglas's attack on, at 
Quincy, 496, 497 ; charged by Republican 
National Convention of 1860 with section- 
alism, 636 ; conference with Gen. Scott as 
to preservation of order, 664 ; refuses to 
allow provisioning of Fort Sumter, II, 16, 
17 ; weakness of, 20 ; effect of his policy, 
21 ; message to Senate, Feb. 21, 1861, re- 
garding proposed arbitration of boundary 
question with Great Britain, 23 ; quasi- 
armistice of his administration, 57 ; rec- 
ommendation regarding claims against 
China, 95 ; political separation between 
Douglas and, 344. 

Buchanan administration, condemned by 
Republican National Convention of 1860, 
I, 636 ; policy of, II, 13 ; connivance at se- 
cession, 20 ; responsible for the Fort Sum- 
ter affair, 29. 

Buchanan County, Mo., troubles in, II, 432, 
520. 

Buckingham, William A., governor of Con- 
necticut, correspondence with, II, 78, 297, 
298; requests the Presideut to call for 
volunteers, 194 ; conveys resolutions of 
Connecticut legislature, 297, 298. 

Buckner, Gen. Simon B,, memorandum to, 
July 10, 1861, II, 66; commissioned briga- 
dier-general of volunteers, 76 ; movements 
around Louisville, 83 ; Thomas and Sher- 
man to watch, 84 ; force near Muldraugh's 
Hill, 84 ; treason of, 348. 

Buell, Gen. Don Carlos, movement on Bowl- 
ing Green, II, llO; correspondence with, 
110-112, 116, 123, 136, 230, 248 ; to cooperate 
with Halleck, 110-112, 123, 126, 136; con- 
templated movement toward Nashville, 
111; communication between Halleck and, 
113; difficulties in the way of Halleok's 
assisting, 113, 114 ; similarity of his posi- 
tion in Kentucky to McDowell's at Bull 
Run, 114 ; Halleck's ignorance of his 
movements, 114 ; proposed scheme for 
movements, 116 ; directions to, Feb. 9, 
1862, 123 ; position regarding Nashville, 
126 ; at Louisville, 131 ; instructions to, 
concerning commercial intercourse, -131, 
132; part of his command merged into the 
Department of the Mississippi, 137 ; the 
President's ignorance of his condition, 
206; questioned concerning whereabouts 
of Bragg, 230 ; inquiry as to his where- 
abouts^ 233, 245 ; in pursuit of Bragg, 244 ; 
to make East Tennessee the main object 
of his campaign, 248; at Mount Vernon, 
248 ; the President's dissatisfaction with, 
258 

Bueria Vista, battle of, 1. 121. 

Buffalo, N. Y., sugar transported from New 
Orleans to, via canal, I, 125, 126; address, 
Feb. 10, 1861, at, I, 681, 682. 

Bullet, no successful appeal from the ballot 
to the, II, 398. 



INDEX 



687 



Bullitt, Cuthbert, letter from Thomas J. Du- 
rant to, II, 215 ; letter to, 215-217 ; the Pres- 
ident's desire to nominate liim as collec- 
tor of customs at New Orleans, 284. 

Bull Run, Va., memoranda of military pol- 
icy siiiriicsted liy the defeat at, 11,68,69; 
Btratei;ie error prodiuiii^ disaster at, 114; 
cai>tiire of ueyroes under Hag of truce at, 
235 ; report of l)attle at, denied, 427 ; Pope's 
disaster at, 4H0. 

Bunker Hill, Va., Jackson and Ewell near, 
II, 169. 

Bunn, Jacob, letter to, II, 341. 

Bunn, John, letter to, II, 341. 

Bunn, Brig. -Gen. , wounded at Chlcka- 

mauga, II, 412. 

Burbridge, Gen. Stephen G., correspon- 
dence with. II, 533, 559, 573, 581, 691,596; 
at Lexington, 533, 573, 581, 596 ; action at 
Cyntliiana, 533 ; letter to, respeeting ar- 
rest of Mrs. Helm, 559; despateli to, re- 
garding arrest of Harris, 573 ; desimteh to, 
respectiiiirdiscliariic of Meade, nm ; matter 
of assessments in Keiitneky for rebel 
outrages referred to, .'I'.ii ; orders arrest of 
Gen. J. B. Houston, 596; expels Lt.-Gov. 
Jacol) from Kentucky, 624. 

Bureau for employment of disabled and dis- 
charged soldiers, II, 655, 656. 

Bureau of Construction, contemplated 
change in office of, II, 44. 

Bureau of Ordnance, changes in, necessary, 
II, 118. 

Burlingame, Anson, I, 598; proposed as 
Minister to Austria, II, 24. 

Burnet, David G., President of Republic of 
Texas, treaty with Santa Anna, I, 107, 
108. 

Burnley, J. Hume, British ch.arg^ d'affaires, 
transmits offer of sword to be presented by 
British government to Captain Stellwar 
gen, II, 639. 

Burnside, Maj.-Gen. Ambrose £.,at capture 
of Roanoke Island, II, 125 ; the road to 
Richmond open to, 152 ; in communication 
with Wool, 152; correspondence with, II, 
178, 189, 192, 221, 258, 281, 284, 294-296, 329, 342, 
375, 376, 406, 410, 413, 414, 437 ; at Fortress 
Monroe, 178 ; despatch of, relating to gim- 
boats, 178; at Newbern, 189; ordered to 
send reinforcements to .Tames River, 189; 
ordered to reinforce McClellan, 189, 198, 
199; order to, 200; at Newport News, 207; 
de.spatch to McClellan respeeting. 212; 
questioned concernini,'' King's division, 
221 ; reports of Gov. Stanley's administra- 
tion in North Carolina, 243; aiijxiinted to 
command Army of Potomac, 252; at Fal- 
mouth, 258; strength of, 259; scheme of 
movement for, 259; conference between 
the President and, 259 ; rejects the Presi- 
dent's ])lan of moxeiiient, 260; invited to 
Washington, 281 ; instructed not to move 
army without notifying the President, 
284; desires to cross the i;ii])iiahaimoek, 
288, 289; Halleek desired to confer with, 
288, 289; sends resinuatiou (if commission, 
294; Halleek advises liis crossing the 
Rappahannock, 295; interview with Hal- 
leek at War'rcnton, 295; the President re- 
fuses to accept his resiiiuation, 296; dis- 
sension among his jrenernl olticers, 296; 
relieved from comin;ind (d' the Army of 
Potomac, 306; relations with Hooker, 307 ; 
commanding Department of the Ohio, 
329; at Cincinnati, 329, 338, 342, 375, 376; 
letter to, regarding sale of captives of 
war, 329 ; ordered to send C. L. Vallandig- 
ham beyond the military lines, 338 ; sup- 
ported in arrest of Vallandisham, 342 ; the 
President has no wish to supersede, 342 ; 



questioned regarding whereabouts of 
John H. Morgan, 375 ; communication to, 
concerning the Ninth Corps, 376; engaged 
In effort to relieve lOast Tennessee, 383; 
victories in Tennessee, 403; question of 
his resignation,406 ; ordered to Rosecrans's 
assistance, 410-412, 414; at Greenville, 
410, 413; at Knoxville, 410, 413-415, 437; 
on the TeuTiessee Uiver, 413; at Carter's 
Station, 413; at Kingsttm, 413; at Loudon, 
413 ; at Morristown, 413 ; draft of letter re- 
lating to mo\ cnients alleged to be in sup- 
port (d' Kosecrans, 413, 414 ; incomprehensi- 
ble nn>vemeidsof,aliei;'i'<l to be in support 
of Roseerans, 413, 414; method of com- 
muidcatiou with Kosecrans, 415; reliance 
upon, to hold Fast TeniK^ssce, 419; threat- 
ened from the West, 424 ; loss at Rogers- 
ville, 437 ; reports of his position, 440 ; 
commended to Ctrant, 441 ; suspends the 
Chicaii'o "Times," .525. 

Bushwhacking, I, 624-626, II, 537. 

Busteed, Gen. Richard, recommended to 
Gen. Dix, II, 2S2. 

Butler, Maj.-Gen. B. F., in command at Fort- 
ress Monroe, II, 69, 49'2, 495, 498, 501, 511. 
512, 623, 627, 628 ; proposes to raise troops 
in New England, 78 ; correspondence vrtth, 
198, 199, 247, 284, 290, 492, 495, 498, 501, 510- 
512, 524, ,577, 582, 583, 585, 619-621, 623, 627, 
628 ; at New Orleans, 198 ; feeds negroes at 
New Orleans, 234, 235 ; letter to, regard- 
ing Louisiana elections, 255; forwards 
Gen. Twiggs's swords from New Orleans, 
280; called to visit the President, 284; no- 
tice to, concerning discharge of prisoners 
at Point Lookout, 290 ; to return to New 
Orleans, 305, 306; wishes to go to Texas, 
306 ; value of his services, 306 ; relations 
with Banks, 306; lu-essure on the Presi- 
dent to give coniniand to, 38s ; demand for 
his appointment as eonini;inder of 1 )epart- 
nient of Missouri, 419 ; the President's es- 
timate of, 422, 620 ; recommends State 
Convention in Louisiana, 437; telegram 
to, respecting remains of Col. Dahlgren, 
498 ; case of E. P. Broidvs referred to, 501 ; 
the President announces visit to Foi'tress 
Monroe to, 510; notified of postponement 
of the President's visit to Fortress Monroe, 
511 ; case of Charles ( 'rumpton referred to, 
512; thanks to, for services, 524; at Ber- 
muda Hundred, 524, 577, 582, 583 ; sugges- 
tions with regard to commissions in the 
regular army and the volunteers, 524; 
letter to, concerning Ames guns, 577 ; 
complaint of William Crouse regarding 
wrongfid dismissal by, 582; despatch to, 
concerniniicontiscation of I>ester's money, 
583; supervises exehiinge of naval prison- 
ers through (;r;nd"s lines, r)S4 ; despatch 
to, concerning dismissal <d' Findley, 585; 
reference to the President, by Secretary 
Stanton, of point pi eseided liy, 593 ; letters 
to, regarding adniinistratiou of aftairs in 
Virginia, 619-621 ; desi>ateh to, lesiiecting 
election on the Kastern Shore, (i2;) ; des- 
patch to, respeetiiiir Wilmington expedi- 
tion, 627; summoned to Wasiiingfon, 628; 
charges of despoiling against, 629, 630. 

Butler, Evan, I, 41. 

Butler, Rev. John G., II, 106. 

Butler, Pierce, I, 600. 

Butler, Pierce, causes arrest of Simon Cam- 
eron, II, 145. 

Butler, William, 1,20, 44, 67, 154, 210; pro- 
phesies "cominir events," 81; challenged 
by Shields, 71 ; telegram to, Apr. 10, 1862, 
II, 144. 

Butterfield, Maj.-Gen. Daniel, bearer of 
despatch from Gen. Hooker, II, 323; chief 



688 



INDEX 



of staflF, 331 ; information from, 331 ; tele- 
grani to, Miiy 3, 1863, 331; despatolies 
from, May (>, I8(i3, 332. 
Butterfield, Justin, 1, 155-157, 159, 160. 

Cabaniss, J. M., I, 68. 

Cabell County, Va., cxrepted from Insurrec- 
tion proclamutioii, II, 195. 

Cabinet, rumors regarding Linooln'8, 1,658; 
toriuatiou of, 660-606 ; meetiug of, on ques- 
tion of relieving Fort Suuiter, 11, 26-28; 
Seward declares that there must be union 
in the, 29, 30 ; the President entitled to the 
advice of the, 30 ; call for meeting of, 54 ; 
resignation of Secretarj^ Cameron from 
the, 114, 115; treason in, 124; meeting 
of, 164 ; asked for opini<m on admission of 
AVest Virginia, 283 ; letters to members of 
the, 283, .518, 519, 548; draft of Emancipa- 
tion I'roelamatiou as submitted to, for 
liiial revision, 285 ; consulted as to mas- 
sacre at Fort Pillow, 518, 519; question of 
dismissing a member of the, 548; asked to 
sign a sealed pav)er i-egardiug the Presi- 
dent's reelection, 568; disajiproves the 
recommendation of appropriation of 
money for the Southein States, 636; ap- 
proves the plan of reconstruction of 1863, 
673. 

Cairo, 111., Federal seizure of steamer C E. 
Hill man nenr, II, 39, 40 ; protest from Sena- 
tor Johnson against stationing U. 8. troops 
at, 43; projected movement on Memphis 
from, 69 ; Fremont requested to furnish 
information of affairs at, 72; Federal 
forces at, 84, 113 ; possible movements of 
BueU's troops froui, 114; shipment of 
mortars, etc., to, from Pittsburg, 118; or- 
ders for movements of troops near, 119 ; 
Gen. Sicklcs's tour through, 482, 497; 
Gen. Davidson at, 489. 

Caldwell, Lieut. Charles H. B., recom- 
mended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. 

Caldwell, George W., letter to, II, 40. 

Calhoun, John C, questions for, on Subtrea- 
sury scuonie, I, 29, 30 ; laud resolutions of, 
37 ; extract from speech on the tariflf, 73 ; 
views on manufactures and agriculture, 
73; position on slavery, 174 ; elected Vice- 
President, 220 ; no sectionalism in election 
of, 222 ; on right of people of Territory to 
form State constitution, 250 ; denies equal- 
ity clause of Declaration of Independence, 
499. 

Calhoun County, Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proelaniatiou, II, 195. 

California, acquisition of, I, 184; discovery 
of gold in, 185, 524; excludes slavery, 185; 
admitted as a free State, 185, 190, 441 ; for- 
mation of State constitution, 185 ; why 
kept out of the Union, 206; Vermont Dem- 
ocratic resolutions in regard to slavery 
in, 355; l-)ouglas reports bill for admission 
of, 476 ; effect of its admission, 496 ; matter 
of U. 8. circuit court for, II, 98, 178, 179 ; 
pres.sure for Honolulu comiiiissionrMship 
for,130; caseof the "New Almadcu" mine, 
393; correspondence with (4(n. Sickles i-e- 
garding land claim in, 395 ; creation of ad- 
ditional collection districts in, .565, 626 ; 
reorganization of Indian system in, 611; 
Presidential election in, 613, 614. 

California treasure-ships, measures for their 
protection, II, 164. 

California troops, II, 107. 

Call, for 300,000 volunteers, Oct. 17, 1863, 
II, 425, 426; response to a. 669, 670. 

Calvert, Charles B., member of Congress 
from Maryland, 11, 133. 

Cambridge, Mass., R. T. Lincoln at, II. 585. 

Camden, N. C, port declared closed, 11,670. 



Cameron, R. A., letter to, I, 666. 

Cameron, Simon, possible candidacy of, 
for Presidency, I, 585; appointment to 
Cabinet urged, 655 ; correspondence with, 
662, 665, II, 11, 40, 154, 71-73, 76, 115, 584 ; no- 
tified of intention to nominate him to Cab- 
inet position, I, 662, 663; reconsideratiim 
of otter of Cabinet position to, 663, 665, 
666 ; Secretary of War, II, 9 ; desires ap- 
pointment of Haldemau to Sweden and 
Norway, 10; opiuion on Fort Sumter, 15- 
17 ; order to, for sea expedition, March 29, 
1861, 25; sends instructions to Major An- 
derson, 32 ; recommends E. J. Morris for 
Minister to Constantinople, 43: objects to 
the appointment of Col. Meigs, 53; ap- 
points Gen. Lane to raise volunteers m 
Kansas, 54 ; cousultati(ni regarding Gen. 
Fremont, 55 ; letter to the Governor of Mis- 
souri, 71, 72; order to, 80; correspondence 
relating to the resii^nation of, 114, 115 ; of- 
fered post of Minister to Russia, 114, 115; 
arrest of, at suit of Pierce Butler, 145; 
empowers citizens of New York to act for 
his department in the public defense, 164; 
resolutions ot the House of Representa- 
tives censuring, 165 ; question of resignar 
f ion as Minister to Russia, 222 ; suggests 
arming of negroes, 508 ; alarmed by bogus 
despatches, 584. 

Campaign, memoranda for a plan of, Oct. 1, 
1861, II, 83, 84. 

Camp Beauregard, movements around, II, 
113, 114. 

Campbell, , married Ann Todd, I, 82. 

Campbell, A., letter to, I, 246. 

Campbell, James, letter to, II, 341. 

Campbell, John Archibald, Justice of U. 8. 
Supi'eme Court, resignation of, II, 97 ; pa- 
pers and incidents relating to meeting of 
the President with Confederate commis- 
sioners in Haiijpton Roads, 632, 633, 639, 
641-644, 646, 648-650; Unsigned memoran- 
dum given to, 668 ; visits the President at 
Riclnntuid, 609 ; letter to Gen. Weitzel, 676. 

Campbell, Julian R., forwards patriotic res- 
olutions to tlu^ President, II, 354. 

Campbell, Thomas H., II, 136. 

Campbell, Thompson, elected to Congress, 
I, 352, 305; defeated for reelection, 353; ap- 
pointed to office in California, 353. 

Campbell, Wm. B., letter to, Oct. 22,1864,11, 
588, 589. 

Camp Chase, II, 591, 592. 

Camp Dick Robinson, Federal force at, II, 
83. 

Camp Morton, Ind., Singleton WHson apris- 
oner at, II, 394. 

Camps, police regulations in, II, 155. 

Canada, question of demanding fugitive 
slaves from, I, 201 ; Seward advises send- 
ing agents to, II, 29; instructions to Gen. 
Pope about troops erussiug boundary of, 
323; John Steele l)anished to, 355; incur- 
sions across tlie ))order, 607; reciprocity 
treaty with, 607 ; right of transit through 
the United States from, 607; relations 
with, 607 ; insecurity of life and property 
in region adjacent to, 607. See also Brit- 
ish North Amkiuca. 

Canadian Commerce, resolution of U. 8. 
House of Representatives, concerning, II, 
483. 

Canal, import-ant measure, I, 212. 

Canals, views on the subject, 1, 1, 7 ; Jeffer- 
son's proposed application of Treasury 
surplus to, 127 ; speech on grants of public 
lands to, 149-151 ; matter of enlarging, II, 
267. 

" Can" and " will," the words, II, 469. 

Canby, Brig. -Gen. E. R. S., Assistant Adju- 



INDEX 



689 



tant-General, II, 338; correspondence 
■Witll, 553, 551, 560, 578, 579, 616, 617 ; instruc- 
tions to, rej^ai'diug seizures of cotton, 
553,554; coniinaudins uiilitury division of 
West Mississiiijii, soo : at New Orleans, 
560, 5<J3 ; instrurtions to, rcsiicctinn' pas- 
sage of blockade at (ialvcston and iSaliine 
Pass, 560; national thanks to, for opera- 
tions at Mobile, 572; conuiiunication to, 
respectins'starvationin Louisiana, 57s,r,7'J; 
corrcs]>ondcnce witll Gen. Hurlbut re- 
gardiiii; attairs in l^ouisiana, 597; in coni- 
ma7id of l)('i)artnieut ottiie Gulf, 603; dif- 
ticultx about displacing, 603 ; letter to, 
^eJiardin^' affairs in Louisiana, 616, 617; 
■\voundcd, 617. 

Canisius, Theodore, letter to, I, 534; memo- 
randum for letter to, II, 250. 

Cannon, J. R., invites the President to rati- 
fication meeting at New Albany, II, 582; 
telegram to, 582. 

Cape Girardeau, Mo., slavery in, I, 571. 

Capen, F. L., weather prognostications of, 
II, 329. 

Capital, investment of, presupposes pros- 
pect of return, 150 ; relations of labor and, 
573; 574, 581, 625, II, 105, 106, 502 ; rights of, 
502. 

Captives of war, II, 329. 

Carbondale, 111., M;y.-Gen. John A. Logan 
at, II, 596. 597. 

Caribbean Sea, IT, 224. 

Carlin, Gov. Thomas, decision against his 
power to remove a Secretarv of State, I, 
481. 

Carlin, W. H., candidate for Illinois Senate, 
I, 481. 

Carlinville, 111., postniastersliip at, I, 43. 

Carlisle, Pa., niovcnieiits of troops near, II, 
367; Uen. Smith's march to Gettysburg 
from, 3G9. 

Carmichael, Judge, case of, II, 188, 189. 

Carney, Thomas, governor of Kansas, com- 
plains of military officers in Kansas, II, 
328; instructions to the Secretary of War 
and to J. H. Lane regarding rights and 
privileges of, 371; coutro\ciMV w ith <4eii. 
Blunt, 372, 373, 393, 394; h'lter to, eonccrn- 
iug his prerogatives in Kansas, and (Jen. 
Blunt, 372, 373 ; indorsement of letter of, 
621, 522; opposition to Senator Lane, 522. 

Carpenter, F. B., account of theEmancipa^ 
tion Proclamation, given by the President 
to, II, 479. 

Carpenter, George, I, 5. 

Carpenter, Col. William, I, 5, 1.58. 

Carriage of merchandise, useless labor, I, 
90, 93, 679. 

Carroll, Daniel, I, 600. 

Carroll County, Mo., disturbances in, II, 520. 

Carter, Jas. T. P., letter to, II, ,588, 589. 

Carter, John P., question of release of, II, 
602. 

Carter, Timothy J., appointed director of 
Pacific Railroad, II, 423. 

Carter County, Tenn., Lincoln family in, I, 
178. 

Carter's Station, Burnside at, II, 413. 

Cass, Gen. Lewis, nominated for Presi- 
dency. I, 123 ; alleged opposition to bank- 
rui)t law, 137; position on internal im- 
provements, 138 ; how slaverv question 
attected by possible election of, 138; in- 
dorses resolutions of Baltimore f^onven- 
tion, 139 ; invasion of Canada, 141. 142 ; po- 
litical i)rinciples of, 142, 143 : position on 
the Wilmot Proviso, 142, 143; likened to 
Van Buren, 143 ; eating and working ca- 
pacities of, 143-145; Governor of Micliigan 
territory, 144; Superintendent of Indian 
Affairs, 144; drafts on U. S. Treasury, 144, 

Vol. II.— 44. 



145; Michigan support of, 224; position 
on Compromise measures of 1850, 278, 322. 
335, 398, 399, 475, 477, 493; position on 
Chase's amendment to Nebraska bill. 304, 
312. 316 ; replied to, by Fred Douglass, 337, 
400 ; author of Nebraskaism, 425." 

Cass County, 111., position in election of 
1846, I, 84. 

Catlettsburg, Ky., II, .596. 

Catron, Judge John, asks discharge of W. M. 
Bell, II, 507. 

Caucus for Speaker, II, 316. 

Cavalry, to be raised among volunteers, II, 
41 ; increase of, inU. S. armv, 42 ; strength 
of McCIellan's, 201; McCiellan's and Stu- 
art's contra.sted, 250; question of forming 
reserve corps for Army of Potomac, 293. 

Cavalry raids, counsel to Hooker concern- 
ing, II, 337. 

"C. E. Hillman," steamer. Federal seizure 
of, near Cairo, 111., II, 39, 40. 

Census. See U. S. Census. 

Central America, Seward advises sending 
agents to, 11,29; (piestioii of negro e(do- 
uizatifm in, 224; political condition of. 225. 

Centreville, Va., iiroposed operations at, II, 
92. 93 ; Jackson's movement toward, 158. 

Cerro Gordo, l)attle ot. I, 111. 

Chaffee, Dr. C. C, owner of Dred Scott, I, 
397, 41)7. 

Challenged voters, opinion on, I, 176. 

Chancellorsville, Lee's troops near, II, 352 ; 
Gen. David B. Birney's meritorious con- 
duct at, II, 492. 

Chandler, L. H., action in Wright miu'der 
trial. II, 405. 

Chandler, Louis W., I, 110. 

Chandler, Zachariah, correspondence with, 
concerning tlie message, II, 440. 

Chaplains, lor hospitals, II, 85, 97, 106. 

Charleston, III., residence of Thomas Lin- 
coln, I, 117; joint debate at, see Joint 
Debates. 

Charleston, S. C, proposed Sulitreasury 
station at, I, 28; Deinoeiatie eoii\('iition 
in. in 1860, 595, 650; Confederate seizure 
of forts in harbor of, II, 13; duty of the 
goveinraeut to maintain fort at. 15 ; 
strength of Confederate batteries, 16; the 
defenses of, 17 ; obstruction of the harbor, 
17 ; Welles recommends sending armed 
force to, 26 ; R. S. Cliew ordered ito, to in- 
terview Gov. Pickens, 32; Major Talbot 
refused permission at. to deliver des- 
patches to Maj(U- Anderson. 32; tiring on 
the Slur of I he West, 115; importance of 
occujiatioii of, 187; the blockade of, 2C.2; 
breach of ))loekade at, 305 ; orders to Adm. 
Du Pont regarding operations at, 323, 324; 
demonstration ai;ainst, planned, 324, 325 ; 
instiuetions toCrcn. Hunter and Adm. Du 
Pont regardiiigoiierationsltefore, 324, 325; 
question of oiierali<iiis against, 462, 463; 
port declared closed, ()70. 

"Charleston Courier," I, 111. 

Charlestown, W. Va., Saxton's advance 
from, forced by Jackson and Ewell, II, 
168; rebel cavalry near, 169; Jackson be- 
tween Winchester and, 169; danger to 
Fremont from enemy at, 171. 

Charlottesville, Va., assigmneut of work to 
the Army of Virginia in the direction of. 
11.188; possible movement of Ewell's 
corps by way of. 428. 

Chase, Salmon P., amendment to Nebraska 
bill. I. 244, 303. 304. 311-313. 315, 316, 460; 
Abolition leader, 279, 322, 338, 364, 403, 515 ; 
proposed amendment for excluding sla- 
very from Territories, 294, 295 ; Lincoln's 
opinion of, .538, 632; correspondence with, 
637, 662, II, 24, 42-44, 46, 47, 68, 111, 136, 162, 



690 



INDEX 



208, 211, 212, 220, 226, 252, 259, 277, 282, 284, 
313, 314, 318, 334, 335, 340, 358, 402, 403, 430, 
438, 469, 474, 476, 481, 482, 486, 487, 489-491, 
523, 533, 538-540, 623 ; iuvitation to con- 
ference with the President-elect, I, 662; 
opinion on Fort Sumter, II, 14, 15, 26; 
at Fredericksburg, 162 ; attempted resig- 
nation of office by, 282 ; matter of collec- 
torsUip at Hartford, Conn., 313, 314; com- 
munication to, regarding Victor Smith, 
334, 335 ; opinion in matter of special sus- 
pension of habeas corpus, 336 ; the Presi- 
dent's deference to, in matter of appoint- 
ing a second comptroller of the Treasury, 
340; correspondence with, regarding trip 
to (4cttvsl)iuu;, 43K; ai>peal of Gov. Hoad- 
ley to, in behalf of dcKcrter Andrews, 468; 
co'mmuuicatious to, regarding vacancy at 
New Yorli custom-hoiiHC, 469, 481 ; inquiry 
of, regarding new provisions for trade in 
cotton and sugar, 474; suggesticms to, re- 
garding the new trade i-egulations, 476; 
position on Emancipation Proclamation, 
479; illness of, 482 ; question of his resig- 
nation, 489, 490; linancial suggestions to, 
523 ; suggestions to, regarding removal of 
Atlfinsou and appointment of Sill, 533; 
letter to, regarding appointment of assis- 
tant treasui-er at New York, 538, 539; resig- 
nation of, 540; nominated for chief justice 
of the Supreme Court, 016 ; bereavement 
of, 623. 

Chatham, Lord, position followed by Sew- 
ard, II, 14. 

Chattahoochee River, Sherman at, 11,551. 

Chattanooga, Tenn., Halleck's movement 
upon, II, 177, 189 ; importance of occupa- 
tion of, 187, 190; expedition against, 193; 
importance of movement against, 194, 197, 
200; Koseerans at, 410-413," 415, 419, 424, 
427; Importance of holding, 410, 419; im- 
portance of holding line Irom Cleveland 
to, 410 ; Burnside's difficulties In getting 
troops to, 413, 414 ; Grant's success at, 457 ; 
Grant at, 402 ; Gen. Blair's services before, 
516; Shcriiiau at, r>i',t ; Stocdman at, 577. 

Cheap buying and dear selling not necessa- 
rily a favorable condition for a nation, 

I, 91. 

Cheatham County, Tenn., election in, II, 486. 
Chemistry of agricnlture, I, 583. 
Cheney, T. A., letter to, I, 647. 
Chenoweth, Rev. G. D., representative of 
the East Baltimore Methodist Conference, 

II, 152, 153. 

Cherokee Indians, regiments of, under Gen. 
S. E. Curtis, II, 245. 

Cherokee Nation, overrunning of the terri- 
tory of, II, 240 ; letter to John Ross con- 
cerning loyalty of, 240; treaty relations 
with, 240; "complaints against the United 
States by, 267. 

Cherrystone, Va., port of, declared closed, 

II, f.70. 

Chesapeake Bay, no insurrection east of, II, 
104; Gen. McClellan's plans for move- 
ments of the Army of Potomac via, 120; 
to be freed from the enemy's batteries, 
131 ; use of gunboats on, to remove loyal 
refugees from Virginia, 291. 

Chester, Augustin, candidate for second 
comptroller of the Treasury, II, 340. 

Chester Gap, II, 247. 

Chew, Henry, beneficiary of order for furni- 
ture given by Lincoln, I, 412. 

Chew, R. S., instructions to, April 6, 1861, 
II, 32. 

Chicago, 111., Cass's superintendence of In- 
dian aKeuey at, 1,144; meeting of Repub- 
lican State Central Committee at, Nov. 17, 
1854, 209, 210; fragment of speech at Re- 



publican banquet in, 225, 226 ; speech at, 
July 10, 1858, 247-260; Douglas's speech at, 
266 ; debate between Lincoln and Douglas 
at, 263 ; speeches of Lincoln and Douglas 
at, 275, 276 ; city council votes to nullify 
Acts of Congi'css, 365, 399; Douglas vindi- 
cates Compromise of 1850 at, 365, 399 ; 
Trumbull attacks Douglas at, 370, 374, 388, 
391 ; Douglas perverts Lincoln's position 
in speech at, 419 ; Lincoln's peroration at, 
on equality of the human race, 432 ; Doug- 
las's speech in, July 10, 1858, 486 ; Lincoln's 
reply to Douglas, July n, 1858, 486 ; Doug- 
las's garbled version of Lincoln's speech 
at, 498, 499; speech at, March 1, 1859, 528- 
532; Douglas denounces a " fatal heresy " 
at, 590; Republican National Convention 
at, 635 ; platform of Republican National 
Convention, May 16-18, 1860, 635-637, (159 ; 
proposed meeting between Lincoln and 
Hamlin at, 653 . reply to committee from 
religious denominations of, asking the 
President to issue a proclamation of eman- 
cipation, II, 234-236 ; course of the Demo- 
cratic newspapers of, on the repeal of the 
Missoiui Compromise, 344 ; Sanitary fairs 
in, 429, 534; convention at, regarding pro- 
positions for communication between the 
Mississippi and the northeastern sea- 
board, 453. 

" Chicago American," the, supports John 
T. Stuart, I, 44. 

Chicago Convention of i860, question of the 
taritf coming before, I, 634; nominates 
Lincoln for Presidency, 634; Lincoln's 
Southern votes at, 645. 

Chicago Convention of 1864, Confederate 
plots in regard to, II, 553 ; McClellan the 
candidate of, 562 ; adjournment of, 586. 

"Chicago Evening Journal," letter to, I, 
159. 

Chicago platform, the tariff plank of, I, 678, 
679. 

Chicago " Times," I, 275, 394, 410, 422, 500, 
II, 343, 344, 525; revocation of order sus- 
pending the, 343; foundation of, 344; a 
supporter of S. A. Douglas, 344; letter to 
the Washington "Chronicle," correcting 
misstatements concerning the, 344; sus- 
pension of, 525. 

Chicago " Tribune," I, 238. 

Chickahominy River, bridges over, con- 
sti'ucted by McClellan, II, 158 ; advice to 
McClellan "regarding the, 175; flood in, 
190; McClellan's position near, 191; fight- 
ing on the, 191, 192 ; interview between 
Col. Key and Gen. Cobb on the, 626. 

Chickamauga, battle of, II, 410-413; effect 
of defeat at, on position in East Tennes- 
see, 414. I 

Chickamauga River, telegram from Bragg 
to Gen. Cooper from, II, 411. 

Children, to he taught reverence for the 
laws, 1, 12. 

Chili, njission unfilled, II, 24; relatione 
with, 263, 605 ; controversy -with, touching 
seizure of treasure in Peru, 445, 446 ; set- 
tles claim of the hrig ilarcfJoii ia» , £05. 

China, mission unfilled, II, 24; claims of 
American citizens against, 95; trade with, 
95,606; relations Avith, 263; death of Gen. 
Ward in, 309 ; consular service in, 447 ; sup- 
pression of rebellion in, 606; judicial 
consular establishment in, 606. 

"Chitty's Pleadings," I, 651. 

Choate, Joseph H., invites the President to 
attend the festival of the New England 
Society, II, 619 ; letter to, 619. 

Chrisman, John, letter to, I, 050. 

Christian Commission, benevolent labors 
of, II, 534. 



INDEX 



691 



Churches, dissensions in, caused by tlio 
slavery question, 1, 507 ; the government's 
position as to, II, 291, 464, 465, 480, 481, 491, 
498, rvil, 543. 

Churchill, Samuel B., II, 121 ; question of as- 
sessment on, 658. 

Cincinnati, Ohio, Buchanan nominated at, I, 
477; spcccli at, 8eiit. 17,1859. 558-576; ad- 
dress to iiKiyor anil citizeusof, 674-676; ad- 
di-ess to (ifiioaus at. im6 ; projected move- 
ment on East rtiiucsscc tiom, II, (59; rail- 
road to Lexiii^toii tiuiii.iii li'cdcial hands, 
83; rcint'orccHu-uts iroui, for Camp I»ick 
Robinson, 8:i : prt'iiaiatioiis at. for ino\(>- 
menton CuiulicrlaiKKiaii, S4 ; (Jen. Wriiiht 

, at, 230. 232, 236; (icn. Wrij^lit rospoiisihle 
for, 233 ; Kuniside at, 329, 338, 342, 375, 376; 
defeat of Mr. Menziesfor Congress in Ken- 
tucky district opposite, 382; Rosccrans at, 
438; Fn.ster at, 441; Freednien's Aid So- 
ciety, 461 ; needed comniuiiieat ion lietween 
Knoxville and, 516; Sanitary lairs in, 534; 
Hooker at, 627, 628. 

Cincinnati platform, Douglas's position on, 

I, 256, 257 ; position on power of Congress 
to charter a national bank, 270, 299^ 421, 
447 ; as to Congressional interference with 
slavery, 307; principle of, in regard to 
slavery in Statics and Territoi'ies, 475, 477, 
47K: IJnchaiiau's definition of, 477. 

Cinnabar mines, discovery of, II, 611. 
Circuit courts. See Illinois ; U. 8. Circuit 

Courts. 
Circuit judges, proposed provision for, II, 

98. 
Circulating medium, duty of the National 

Government to provide a sound, II, 186 ; 

long-felt want of a uniform, 264. See also 

CUHRENCT. 

Circulation, basis of, I, 24. 

Cisco, John J., question of appointment of 

successor to, II, 539. 
Citizens, protection to, I, 637 ; patriotism of, 

II, 165. 

Citizenship, position of Republican Nation- 
al Convention of 1860 in regard to, I, 637; 
the oath as a preliminary to exercise of 
rights of. II, 507; forfeiture of rights of, 
by desertion, 660. 

City Point, Va., news from, II, 334 ; Grant 
at, 547, 549, 551, 556, 557, 561, 563, 583, 585, 623, 
624, (!28, 632, 634, 635, 637-639, 642, 643, 654- 
656, 659, 664; Capt. R. T. Lincoln at, 664; 
the President at, 665-668. 

Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation Bill, 
speech on, 1, 122-131. 

Civil and religious liberties, II, 148. 

Civil law, reason for existence, 1, 178. 

Civil tribunals, jurisdiction over military 
piisoners, II, 127. 

Civil war, dei)lored, T, 692, 694; effects of, 

11, 6, 513; the initiative on the South, 12, 
347; a national and deplorable calamity, 

12, 19, 22; a divine instrument to root out 
slavery, 90; eflect on the administration 
of justice, 99; increase of claims against 
the government by reason of, 99 ; effect on 
the business of the Interior Department, 
100; the President's general idea of the, 
116 ; cost of, 132 ; comparison of cost with 
that of emancipating slaves, 137, 138 ; un- 
necessary and injurious, 195 ; effect on 
social conditions of foreign nations, 261; 
resolnlion of the Senate, regarding its 
tirniination by mediation, etc., 310; do- 
mestic allliction consequent on, 370. 613; 
its magnitude, 418, 657; the iieii)]exities 
and e\ ils of, 420; rights of aliens in time 
of, 446 : causes a regeneration of the na- 
tion, 448 ; remarkable features of the, 500; 
its effect on the soldier, 500 ; slavery not 



the whole issue of the, 501-503 ; a war upon 
the first principle of i>opular government, 
502; its object, 534; the far-reaching re- 
sults of, 566, 567, 570; proposals for cessa- 
tion of, 568 ; the destruction of the Union 
the object of its commencement, 575 ; 
progress in, 612 ; its cause, 657 ; its incep- 
tion, 657. 

Claims, ag.ainst the U. 8. government, II, 
99 ; international, 448 ; for cotton destroyed 
by the Federal army, 600. 

Claims convention with New Granada, II, 
299. 

Clark, , on the veto power, 1, 135. 

Clarksburg, W. Va., McClelland at, II, 232. 

Clarksville, Tenn., contemidatcd movement 
to destroy the bri(lg(> at, II, 126. 

Clay, Brutus, elected to Congress, 11,382; 
guarantees his son and brother-in-law to 
cultivate plantations on free-labor system, 
474. 

Clay, Cassius M., capture of, I, 111 ; position 
on Mexican war. 111 ; speaks for Republi- 
can ticket in Indiana, 645; invited to 
speak in Illinois, 646; arrangement for 
speeches in Illinois, 647; letters to, 645, 
647, II, 221, 222 ; proposed as Minister to 
Spain, 10; desire to return home from St. 
Petersburg, 114; question of reappoint- 
ment as Minister to Russia, 221, 222; his 
brother and nephew elected to Congress, 
382. 

Clay, Christopher P., undertakes to culti- 
vate plantations on free-labor system, II, 
474. 

Clay, Clement C, Peace Commissioner from 
Confederate States, II, 549. 

Clay, Henry, 1, 393, 400, 498, 686 ; invitation to, 
to visit Illinois, 68; public-lands bill, 72; 
land bill indorsed by Whig Party, 75, 76; 
campaign work for, in Indiana, 86; on 
annexation of Texas, 100; Presidential 
possibilities, 118; influence on Taylor's 
nomination, 118 ; an old horse turned out 
to root, 140 ; eulogies of, 140, 167-176 ; fam- 
ily loss in Mexican war, 146; rewards a 
supporter, 155; sketch of his life, 169, 170; 
his eloquence, 170, 171, 173; "The Great 
Pacificator," 183; position on Missouri 
Compromise, 209, 278, 322, 335, 398, 399, 475, 
477, 489 ; failure to effect gradual emanci- 
pation, 215; pnsitifm on slavery, 271, 272, 
500-502, 510; Dcmglas at the death-bed of, 
271,272; beiinest of his mantle, 272; Lin- 
coln's beau-ideal, 299; hero of the Whig 
Party, 330; eulogized by Douglas, 398 ; re- 
turn to puldic life in 1850, 399, 493, 515; on 
principle of State rights, 435; views as to 
slavery in Territoi-ies of New Mexico and 
Utah, 440; answer to objection to the Col- 
onization Soeiet,\-, 44S; Lincoln's position 
on negroes' rights under Declaration of 
Independence boriM' out by, 459; on equal- 
ity clause of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, 483 ; petition to, to liberate his ne- 
groes, 500; Douglas charges Lincoln with 
planning against, 515 ; on liberty and idti- 
niate emahcipatitm, 557; Lincoln a fol- 
lower of, on tariff" question, 634 ; Lincoln 
a supporter of, 641 ; vote for, as against 
Jackson, ()41 ; campaign of 1844, 642 ; pa- 
triotism of, II, 221. 

Clay, John M., letter to, IL 220,221; gift of 
smiff-box from, 220, 221. 

Clay, Thomas H., asks that Gen. Morgan's 
command shall be sent to Kentucky, II, 
244 ; letter to. Oct. 8, 1862, 244. 

Clay Club, L 68. 

Clay County, 111., election matters in, I, 210. 

Clay County, Mo., banishments from, 11,630, 
651. 



692 



INDEX 



Clay County, Va., excepted from insurrec- 
tiou proclamation, II, 195. 

Clay electoral ticket, Liucolu on the, I, 642. 

Clay Whigs, I, 514, 515. 

Cleburne, Maj.-Gen. Patrick R., wounded 
at (,'liiekaniaiiga, II, 412. 

Clements, Dr., reports troubles in East Ten- 
nessee, II, 383. 

Cleveland, Ohio, acceptance of invitation 
to visit, I, 671; address at, Feb. 15, 1861, 
680, 681 ; importance of capturing railroad 
at, II, 194 ; importance of holding Uue from 
Chattanooga to, 410. 

Climate, influence on slavery, 1, 192, 487, 531, 
562, 570-572. 

Clinton, 111., Douglas's speech at, I, 295. 

Cliquism, the evils of, II, 459, 476, 492, 498. 

Clymer, George, I, 600. 

Coalter, John D., letter fi'om, concerning 
Dr. McPheeters, II, 464. 

Coast, importance of guarding the, II, 22. 

Cobb, Gen. Howell, interview with Col. 
Key on the Chickahominy, TI, 626. 

Codding, Ichabod, letter to", I, 209 ; calls the 
" Black Republican Convention," 300, 301, 
320 ; position on equality of negroes with 
whites, 486. 

Code of Tennessee, II, 588. 

Cody, H. H., I, 354. 

Coercion, what is ? I, 673. 

Coffee, tarifi" on, I, 90. 

Coffing, Churchill, signs call for Whig Con- 
vention at Springfield, 1851, 1, 167. 

Coin, II, 264. 

Colchester, Va., question of crossing thfe 
Occoquan at, II, 120. 

Coleman, Dr., extract from Gen. Jackson's 
letter to, I, 73. 

Coles County, 111., claim of partizan ap- 
pointments in, I, 51 ; AVhig defeats in, 77 ; 
the Lincoln and Hanks families in, 117, 
639, 641 ; doubtful between Lincoln and 
Douglas, 451 ; riots in, II, 540, 552. 

Colfax, Schuyler, letters to, I, 535, II, 8, 9 ; 
letter from Hamlin to, I, 649, 650; uum- 
tioned for the Cabinet, II, 8, 9 ; supposed 
suppoi'ter of Donglas in senatorial cam- 
paign of 1858 in Illinois, 9 ; Speaker of the 
House of Representatives, 626. 

CoUamer, Jacob, nniendnieut relating to 
public lands in Wisconsin, 1, 119. 

College of New Jersey, confers a doctor's 
degree upon the President, II, 622. 

Colleges, reverence for laws to be taught in, 
1,12. 

Collingsworth, James, Secretary of State of 
Republic of Texas, I, 108. 

Colonies, originally all slave-holding com- 
munities, I, 344, 434 ; did not contemplate 
emancipation at signing of Declaration of 
Independence, 501] rebellion of the, 517, 
518; controversy with Great Britain on 
slavery question, 543. 

Colonization of negroes, question of, II, 102, 
144, 205, 262, 203, 271, 274, 275, 495; address 
to deputation of colored men on, 222; the 
Island of Vaclie exporiniont, 477. 

Colonization Society, Clay's answer to an 
objection to the, I, 448. 

Color, as test of right to enslave, I, 179 ; 
partiaUty based on, II, 559. 

Colorado Territory, organization of, II, 101; 
patriotism of, 101 ; development of, 269 ; 
mineral resources of, 447 ; Gen. Curtis's 
standing in, 462. 

Colored troops, question of utilizing for 
garrison purposes, II, 298; Gen. Ullman's 
enlistment of, 318, 319 ; at Jacksonville, 
Fla., 321 ; their weight in the Union scale, 
321, 397, 405, 562, 564, 565, 576 ; raising of a 
force to serve under Fremont, 342, 343; 



telegram to Gen. Schenck regarding, 365 ; 
raising, along the Mississippi, 372, 394; 
retaliation for outrage on captui'ed, 378 ; 
emi)loyment of, 398, 453, 513, 564; enlist- 
ment of, in Missouri, 417 ; trouble with, 
on the Patuxeut River, 428 ; recruiting by, 
428 ; the President desires appointment 
of Jacob Freese to a regiment of, 438 ; or- 
ganization of, 449, 454 ; recruiting of, 
in Massachu.se tts, 484 ; enlistment of, in 
Kentucky, 506 ; massacre of, at Fort Pil- 
low, 513 ; the duty of the government to- 
ward, 513, 514; resolution of the Senate 
respecting rights of, 519 ; use of, indorsed 
by Union National Convention, .530; full 
protection for, claimed by Union National 
Convention, 530; complaints about en- 
listment of, 532, 533 ; opinion of the At- 
torney-General sought, respecting pay, 
bounty, and clothing for, 536 ; Northern 
recruiting for, 551 ; their disbandment de- 
manded by the Democratic Party, 562; 
numbers in the Union service, 562, 564, 
576 ; their hope of reward, 564 ; alleged 
cruelty in enlisting, 637 ; attempted em- 
ployment of, by Confederates, 662. 

Colt, Judge, desires release of his stepson, 
II, 394. 

Columbia, Mo., Rev. John Robinson ban- 
ished from, II, 292. 

Columbus, Ky., proposed movements on, 
II, 110, 111, 114, 116; danger of reinforce- 
ments for the enemy from. 111 ; move- 
ments around, 113, 114; Confederate 
strength at, 113, 114; no danger to Grant 
from, 126; Halleck's troops ordered to 
Richmond by way of, 189. 

Columbus, O., speech at, Sept. 16, 1859, I, 
538-557; Douglas speaks at, 570, 599; ac- 
ceptance of invitation to visit, 671; ad- 
dress, Feb. 13, 1861, to Ohio legislature at, 
676, 677. 

Columbus Machine Mfg. Co., claim against 
Barret, I, 536, 537. 

Commanders, orders to, Dec. 23, 1864, II, 
621. 

Commerce, share of burden of tariif, I, 90; 
regulation of, by Congress, 127 ; the bene- 
fits of, 506 ; its influence in the question of 
foreign intervention, II, 94; embarrass- 
ment of, 94 ; value of annual reports on, 
101; efi'ect of the war on, 261; the cur- 
rency and, 265; destruction of, by Con- 
federate ships, 453; proclamation con- 
cerning, Jan. 10, 1865, 626, 637. See also 
Foreign Commerce. 

Commercial depression, I, 654. 

Commercial intercourse, by railroad, I, 1; 
forbidden with States in I'cbellion, II, 75; 
restoration of, 127 ; order relating to, 127, 
128; instructions to Buell concerning, 131, 
132; resumption of, with Beaufort and 
Port Royal, 8. C, and New Orleans, 150; 
partial restoration of, 320 ; license of, 320 ; 
proclamation about, 321, 322; reopening 
of, at Alexandiia, 412 ; resumption of, with 
Brownsville, Tex., 485. 

Commercial prosperity, I, 637. 

Commercial regulations, order concerning, 
Sept. 4, 1863, II, 403 ; modification of order 
of Nov. 21, 1802, concerning, 403; procla- 
mation concerning, Aug. 18, 1864, 565, 566. 
See also Tr.ade Regulations. 

Commercial treaties, II, 95, 96, 263. 

Commissary-General, report of, II, 449. 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, the, assur- 
ances to, by loyal Indians, II, 101. 

Commissions, antedating, II, 316. 

Committee, reply to a, Jan. 24, 1865, II, 631. 

Committee on the Conduct of the War, sum- 
mons Gen. Butler to Washington, II, 628. 



INDEX 



693 



Committees. See U. S. House of Repre- 
sentatives. 
Compensated emancipation, recoinmendecl 

to C'liunrcsK, II, 129, VM), 155, 156, 276 ; ohjec- 
tioiis to, ia2, 3i)7 ; rerounizcd in tlic District 
of Coliiinbia, 144; |>rrliiiiiii:ii\- prixbiiiiii- 
tion regarding alisdliitr, j:;;, 2;i.s; sclicnie 
for, set forth in the Presiileiit's annual 
nicss[i-f, Dec. 1, 1862, 268-277; economy of 
the scheme, 272; would shorten the war, 

274. 

Compensation for property and negroes 
taken for military purposes, IT, 213. 

Compromise, deflnitiou of the word, I, 206; 
imjiossihle to frame one for maintenance 
of the I'uion, II, 396. 

Compromise of 1850, I. 207, 209, 322, 398, 489, 
546 ; a full settlement of the slavery ques- 
tion, 1H5. 407, 618, 630; did not repeal the 
Missouri Compromise, 189, 349; priiiciido 
of, 190, 399, 435, 468, 493; what was meant 
by, 191; a system of equivalents, 206; 
Clay's iind Webster's support of, 209; 
agreement of Whig and Democratic par- 
ties on, 278, 349 ; foundation of, 335 ; 
Donglas and the, 365. 427, 475-477; slavery 
the cause of, 407. 506, ,507; Lincoln denies 
that tile prineii)le of the Nelnaska hill 
existed in, 440, 441; a system of .separate 
measures, 441. 

Compromises, their utility, II, 65. 

Compromise with rebels, plank of the plat- 
form of the Union National Convention 
respecting, II, 530. 

Conciliation, advised by Seward. II, 12; 
policy of the Buchanan adniinistratiou, 13. 

"Confederate scrip," (piestion of exchang- 
ing for cotton, II, 257. 

Confederate States of America, organization 
of. II, 11 ; seizures of forts, etc., 11 ; Chase's 
policy toward, 15 ; Union sentiment in, 
22 ; possible withdrawal of U. S. mails 
from, 33 ; no relinquishment of military 
posts in, by the U. 8. government, 33 ; re- 
quest from the Virginia Convention for 
outline of the President'.s policy regard- 
ing, 33 ; representatives in London, 48, 49 ; 
not de facto a self-sustaining power, 50 ; 
what is a recogTiitiou of, by a foreign 
power, 50; secession of, 55; armed iusiir- 
rection in, 55 ; question of aid and recog- 
nition from foreign powers, 55, 94, 107; 
Virginia Joins the, 58; form a Constitu- 
tion, 63 ; proclamation forbidding inter- 
course with, 75; hatred of the President's 
name in the, 92; diliicullies of iidminister- 
ing justice in the, '.»'.) ; liopcs of aeliuow- 
ledgment of indeiiendence liy the United 
States, 129; hope for supixirt from Mis- 
souri, 131; preparations for secession, 347; 
their independence not recognized, 364; 
raising troops in, 3S2 ; otlicers and agents 
of, e\c<'pted from i)roclaination of ani- 
lU'sty and reconsi ruction. 413; jiroixised 
visit of peace couintissioners fi-oui. 548, 
549 ; plots of coiuniissioni'rs respecting the 
Cliicago conventiou, 553; commissioners 
from. 5.')3 ; refusal of the President to rec- 
ognize independence of, 560; restoration 
of slavery would bring success to, 562, 
564 ; question of reunion and abandon- 
ment of slavery by, .564, 565; desire for 
peace and reunion in, 614; the issue with, 
distinct, simple, and intlexi'ole, 614 value 
of cotton to, 616 ; scheme of appropriation 
of money for, 636. 

Confederate troops, prayer among, II, 234. 

Confiscation, of yoods and vessels, II, 75, 76 ; 
Fremont cautioned as to, 77; change in 
Fremont's proclamation regarding, au- 
thorized, 78, 79 ; a political measure, not 



military, 81 ; Fr(5mont's proclamation re- 
garding, discussed. HI, H-2: of ])roperty of 
absent minor children by the (dnieder'acy, 
91,92; of property used for insurrection- 
ary purposes, 102, 103; in Missouri, 417; 
declared by Congress, 442 ; a matter for 
the courts to adjudge, 471, 472 ; remission 
of, 668, 669, 676. See also SLAVES. 

Confiscation Act, order concerning the, Nov. 
13, 1862, I L 253. 

Congressional disbursements, fiscal year 
ls61-(;2, II, 265. 

Congressional districts, inequality of, IT, 
391. 

"Congressional Globe," I, 96, 132, 135, 357, 
376-378, 381-383, 389, 395, 410, 411, 444, 042. 
643. 

Congress of Paris, declaration of, regarding 
privateering, II. 51. 

Congress of the Confederation, question of 
prohibiting slavery in the Northwest Ter- 
ritory. I, 51)9, 600. 

Conkling, F. A., recoinniends Marshal B. 
Blake as ctdlector, II, 22s; h'tter to, 527. 

Conkling, James C, ou W'liig Slate Central 
Committee, I, 72; .signs call for Whig 
Convention at Springfield, 167 ; letter to, 
regarding Union mass-meeting to be held 
at Spriugrteld, 111., II, 396-399. 

Conkling, Roscoe, nomination of, II, 563; 
letter to, rcigardiug cmplovment of col- 
ored troops, 564, .565. 

Connecticut, moli law in, 1,10; ownership 
of Ohio lands, 18I ; abolition of slavery in, 
488; views 011 slavery in, 619, 630; politi- 
cal situation in, in 1860, 633; Gen. Butler 
proposes to raise troops in, II, 78 ; gover- 
nor of. recpiests the President to call for 
volunteers, 194; api>ointnieiit of collector 
in, 213; formation of districts in. 220; tax 
commissions for, 220, 22(i; poinilation of, 
273; resolutions of legislature, Dec. 24, 
1862, 298; Presidential election in, 613. 

Conscription, question of its necessity, II, 
124. See also Draft. 

Conservatism, what is, I, 606, 607, 627. 

Conspiracy, euphemism for, I, 297; evidences 
of. 243, 292. 

Constantinople, E. J. Morris recommended 

as minister to, II. 43. 
"Constellation," the, services rendered to 

the pietyei/, II. 639. 
Constitutional conventions, advantages of. 
^ II, 6. 
Constitutional government, importance of 

the principle of, II, 235. 
Constitutional guarantees, suspension of. 

II, 216. 
Constitutional powers differ in times of 

peace and of rebellion, II, ;t49, 350. 
Constitution of United States. See U. 8. 

Constitution. 
Consular convention with New Granada, II, 

299. 
Consular pupils, report of the Department 

of State oil, II, 284. 
Consular system of the United States, II, 

447. 
Consular treaty with Liberia, II, 263. 
Consuls, taxation of incomes of foreign, in 

United States, II. 448. 
Continental Congress, views of, on local 

self-go\ernment, I. 546. 
Contraband and leasing business, Gen. L. 

Thomas directed to see to, on Mississippi 

Kiver, II, 489. 
Contraband intelligence, restraint of, II, 421. 
Contraband of war, exi)ortation of articles 

for use of French army in Mexico, 11,303; 

what is, 485; transportation of , forbidden, 

580. 



694 



INDEX 



" Contrabands," note, Feb. 15, 1862, concem- 
ing, II, 126; military eiuitloyment of, 211- 
213. 8eo also Negroes ; Slaves. 

Contraband trade, restraint of, II, 421. 

Contracts, jurisdiction of government in 
cases of, I, 180; not to be rescinded by 
less than all contracting parties, II, 3; 
jobs and, 325. 

Convention system of nomination, I, 72. 

Converse, Geo. L., letter to, II, 360-363. 

Cook, B. C, I, 214; head of Illinois delega- 
tion to Baltimore convention, 527, 528. 

Cook, Isaac, I, 354. 

Cooper, Henry, letter to, II, 588, 589. 

Cooper, Gen. Samuel, ad,iutaut-geueral of 
Confederate forces, II, 411. 

Cooper Institute, New York, speeches at, I, 
599-612, 633. 

Cooper Shop, the, II, 534. 

Copperheads, II, 124. 

Corinth, Miss., Halleck near, II, 159; cap- 
ture of, 171, 192; Confederate evacuation 
of, 172, 190, 198; Halleck at, 173,176, 177, 
184, 193, 194, 197, 199, 200, 204, 206, 207 ; Con- 
federate troops from, iu front of Rich- 
mond, 200 ; reinforcements for Rosecraus 
at Chattanooga, ordered from, 411 ; proba- 
ble Confederate raid into Kentucky from, 
589. 

Corn, despatch from Sherman concerning, 
II, 577. 

Corning, Erastus, letter to, II, 345-352. 

Corn line, the, II, 269. 

Corwin, Thomas, speech in Congress on 
Mexican war. I, 514; as a speaker, 538; 
proposed as minister to Mexico, II, 10. 

Coryden, Ind., the Lincoln family in, 1, 117. 

Costa Rica, relations with, II, 263, 605; asks 
for survey of the river San Juan, 604. 

Cothran, Capt., case of, II, 175. 

Cottman, Thomas, correspondence with, 
regarding reconstruction of Louisiana, 
II, 356. 458, 459. 

Cotton, its influence on the question of for- 
eign intervention, II, 94 ; correspondence 
with Portugal regarding culture of, in 
Africa, 128 ; question of exchanging Con- 
federate scrip for, 257 ; provisions for for- 
feiture of, 322 ; the fever for trading in, 
358; matter of Gen. Curtis's transactions 
in, 462 ; scheme of Wright and Hawkes for 
getting, within the rebel lines, 468; seizal>le 
for military reasons, 472 ; new provisions 
regarding trade in, 474 ; seizures of, 553, 554 ; 
shipment of, from Galveston and Sabine 
Pass to Treasury agent at New Orleans, 
560; despatch to (ieii. Sherman regarding 
sliipment of, by railnnid, 561; order con- 
cerning, 569; iteiiiiit toliriugout,569; claim 
for, destroyed hy the Federal army, 600; 
effect of tlie blockade on the price of, 616 ; 
the goveriniH'iit's purpose as to, 616, 617. 

Cotton-gin, effect of its invention on sla- 
very, I, 268, 347, 480, 511. 

Cotton line, the, II, 269. 

Cotton manufacture, anomalies of, I, 93, 94. 

Cotton traders, the President cannot write 
letters of recommendation for, II, 511. 

Couch, Gen. D. N., inquiry addressed to, re- 
garding enemy's movements, II, 358 ; dila- 
toriness in march to Gettysburg, 369. 

Country, the interests of, aliovo party, II, 12. 

Court of Claims, question of giving ttnal au- 
thority to, II, 99 ; resignation of Mr. Gib- 
son from, 557 ; appointment of John A. 
Bingham as solicitor in, 557. 

Courts-martial, inconvenience of, II, 406. 

Courts of justice, ineflicacy of, in times of 
relielliou, II, 347, 348. 

Covington, Ky., military execution at, II, 
468. 



Cox, — , repudiates English bill, I, 429. •" 

Craig, C. W., signs call for Whig Conven- 
tion at Springfield, 1851, I, 167. 

Craig, Mr. and Mrs., permit to, II, 463. 

Craven, Capt. Thos. T., recommended for 
thanks of Congress, II, 151. 

Crawford, Andrew, Lincoln's schoolmas- 
ter, I, 639. 

Creditors, rights of, in the Union, II, 63. 

Creswell, John A. J., letters to, regarding 
emancipation in Maryland, II, 492, 498; 
invited to Washington, 663. 

Crime, effect of punishment as deterrent 
from, I, 29 ; jurisdiction of government in 
cases of, 180. 

Criminal law, reason for existence, 1, 178. 

Crisfield, John W^., at conference at the 
White House, II, 134 ; opinion as to feel- 
ing iu Maryland respecting slavery, 134; 
expression of eontidence in the Presi- 
dent's patriotism, 135 ; memorandum of 
Interview between the President and 
slave-State Representatives, March 10, 
1862, 132-136; letter to, 188; appeal of, 
in behalf of Judge Carmichael, 188, 189 ; 
complains of misconduct of military of- 
licers at elections, 438. 

Crittenden, John J., I, 151; correspondence 
with, 246, 247, 519 ; on the Nebraska bill, 
503 ; introduces bill for admission of Kan- 
sas, 530; indorses Douglas, 568; at con- 
fei-ence at the White House, II, 136 ; death 
of, 382. 

Crittenden, Maj.-Gen. Thomas L., on line 
between Louisville and Lexington, II, 83. 

Crittenden-Montgomery bill, the, I, 530, 592, 
593. 

Crocodile, Douglas's estimate of the negro 
and the, I, 563. 564, 590, 614, 620-622. 

Crook, Maj.-Gen. George, service with Gen. 
Hmiter, II, 550 ; movements of, 664. 

Crops, the yield of, I, 577-580, 583. 

Crosby, Lieut. -Comdg. Pierce, recommend- 
ed for thanks of Congress, II, 152. 

Crosby & Nichols, letter to, regarding ar- 
ticle in " North American Review," it, 470. 

Crouse, Asst.-Surg. William, complains of 
dismissal by Gen. Butler, II, 582. 

Crozier, Col.,'l, 177, 178. 

Crystal Springs, Loring driven to, II, 339. 

Crumblin, Chas. See Crdmpton. 

Crume, Ralph, marries Mary Lincoln, 1,638; 
descendants of, 639. 

Crumpton, Charles, sentenced to death, II, 
512. 

Cuba, question of annexation of, I, 664 ; col- 
lision between the <SV/// Jachilo and the 
Jules ct 2f(iric on coast of, 11,277 ; question 
of Spain's maritime jurisdiction in waters 
of, 445. 

Cullom, S. M., letter to. May 29, 1863, II, 341. 

Culpeper Court House, Va., the enemy's 
commissariat arrangements at, II, 246. 

Cultivation of soil, I, 578-580, 583. 

Cumberland, Va., McClellau at, II, 152. 

"Cumberland," the, engagement with the 
Mert-imac, II, 279. 

Cumberland Gap, Zollicoffer's operations 
aroimd, II, 83; contemplated movement 
on, 83, 84; proposed railroad comnumica- 
tions with, 95 ; strategical importance of, 
112 ; Gen. G. W. Morgan's force at, 177 ; 
effort to relieve, 236; Gen. Morgan 
marches from, 244 ; Gen. Wilcox at, 441. 

Cumberland Island, capture of, II, 140. 

Cumberland River, Thomas's forces on the, 
II, 126. 

Cumberland Sound, capture of, II, 140. 

Cumberland Valley, prospects of rebel evac- 
uation of, II, 365 ; movement of troops 
down the, in pursnit of Lee, 367. 



INDEX 



695 



Cummings, Alexander, empowered to act 
for the Secretary of War in the public de- 
fense, II, 164. I(i5. 

Cunningham, J. O., letter to, I, 305. 

Currency, duty of tlie KOVpninu'Tit in reiiard 
to, 1,25; intluence of national banks on, 
25; Whij? doctrine of a national iiank and 
a sound, 72, 78; Geu. Taylor's pogitiou on, 
136, 137 ; circulation iu the District of Co- 
lumbia, II, ISO; necessity of a uniform, 
264, 301 ; protection of la1)or against a 
vicious, 2(55; inflation of the, 300, 301; 
power of Congress to regulate the, 301 ; 
promotion of use of the national, 531 ; de- 
preciation of, 616. 

Curtin, Gov. Andrew G., reply to, Feb. 22, 
1861, at Harrisburg, I, 602: 'requests the 
President to call for voliiutfcrs, II, i'.)4; 
correspondence with, 23], jiij, 2;t(;, 32:i, 32'.»- 
331, 457, 584-586, 601 ; Inquiry addressed to, 
regarding cneoiy's movements, 231 ; asks 
for 80,000 troops for defense of Pennsyl- 
vania, 232; reports Confederate raove- 
inent8,233; inquiry addressed to, regarding 
Gen. McC'lcUau. 236; informed of ileClel- 
lan's movements, 236; ofl'er of foreign 
mission to, 323 ; reassuring telegi-am to, 
regarding safety of Pennsylvania, 329; 
comnuuiication to, concerning the en- 
emy's threatening movement on Penn- 
sylvania, 330 ; telegram to, concerning 
calling out the militia, 331 ; corre- 
spondence with, conoeruiug the draft, 
404; letter to, regarding recruiting in 
Pennsylvania, 457 ; despatch to, con- 
cerning the Stover case, 584. 585; re- 
assurance to, about Sheridan's force, 586; 
asks for exemptious from the draft, 592, 
593; despatch to, regarding alleged offer 
of States to resume allegiance, 601. 

Curtis, B. R., I, 228; on the negro's share 
in framing the Constitution. 230; positi(m 
in Dred Scott ca.se, 244, 460; letter from 
Charles P. Kirkland to, II, 278. 

Curtis, Maj.-Gen. S. R., correspondence 
with, II, 85, 86, 221, 245, 278, 279, 290-292, 
297-299, 344, 34.-); at St. Louis, 221, 245, 278. 

297, 298; request for information from, re- 
garding Gen. Sehotield's assessment on 
secessionists, 27S ; letter to, concerning 
troubles in Missouri, 291, 292; asked to 
confer with (iov. Gamble, 292; communi- 
cation to, regarding troulile witli slaves in 
Missouri, 297: instructions to, regarding 
orders of provost-marshal in M^issouri, 

298, 299; removal of, :535, 340, 344, 345 ; pres- 
sure on the President to give command to, 
388; in command of eiu'oUed militia in 
Missouri, 420; administration of I>oi)art- 
ment of Missouri, 420, 421 : sniierseded l)y 
(ien. Sclioticld, 420. 421 : dithculties with 
the system of searches, seizures, contri- 
butions, etc., in Department of Missouri, 
421; proposed conmi and for, 462 ; matter of 
transactions in cotton, 4G2; letter to, con- 
cerning Dr. Mel'heeters, 464; matter of 
arranging Dei)ai'tnient for, 466; Fort 
Smith" to be include, 1 in Ills Department, 
466; to give- atteiitn)n to iiiiin-eliended 
troubles neiir Kansas City, i';:^: instruc- 
tions to, as to governmenfs position re- 
garding churches, 480 ; flghtiug Price, 588 ; 
at Fayetteville, Ark., 593; in pur.suit of 
Price, 593. 

Cushing, Lieut. W. B., recommended for 

thanks of Conuress for destruction of the 

Albemarle, II, 604. 
Cushion, presented to the President, II, 

386. 
Custom-houses, Confederate seizures of, II, 

11, 55. 



Cuthbert, John, report on financial system 
of Hamburg, I, 23. 

Cutts, , Second Comptroller of the Trea- 
sury, death of, II, 340. 

Cuyler, , I, 690. 

Cynthiana, Ky., action at, II, 533, 

Dabney's House, Va., tigliting at, II, 665. 

" Dacotah," the, movements of, II, 136. 

Dade County, Price's ret reat through, II, 86. 

Dahlgren, Adm.John A., account of explo- 
sive material referred to, II, 250; im- 
provements in ordnance, 203; recom- 
mended for thanks of Congress, 203; 
Geu. Gillmore to confer with, 463. 

Dahlgren, Col. Ulric, liearer of despatch to 
Geu. Hooker, II, 351; killed at King and 
Queen Court House, 492: telegram to Gen. 
Butler resi)ecting remains of, 498. 

Dahlgren guns, II, 172. 

" Daily Register," quoted, 1, 176. 

Dakota Territory, organization of, II, 101; 
development of, 269. 

Dallas, George M., supposed speech to Lord 
Brougham, I, 649; despatch from. May 2, 
1861, II, 48; proposal to, of unofficial in- 
tercourse between British government 
and the United States, 49; lovaltv and 
fidelity of, 49. 

Dalton, Ga., reports of Ewell at, II, 424. 

Dana, Charles A., letter from Gen. Hurlbut 
by, II, 379; rei)()rts Gen. Grant's views on 
the Emancipation Proclamation. 384. 

Dana, Maj.-Gen. N. J. T., instructions to. 
regarding order issued by, II, 624; letter 
to, Jan. 6, 1865, 624, 625 ; telegram to, Feb. 
18, 1865, 653; despatch to, concerning 
statement of facts by Secretary of the 
Treasury, 653. 

Danforth, J. B., Jr., prefers charges against 
T.J. Picketl. 11.326. 

Daniel, Peter Vivian, Justice of the U. 8. 
Supreme Court, death of, II, 97. 

Darien, Ga., port of, deelared closed, II, 670. 

Darneille, . nominated for Illinois House 

of Representatives, I, -ti. 

Davidson, Gen. J. W., at Cairo, II, 489; 
question of his going to Washington, 489. 

Davis, Judge, asked for report on Coles 
Count,\- riot cases. II. 540. 

Davis, Capt. Chas. Henry, services on the 
Mississipi)! Kiver, II, 203; recommended 
for thanks of Congress, 203. 

Davis, Judge David, I, 215, 529, 669. 

Davis, Eliza, I, .53, 64. 

Davis, Gen., request to have him sent to 
Kansas, 11, 141. 

Davis, G. T. M., position on Mexican war, 
I, 111. 

Davis, Henry Winter, suggested for Cabinet 
minister, I. 665; communication to, re- 
garding election of Speaker, II, 316. 

Davis, Jake, I, 481. 

Davis, Jefferson, on value of slave property 
in Territories, I, 494; slavery advocate, 
556; his position leads to nationalization 
of slavery, 588,614, 622; perilous j)ositiou 
of, II, 334; commiuiiciition from, to the 
President, 364; alleged propositi(m tor 
peace, 546; guarantee of safc-coniluct to 
emissary of, 546 ; denies peace errand of 
A. H. Stephens, 560; question of his oflfer- 
ing i)eace and reunion, snying nothing 
about slavery, 565; proposed conference 
between H. J. Raymoml and. 5i;8; visits 
Hood, 582; inutility of negotiation witli, 
614; intimation to, regardinu- peace nego- 
tiations, 629, 631, 632; cori-es])ondence of, 
etc., concerning meeting of the President 
and Confederate commissioners in Hamp- 
ton Roads, 629, 631, 632, 640, 641, 643, 648, 650. 



696 



INDEX 



Davis, John W., indorsement on letter of, 

II. 79. 
Davis, Levi, sijms call for Whig Convention 

at Spriufftield, 1851, 1, 167. 
Davis, Walter, recommended for office of 

Receiver of Land Office at Springtield, 111., 

I, 152, 155-157. 
Dawes, Henry L., II, 535. 
Dawson, John, recommended for marshal- 

.ship, I, iS. 
Day of Prayer, proclamation for a, July 7, 

1864, II, 543, ,544. 

Dayton, Jonathan, I, 601. 

Dayton, William L., I, 135, 219 ; opposition 
to, on account of sectiouali.sm, 221-224; 
propo.sed as Minister to Eui;land, II, 10 ; 
proposed as Minister to France, 24 ; corre- 
spondence concerning presentation of 
American citizens at court of Prance, 122. 

Dayton, Ohio, invitation to visit, I, 671. 

Death, the only etfectual punishment of 
desertion, II, 349. 

Debt, getting iuto and getting out of, 1, 164, 
165. 

Debts, collection of, hy loj'al citizens, from 
those of insurgent States, II, 99. 

De Camp, Comdr. John, recommended for 
thanks of Congress, II, 151. 

Decatur, Ga., dispute on mail route between 
Warrcuton and, 1, 108, 109. 

Decatur, 111., settlement of Lincoln family 
near, I, 640. 

Declaration of Independence, I, 167 ; jus- 
tifiable criticism of, 186 ; the fundamental 
principles of, 195, 258, 259, 272, 273; the 
negi'o's share Ju framing, 230: mutilation 
of, 231 ; Lincoln's interpretation of, 232, 
233; Douglas's construction of, 233, 258, 
259; its ultimate purpose, 232; origin of 
Popular Sovereignty, 250; critici.sm of, 
288; rights, equality with whites, status, 
etc., of negroes under, 289, 300, 320, 405, 
413, 432-434, 437, 438, 448, 451, 458, 469, 470, 
483, 486, 495, 499-501, 539, 556, 557, 562, 589, 
614, 619, 621, 630; the Abolitionists' charter, 
343; signers all represented slaveholding 
constituencies, 434 ; slavery at signing of, 
501 ; its truth denied, 614; indorsed by the 
KepuVtlicau party, 635; wellspring of Lin- 
coln's political sentiments, 691; continued 
the Federal Union, II, 3 ; adopts the name 
of States, 62; the principal fi-amer and sup- 
porter of, 366. 

" Deep snow," the, I, 640. 

Definitions: "All men," I, 621 ; "conser- 
vatism," 627; "distinctly," 610; "ex- 
pressly," 610; "malicious slander," 624; 
" sectionalism," 627. 

Deist, Lincoln suspected of beinc a, I, 80. 

De Kalb County " Sentinel," I, 355. 

Delafield, Gen. Richard, appointed to ex- 
amine into quotas of the States, II, 637. 

Delahay, M. W^., letter to, I, 534. 

Delaware, slavery in, I, 192; the only slave 
State which responded to the call for vol- 
unteers, II, 58 ; pi-oposed bill for com- 
pensated abolishment of slavery in, 91 ; 
loyalty of, 103 ; the President seeks con- 
ference with representatives from, 132; 
estimated cost of emancipation in, 132, 137, 
138; negro population of, 137, 138, 275; 
Third Rcsriment, 226 ; Presidential election 
in, 613,614. 

Delevan, 111., proposed visit to, I, 84. 

Democracy, abuse of the name, I, 23 ; foun- 
dation of, 304. 

Democratic Party, vulnerable point of, I, 
35; attitude on public land question, 76; 
Baltimore platform on nomination of 
Gen. Cass, 123; principles of, 138, 532; 
favors partyplatform, 139; shelteredunder 



Gen. Jackson's military coat-tail, 140, 141; 
dictates to Gen. Cass, 143; indorses Com- 
promise of 1850, 185, 322, 399, 400; despera- 
tion of, 211 ; policy in regard to Presi- 
dency, 223, 224 ; strength of, 224 ; supports 
Douglas's measure for repeal of the Mis- 
souri Compromise, 224; in Kansas elec- 
tion, 227; po.-<iti(in on the I )r(d Scott case, 
234 ; position on the status (if the iicsro, 235; 
conventions of, 235, 236 ; anti-Lecompton 
wing in the U. S. House of Representa- 
tives, 264 ; revolt airaiiist de(;ision in fa- 
vor of constitutionality of U. S. Bank, 
270; declaraiiou in Cincinnati convention, 
270; position prior to 1854,278; attempts 
to Abolitioiiize the, 279, 461; alleged deal 
of Trumlmll to sell out, 287 ; on common 
platform with Whig party on slavery, S'l2 ; 
Douglas's review of its course and princi- 
ples in Jonesboro .ioint debate, 335, 336; 
rule of action adojited at Convention of 
18.58, 336; mission of, 346; claims that 
Congress should not interfere with sla- 
very in States or Territiu'ies, 3117, 475, 
476; agreement with AVhiys on slavery 
que.stion in 1850, 398; declares that the 
negro was not included in the Declaration 
of Inili']teiiilence, 437, 500; split in. over 
the Leroniiiton Constitution, 442, 443 ; di- 
vision of, lietween Fremont and Fillmore, 
443 ; views on slavery, 463-465, 509-511 ; ne- 
cessity for union in, 493; alliances with 
Whigs, 493 ; acknowledges Clay as leader 
in 1850, 493: Doui,''las adheres to, 493; 
Doiii;las alleges attempts to divide the, 
513; uieinl>e!s support Lincoln for U. 8. 
Senate, 521 ; antislavery niemliers of, 556; 
position on slavery in Territories, 588 ; de- 
bating-ground between Republicans and 
Douglas branch of the, 599 ; given to bush- 
whacking, 615; defeats in Ohio and Penn- 
sylvania, 615 ; demands cessation of oppo- 
sition to slavery, 616; claiuis to have 
settled the slavery que.stion, 617; degra- 
dation of negroes by, 621, 622; exultation 
over defeat of Blair in Missoui'i, f>23; de- 
feats of. 625; condemned Ity Republican 
National Convention of 18G0, 636 ; threats 
of disunion from members of, 636 ; strength 
of, in 1860, 645 ; ambition of its leaders, II, 
20; favors restoration of slavery, 562; de- 
mands disbandment of colored troops, 
562; danger of destruction of the Union 
by adoption of its program, 562. 

Democratic representative government, its 
great living principle, I. 140. 

Democrats, Douglas's definition of, I, 474. 

Democrats ? — or American citizens? 11,350. 

Denio, Hiram, I, 320. 

Denmark, correspcmdence with, regarding 
the bark Jargcn Lorentzoi, II, 138; rela- 
tions with, 263 ; navigation dues of, 445. 

Dennison, George, candidate for naval of- 
fice at New York, II, 46, 47; charges 
against, 47. 

Dennison, William, correspondence with, 
I, 671, II, 581, 582; collector at New Or- 
leans, cooperation with Gen. Banks in 
reconstruction of Louisiana. 469; requests 
a letter of recommendation for a cotton 
trader, 511; on committee of Union Na- 
tional Convention, to notify the President 
of his reuomination, 538; appointed post- 
niaster-mneraJ, 581, 582; recommends sub- 
sidies for mail steamships, 610, 

Denver, Gen., despatch to Halleck regard- 
ing, II, 140; sent to Kansas, 141. 

Department of Agriculture, organization of, 
11,267; reiiort of the commissioner, 453; 
benefits of, 612. 

Department of Northeastern Virginia, II, 67. 



INDEX 



697 



Department of State, resignation of Secre- 
tary (Sfward, II, '282 ; i'<'i)i)rt of, ou the sub- 
ject of fouMuhii- impilrt, 2-,4 ; to Liiive cus- 
tody of ret-oids (if oath of alleiciauee, 505. 

Department of the Interior, wtatistics of, II, 
lOo; cil'rct of till' fivil war on tlic IniMiiicss 
of, 100; suppression of the African slave- 
trade eoniuiittcd to, 101 ; disluirsenieutH 
for, tiaeal year l8(;i-()2, '265 ; proposed rec- 
ords of naturalization in, 446; report of 
the secretary, 451-453 ; documents regard- 
ing Union Pacific Railroad filed in,' 493; 
question of transferring French's office 
from control of the, 504. 

Department of the Mississippi, creation of 
the, II, 137 ; in couiuiaudof Ilalleck, 137. 

Department of *he Missouri, Gen. 8cll0- 
tield's command in, II, 338; Gen. Curtis 
relieved from, 340; Geu. Schofleld as- 
signed to command of, 340; demand for 
removal of SclioHcld and appointment of 
Butler to command the, 4i'J; piovost-mar- 
shal-generalshipof, 420, 421; Ilalleck levies 
contributions on noted rebels in, 4'21 ; sys- 
tem of searches, seizures, etc., in, 421 ; re- 
straint of contraband intelligence and 
trade in, 421 ; abuses of the contribution, 
etc., system in, 421 ; (Ten. ^chotield to be 
relieved from command in, 401, 462 ; propo- 
sal to put Rosecrans in command of, 462; 
comuuinication with Secretary Stanton 
concerning, 463 ; effect of social influence 
of St. Louis ou affairs in, 463 ; (ien. Rose- 
crans's success in conduct of affairs in, 
507 ; bushwhackers in, 537. 

Department of the Navy, II, 42. See U. S. 
Navy Department. 

Department of the Potomac, McClellan in 
command of, II, 137. 

Department of the Rappahannock, McDow- 
ell to retain command of, II, 154. 

Department of the South, (ien. Hunter's or- 
der of military emancipation, II, 155; 
chauLce of commander in the, 364. 

Department of the Susquehanna, defensive 
operations assigned to Ilalleck, II, 555, 550. 

Department of the Treasury. See U. 8. 
TuEASURY Department. 

Department of War. See U. S. WAR DE- 
PARTMENT. 

Department of the West, under command 
of Gen. Harney, II, .52; instructions to 
commander of, Oct. 24, 1861, 86, 87. 

Department of Washington, II, 5.55, 556. 

Department of West Virginia, II, 555, 556. 

Deportation of negroes, I, 608, II, 274, 275. 
See also Colonization of Negroes; Ne- 
groes; Slaves. 

Darrickson, Capt., the President's guard at 
the Soldiers' Retreat, II, 251. 

Deserters, II, 407 ; Gen. Sickles commis- 
sioned to make investigation tour con- 
cerning desertion from the ('n('m\-, 483. 

Desertion, II, 124; gravity of the ottense of 
inducing, 347, 349 ; the only effectual pun- 
ishment of, 349; incitements to, 362, 363; 
penalties of, OGO. 

Deshler, Brig. James, killed at Chickamau- 
ga, II. 412. 

Despatch, draft of an unused, proposing ar- 
Ijitration in the Trod affair, II. 108, 109. 

Despotism, alternative to the rifle of the 
majority, II, 5 ; danser of returning, 502. 

Dick, Franklin A., Provost-Marshal-General 
of Department of Missouri, II. 4'20, 421; 
supcrscdid liy.T. O. Broadhead, 420, 421 ; ar- 
rest of Dr. McPheeters by order of, 464, 465. 

Dickinson, , I, 85. 

Dickinson, Gov. D. S., interest on behalf of 
E. J. Westcott, II, 318 ; letter of, concern- 
ing D. 8. D. Baldwin, 566. 



Dictators, who can set up, II, 307. 

Dictatorship, Fremont's proclamation an 
act of, II, 81. 

Dictionary of Congress, hrief autobiography 
for, I, 240. 

Diller, J. R., a Democratic partizan, I, 153. 

Dimmick, Mrs., death of, II, 575. 

Diplomatic Corps, reply to the, II, 8. 

Diplomatic service, treason in the, II, 124. 

Discoveries, inventions, and improvements, 
lecture on, I, 522-528. 

Discovery, stimulation of, I, 577. 

Disloyalty in the branches of government, 
II, 165. 

District of Columbia, slavery and slave-trade 
in, their exist cncc and aliolition, 1,15, 147- 
149, 185, 190, 192, 280, 302, 306-308, 337, 355, 441, 
463, 465, 642, 659, 609, II, 144, 145 ; favorable 
opinion of gradual emancipation in, 1, 190 ; 
local option of people as to abolition of 
slavery, 042; question of extendinjr, II, 
100; suft'eringsof the inhabitants l).\- reason 
of the war, 102; Hrig.-(;en. Wadsworth 
appointed military go\x'rnor of, 131; esti- 
mated cost of emancipation in, 132, 138; 
nmnber of slaves in, i:iS; (luestion of cur- 
rency in, 186; nejivo population of, 275; 
benevolent institutions of, 612. 

Disunion, threats of, during War of 1812, I, 
516 ; Repul>licau abhorrence of, 635, 636 ; 
threats of, made by Democrats, 636; tm- 
pi'obability of a majority of voters of the 
Union being in favor of disunion, II, 63; 
no remedy for differences between North 
and South, '268; the folly of, 274. 

Divine interposition and favor, its guidance 
of current events, II, 342. 

Divine mercy, II, 418. 

Divine power, II, 509, 519, 544, 571, 573, 587. 

Divine purpose, II, 657, 661. 

Divine truth and justice, II, 7. 

Divine will, meditation on the, II. 243, 244. 

Divorce, not to be compared to secession, 
II, 0. 

Dix, Maj.-Gen. John A., on commission re- 
garding State prisoner's, II, 127 ; money 
advanced to, for public defense, 165 ; sent to 
Fort Monroe, 174, i;i:!, 200, 254; personal feel- 
ing of, 180; correspondence with, 191, 193, 
200, 254, 282, 298, 335, 441, 523, 524 ; his pickets 
at New Kent Court House, 192 ; troops of, 
197 ; inquiry addressed to, as to forces of 
enemy. 254 ; Gen. Busteed recommended 
to, 282; inquiry addres.sed to, conceiTi- 
ing garrisoning fortresses with colored 
troops, 298; calls the President's atten- 
tion to th(^ omission of the Eastern Shoi-e 
of Virginia from exemptions in Emancipa- 
tion Prorlaniation, 327; sends war news 
from liichiuoiid jiapei-s, 332; interrogated 
concerniiiK railroads Ijetween Fredericks- 
burg and Richmond, 335; paroles rebels 
in Accomac and Northampton counties, 
394, 395 ; course in Maryland elections, 
435; proposal to tender tiie mayoralty of 
New York to, 430, 437 ; the President's I'ec- 
ognition of his services, 436, 437 ; ordered 
to arrest publishers and .seize offices of 
" New York World " and " J ournal of Com- 
merce," 523. 524. 

Dixon, Senator James, speech on Mexican 
war, I, 132 ; letter to, .Inly 24, 1862, II, 213; 
recommends Edward (ioodman for col- 
lector at Hartford, 313; agreement with 
Secretary of the Treastiry regarding col- 
lectorship at Hartford, 314; conversation 
with, cmicerning emancipation, 508, 509. 

Dockyards, eniployiiient of slaves in, 1, 659 ; 
Confederate seizure of, II, 55. 

Doddridge County, Va., excepted from in- 
surrection proclamation, II, 195. 



G98 



INDEX 



Dodge, Maj.-Gen. George M., at 8t. Louis, 
11,617,629,630; orders to, iii the case of 
Mrs. Thompson, 617 ; despatch to, respect- 
ing violence in northern Missouri, 629 ; de- 
spatch to, conceruins Mrs. Price, 630. 

Dodge, Wm. E., Jr., letter to, March 1, 1865, 
II, 655, 656. 

Dole, George W., letter to, I, 595, 598. 

Domestic policy, Seward's scheme for, II, 
29; declared iu the inaugural address, 33. 

Donaldson, Lieut. Edward, recommended 
for thanks of Congress, II, 1.52. 

Doniphan, Col. A. W., position on Mexican 
war, I, 111. 

Doniphan, speech in, I, 585 et seq. 

Donnelly, Neil, 1,354. 

Doolittle, , II, 480. 

Doolittle, Senator, announces a Wisconsin 
"slate," II, 211; letter to, May 30, 1864, 
526. 

Doremus, John C, on Whig State Central 
Committee, I, 72. 

Dorsey, Azel W., Lincoln's schoolmaster, I, 
639. 

Dougherty, John, 1,520; supports Trumbull, 
338; in conveution at Bpriuglield, 351; 
an anti-Nehraska man, 401; Abolitionist 
worker, 403. 

Douglas, Stephen A., an opinion of, 1, 21 ; on 
the Whig party, 21, 514, 515; on errors of 
the administration, 31-35; fracas with 
Francis, 40; Lincoln's speech at Peoria, 
111., in reply to, 180-209; position on the 
Missouri Compromise, 183, 184, 224, 349, 497, 
566; Senatorial bill for extension of Mis- 
souri lines, 184; the Nebraska bill, 186, 218, 
231, 407, 408, 419, 420; debate with Lincoln, 
204 ; disposal of his argument that Illinois 
was admitted as slave State, 205; discussion 
with, 210 ; Democratic support of, 211 : re- 
ply to, at Springfield, 226-235 ; on the Kan- 
sas election, 227; position on the Dred 
Scott case, 228, 229, 231-234, 249, 270, 271, 299, 

421, 551-557 ; respect for Supreme Court de- 
cisions, 228, 229, 269, 447, 455, 473, 512, 518; 
position on U. S. Bank question, 229, 256, 
271 ; construction of the Declaration of In- 
dependence, 233, 258, 259, 272; movement 
for reelection of, 236 ; relations with Bu- 
chanan, 236-238, 344, 475, 477, 478, 492-494; 
Greeley's opinion of, 238; suspicion of his 
becoming a Free-Soiler, 238; Seward's 
opinion of, 239; position on the Lecomp- 
ton Constitution, 242, 250, 251, 256, 264-266, 

422, 442, 490-492, 503, 513 ; avowed mission 
of, 245 ; letter to Crittenden on reelection 
of, 246, 247 ; roceptiou at Chicago, 247 ; al- 
leged couibiuatioii against, 247, 248; doc- 
trine of popular sovereignty, 249, 250, 262, 
482, 541, 542, 544-548, 554-557, 564, 570, 573, 
586-589, 592, 607, 620, 657, 660; attacks Lin- 
coln's speech at Sjiringfleld, 251-255; ac- 
cuses Lincoln of inciting war, 252-254; posi- 
tion in regard to the Itcpulilicau party, 
256; the Cincinnati platform and, 256, 257, 
270; contrast of personal appearance with 
that of Lincoln, 261 ; renown of. 261 ; possi- 
bilities for the Presidency, 261; Lincoln's 
personal feelings toward, opinion of, and 
relations with, 266, 281, 417, 418, 483, 484, 
529, 537 ; result of his claims for powers of 
the Supreme Court, 270; at Clay's death- 
bed, 271, 272; the mantle of Henry Clay on, 
272; on equality of negroes and whites, 
272, 273, 284, 434, 469, 470, 495, 498, 499, 508 ; 
purpose to nationalize slavery, 273, 298, 
447, 448; correspondence with Lincoln in 
regard to joint debates, 273-277 (see also 
Joint Debates and topics of discus- 
sion); arrangements with Illinois Demo- 
cratic Central Committee, 274; influence 



in the .'South, 277 ; on slavery in the Terri- 
tories, 277, 356, 357, 415, 475-479, 508, 511- 
513, 518, 566, 567, 599 ; bill to organize Kansas 
and Nebraska, 278; Trumbull's candidacy 
for his seat iu Senate, 279, 282 ; questions 
addressed to Lincoln, 280; early life of, 
281, 366; opposition to negro citizenship, 
284, 434 ; prophesied dissolution of Union 
if Lincoln and the Republican party suc- 
ceed, 286; question of veracity between 
Lincoln and, 293 ; speech at Clinton, 295 ; 
on newsjiaper criticisms, 296, 297; the 
Washington " Union " on, 296, 297, 317, 475- 
478, 493 ; influence of, 298, 422 ; charges Lin- 
coln with evading questions in debate, 
300-304, 364 ; Lincoln's charge of conspiracy 
against, 303, 396, 397, 466, 467 ; Lincoln's in- 
terrogatories to, at Freeport, 308, 309; 
views on acquirement of additional ter- 
ritory, 317, 318, 449 ; position on admission 
of States, 327, 468, 488-492 ; Union princi- 
ples of, 327, 328; accused of turncoat prin- 
ciples by Lincoln, 334-, charges collusion 
between Lincoln and Trumbull, 337, 364, 
461 ; on status of negro, 343-345, 495 ; posi- 
tion i"egarding status of slavery accord- 
ing to the fathers and the Constitution, 347, 
348,446,480, 505, 516, 551; position on the 
Compromise of 1850, 349, 441; answers to 
Lincoln's interrogatories propounded at 
Freeport, 356; birthplace and early life, 
366 ; question propounded by Lincoln. 367 ; 
Douglas's answer, 367 ; position as to Con- 
gressional interference with slavery, 367; 
holds that aftirniative law is necessary to 
make Dred Scott decision available in Ter- 
ritories, 368; attacked by Trumbull at 
Chicago and Alton, 370, 371, 374; Trum- 
bull's charge of participation in plot to 
form constitution for Kansas, 371 1'^ seg'.; 
charges against Trumbull, 376 it set/., 380, 
460,461; extract from syicech at .Tackson- 
ville, and refen-ed to by Lincoln in open- 
ing speech at Charleston, 385-390; the ad- 
mission of Kansas, 392, 414; statement as 
to reason for Lincoln's nomination for the 
U. S. Senate, 402; claim that U. S. gov- 
ernment was established on white basis, 
405; position on status of negro under 
Declaration of Independence, -105; claims 
condition of free and slave States as es- 
tablished by the Ct>nstitutiou, 406; re- 
opens slavery questions seitled by Com- 
promise of 1850, 407 ; charges Lincoln and 
the Ilepultlieans with varying speeches 
and principles according to locality, 407, 
431, 433, 434, 438, 450, 451, 454, 457-459, 462, 
408-470,483, 486, 487; aieuse.s Lincoln and 
Trumbull of personal attacks, 409; charges 
against Lincoln in reference to Mexican 
war, 409, 410; charges responsiliility for 
Trumbull's statements on Lincoln, 410; 
charged by Trumbull with preventing 
people of Kansas from voting on constitu- 
tion, 411 ; argues against equality of men, 
413 ; Lincoln's interrogatory to, m regard 
to power of States to exclude slavery from 
their limits, 416, 417, 445-448 ; denies hav- 
ing consulted with Chief Justice Taney 
as' to decision in Dred Scott case, 419; 
perverts Liucoln's position in various 
speeches, 419 ; share in prostitution of Su- 
preme Court of Illinois, 421, 447, 481, 567 ; 
desire to lead a party, 423 ; did not help to 
get free- State maiority into Kansas, 423; 
characteiizes the i;eii"'>l'cau party as a 
sectional organization, 4:ii : denies citizen- 
ship of negro, but does not insist on his 
being a slave, 434; Lincoln's comment on 
statement that the Kepublieau party dare 
not call their meetings by their name, 437, 



INDEX 



699 



438; the National Democracy and, 488; 
Lincoln's reply to charges of sectionalism, 
439, 440; charged hy Lincoln with Kcction- 
alisu],440; oijpiiseil to fUstinguiNhiug be- 
tween free and shive Htates, 441 ; views on 

slavery. 441, 442, 464, 480, 507, 509-511, 530, 

544-546, 561. 573, 586-590 ; difference between 
Rejniblican Party and, 442 ; charge of com- 
bination between National Democrats and 
Reiiiiblieans, 442, 443; acknowledges be- 
ing misled in matter of Springtleld anti- 
Nebraska State Convention, 443, 452 ; 
charges of fraud and forgery agaiust, 443- 
445, 452, 453, 460, 461 ; attack "on Lincoln at 
Ottawa in regard to Springfield conven- 
tion, 443-445, 452 ; repeated charges against 
Lincoln and Trumbull, 444, 445 ; origin of 
title of judge, 447, 481 ; views on acquiring 
additional territory in connection with 
slavery question, 448, 449 ; horror of an in- 
ferior race. 449 : doctrine of State rights, 
454, 603 ; attenii)t to hold Lincoln responsi- 
ble for resolutions passed anterior to 
Springfield convention, 456, 457.460; Lin- 
coln's interrogatory to, on hypothetical 
decision of U. S. Supreme Court. 459, 460, 
473, 481 ; charges Lincoln with personal- 
ities, double-dealing, etc., 461, 462, 465, 466, 
469; Lincoln disclaims desire of personal 
dittioulty with, 462 ; leader in Democratic 
Party, 464; vouches for Harris's and Lan- 
phier's integrity, ic>i\ ; denies Deujoeratic 
ownership of Dred Sciitt,467; purjiose in 
quoting Springfield resolutions, 467 ; iiiter- 
rogatofies to Lini'oln at Ottawa, 467, 468; 
refuses to answer Lincoln's questions as 
to slavery being right or wrong, 472; ap- 
peals to mob law, 481 ; Lincoln's answer to 
his statement in regard to oliligaticms 
binding on Democrats and Republicans, 
482 ; Lincoln's reply to, in regard to Lan- 
phier-Harris forgery. 484; attempts to 
use Springfield i-esolutions against Trum- 
bull, 484 ; speech in Chicago, 486 ; Lincoln's 
reply, 486; i-eviews the joint debates, 
486-489; on State sovereignty, 487; on 
the English bill, 491, 492; on equality 
among States, 491; resists executive in- 
terference with duties of legislators, 492 ; 
charged with l)eing no Democrat, 493, 494 ; 
on sectionalism, 424, 493, 496, 516, 518; on 
value of slave jiroperty in Territories, 494 ; 
attack on adminisfiMtion at Quincy, 496, 
497; charged by Lincoln with misrepre- 
sentation, 497 ; attempts to place Lincoln 
in extreme Abolition attitude, 498; garbles 
Lincoln's speech at Chicago, 498, 499; 
claims that negroes were not included in 
Declaratitm of Independence, 499, 500, 562, 
614, 621; partiality for Crittenden, 503; 
offended with Lin"e<dn's statement as to 
"house divided against itself," 503, 505, 
590; Lincoln's statement of real issue be- 
tween himself and. 508. 511; alleged by 
Lincoln to b(> an Abolitionist, 513; charges 
use of federal patronage in Illinois. 513; 
Lincoln charges him with slander, 514; 
success of, 521 ; strength of, 529 ; supported 
by the New York " Tribune," 530 ; Republi- 
can feeling in Illinois in favor of, 529-532; 
essay in "Harper's ."Magazine," 542-544,546- 
550, 553; views on status of States and 
Territories under the U. S. Constitution, 
544, 546; views as to power of federal gov- 
ernment over Territories, 545 ; position on 
the African slave-trade, 555, 565, 566; 
speaks at Cincinnati, 558; misrepresenta- 
tion as to Lincoln's deel.aratlon of non-in- 
terference with slavery, 559; Lincoln rec- 
ommends his nomination for the Presi- 
dency, 560, 568, 569, 675 ; don't-care policy, 



561, 620, 621 ; speaks at Memphis, 561, 563; 
position as between negro and crocodile, 
563,564,590,(122; peculiarity oi' his support 
for the seuatorsliip, 5(;s ; clainis to have 
"squelched" the "irrepressiiile conflict" 
Idea, 568; views on the ( )i'diiiance of 1787, 
570; viewp on local and federal questions 
of government of Territoru's, 573; an am- 
bushed foe of the Republican I'arty, 588; 
his position leads to nationalization of 
slavery, 588, 589; denounces tlu'. "fatal 
heresy," 59(); claims the Kcjiublican vote 
on Ci'ittendcn-Moutgoniery bill, 592: elec- 
tion to U. S. Senate. 592; alisorbing pow- 
ers of, 593; publication of speecJies of, 
in .joint debates, 597; speech at Colunilius, 
Ohio, 599; sedition law, 611, 628; attributes 
shoemakers' strike in Massachusetts to 
sectional warfare, 615; rage at Seward 
for speaking of "irrepressible conflict ,"624; 
organ in Washington, 624; speaks at State 
Agricultural Fair at SjiriHghcld, 111., 644; 
political prospects in ihco, (i4r>; Southern 
votes for, at lialtimori' Ciuivention in 1860, 
645; strength in New York, 648; manipula- 
tion of tlie Hell Party, 648.649; George D. 
Prentice's sU)(port of, 652; Colfax's sup- 
posed support of, in 1858. II, 9; prominent 
in founding the Cliicago "Times." 344; 
senatorial contest with Lincoln, 344; par- 
ticipates in debates on refunding fine im- 
posed on Gen. Jackson. 351. 

Douglas, Mrs. , memorandum of advice 

for, Nov. 27, 1861, II, 91, 92. 

Douglass, Fred., I, 279. 281. 2S4, 364. 403, 470; 
S. A. Douglas's eriticisnison,31s; Abolition 
leader, 322; outrages Senator Douglas's 
sense of propriety, 337 : stmnps Illinois 
for Abolition Party, 400 ; speaks at Pough- 
keepsie, N. Y.. in support of Lincoln, 401. 

Doyle, Thomas A., candidate for postmas- 
tership at rrovidence, H. 1., II, 45. 

Draft, popular deiuand for, 11,218; question 
of postponement of, 226 ; the exercise of 
the, 239 ; penalty of resisting the, 239 ; re- 
sistance to the, 362, 363. 388, 407 ; Working 
of, in New Jersey, 371, 375 ; conduct of, by 
townships, 375, 376; in New York State, 
381, 382; reason for, 388; opinion on the, 
388-391 ; fairness of the, 390 ; money ex- 
emption and sulistitntes. ,390; the prin- 
cipleof the, 390,392; duringthe Revolution, 
391 ; in the War of 1812, 391 ; correspon- 
dence with Gov. Seymour regarding the, 
399, 400,488; correspondence With ollieials 
of Chicago concerning, 401 ; correspon- 
dence with Sherman and Hayes concern- 
ing the, 401, 404 ; operation of the act, 404, 
449; volunteers to be credited on quota 
of, 425 ; to be employed for deticieiiey of 
volunteers, 425, 426 ; memorandum relative 
to the, 433 ; effect on the navv. 451 ; order 
for a. of 500,000 men. Feb. 1, 1864, 477, 478; 
question of quota af Kentucky, 505, 506; 
provision for. in the case of hundred-day 
troops from \arions States. 515; iirovision 
for, 550. 551. CIS; in Indiana, 578; ((uestion 
of exemptions from, in I'ennsyh auia, .592, 
593 ; order to make <iirreetions in the, Feb. 
6,1865,637 ; complaint by Vermont regard- 
ing the, 638, 639 ; penalties for avoidance 
of, 660. 

Drafted men, difference between volunteers 
and, II, 218 ; filling up old ivgimeuts with, 
251. 

Draft law, difficulties in practical adminis- 
tration of, II, 371, 391, 401 ; the question of 
its constitutionality, 382; the President's 
intention to execute, 391. 

Draft of objections to act to suppress in- 
surrection, II, 209-211. 



700 



INDEX 



Drake, C. D., comnnmication to, concem- 
iuff tactiouul disputes in Missoiu-1, II, 3a7 ; 
letter to, Oct. 5, l.sc.i, 4l'.»-4Li:i. 

Drama, the Presideut's slight acquaintance 
with the, II, 39'J. 

Dred Scott, eiiiancipated, I, 397; held in 
slavery in Kansas, 415 ; brin.icing him into 
Illinois did not cmaucipatQ him, 426 ; own- 
ership of, 4()7. 

Dred Scott decision, Lincoln on the, I, 228- 
235, 240-245, 368 ; Douglas on, 228, 229, 231- 
234, 250, 271-273, 454, 455; influence on 
position of Congress to legislate on sla- 
very in the Territories, 242, 246 ; efl:ect on 
power of Territory to exclude slavorv, 
249; supported by Douglas, 249, 254-256, 
263, 414, 421, 511; Lincoln's opposition to, 
254, 255, 283, 405, 472, 486, 512, 513; a new 
wonder of the world, 255 ; Douglas's oppo- 
sition to Lincoln on, 269 ; position of Re- 
publican Party in regard to, 285, 463 ; eftect 
of, 291, 313, 426, 474 ; question of Douglas's 
share in, 293; tendency toward national- 
ization of slavery. 298 ; eflfect of a second, 
300, 585, 586; Douglas's criticism of Lin- 
coln's strictui-es on, 343; eftect on rights 
of negroes, 343-345, 407 ; slave held in free 
Territory in detiance of Congressional 
lej^slation, 358 ; Lincoln's charges of con- 
spiracy in connection with, 396, 397, 466, 
467; logical deduction from, 416, 417, 426, 
459, 460, 541 ; Lincoln's denial of Supreme 
Court's correct const ruction of the Consti- 
tution in. 4!7; its correlation with Doug- 
las's cbiuseof the Nel>raska ))ill, providing 
for regulation of slavery in 8tatcs and Ter- 
ritories by their i)eoiile. 420; its eftect on 
slavery in tlie Territories, 435, 551-555, 557, 
610 ; its essence, 445 ; influence of elections 
on, 446; nou-eoncurrent opinions in, 460; 
unappealable, 472 ; principles of, fre- 
quently previously attirmed, 473; how to 
rcvei'se it, 481 ; slaves' property under, 494 ; 
Lincoln's positioti on, in regard to citizen- 
ship of negro, 497,498 ; portion of scheme to 
nationalize slavery, 497, 498; status of ne- 
gro under U. S. Constitution, according to, 
497, 498; th(^ Declaration of Independence 
construed )>y, ~A)ir. I>incoln denies consti- 
tutional powcrto hold slave in "Territor.y, 
512; on power of Congress to prohibit 
spread of slavery into Territories, 540, 
541; Lincoln's criticism of Douglas's posi- 
tion on, 551-557 ; synopsis of, 553 ; Douglas's 
idea of rendering nugatory, 566, 567 ; bear- 
ing on Douglas's Popular Sovereignty, 586; 
relation to doctrine of Territorial legisla- 
tion luifriendly to slavery, 589, 590 ; gi'oimd 
of decision, 603. 

Driggs, J. F., forwards a Maclcinaw trout 
to the President, II, 635 ; letter to, 635. 

Drummond, , debate on Peoria election 

case, I, 42. 

Drunkenness, in the army, II, 415, 416. 

Dryer, , U. S. minister at Honolulu, II, 

139. 

Dubois, Jesse K., I. 40, 594, 598, 633; corre- 
spondence with, II, 936, 341; telegram to, 
concerning the positionof Lee's army after 
Gettysburg, :;c,i ; letter from, in behalf of 
Gen. McClernand, 387; inquiry addressed 
to, as to results of election, 598. 

Dudley, Thomas H., U. S. consul at Liver- 
pool, despatch from, regarding distressed 
operatives at Blackbnrii, Eng., II, 312. 

Duel, arrangements for, with Gen. Shields, 
I, 70. 

Duff Green building, appropriated by the 
AVar Dei)nrtnient, II, 289. 

Duffie, Brig.-Gen. Alfred N., brilliant action 
near Millersburg, II, 357 ; action with 



Stuart's cavalry, 357; success at Lewis- 
burg, 437. 

Du Pont, Adm. Samuel F., recommended 
for thanks of Congress, II, 122, 140; ser- 
vices on coast of South Carolina, Georgia, 
and Florida, 140 ; ordered to take measures 
for defense of the capital, 164; orders to, 
as to operations at Charleston, 323. 

Durant,ThomasJ.,letter to Cuthbert Bullitt 
from, II, 215 ; supposed to take registry of 
citizens in Louisiana for constitutional 
convention, 380, 436 ; to confer with Gen. 
Banks regarding affairs in Louisiana, 381. 

Duties, proclamation concerning discrimi- 
nating, II, 460. 461. 

Duty, devotion to, I, 612, 616, 629, 631. 

Dwelling-houses, seldom liable to military 
seizure, II, 472. 

Early, Gen. Jubal A., at deadlock with 
Sheridan, II, 577; probability of Lee re- 
inforcing, 583. 

East, E. H., Secretary of State in Tennes- 
see, II, 487, 488. 

East Baltimore Methodist Conference, reply 
to resolutions of, II, 152, 153. 

Eastern seas, action against pirates in the, 
II, 95. 

Eastern Shore. See MARYLAND ; VIRGINIA. 

Easthouse, , death of, I, 64. 

Eastman, M. E., II. 1312. 

East Tennessee Relief Association, the, II, 
.516. 

Eaton, John, banishment of, from Missouri, 
II, 651. 

Eccles, Joseph T., signs call for Whig Con- 
vention at Springfield, 1851, I, 167. 

Eckert, Maj. T. T., instructions to, corre- 
spondence, and transactions respecting 
meeting in Hampton Roads between the 
President and Confederate commis.sioners, 
II, 632, 634, 642-649. 

Economy, necessity of, II, 96; demanded 
by Union National Convention, 531. 

Ecuador, convention for adju.stment of 
claims pending between the United 
States and, II, 497. 

Edenton, N. C, port of, declared closed, II, 
670. 

Edgar County, 111., insurrection in, II, 491. 

Education, importance of, I, 3; reverence 
for laws to be one of the flrst branches of, 
12; Jeff"erson's iiroposed application of 
Treasury surplus to, 127 ; influence of dis- 
covery of printing on, 527 ; free labor in- 
sists on universal, 582 ; combination of 
labor and, 582, 583 ; its uses in agriculture, 
582, 583; Lincoln's early and limited, 597, 
640 ; for negroes, II, 380. 

Edwards, Qtr.-Gen., I, 4. 

Edwards, Dr. B. F., recommended formar- 
shalship. I, 43. 

Edwards, Benjamin S., report on partizan 
appointments in Illinois, I, 51, 52; signs 
call for Whig Convention at Springfield, 
167; opinion on Illinois election law, 176. 

Edwards, Cyrus, defeated f(U- senatorship 
in 1840, 1,43; canilidacy for Comniissiiuicr 
of General Land OlHce, 151, 153, 154, 157, 
160. 

Edwards, Ninian W., I, 7, 72. 

Edwards Station, Grant defeats Pemberton 
and Loring near, II, 339. 

Egypt, punishment of persecutors of mis- 
sionary agent in, II, 84; letter to viceroy 
of, 84, 85 ; "question of indemnity from, for 
outrage on missionary agent, 157; consu- 
lar service in, 447 ; death of U. 8. minister 
in, 605 ; relations with, 605, 606. 

Egypt of the West, the, II, 270. 

Election clubs, I, 131, 132. 



INDEX 



701 



Election expenses, I, 521. 

Election laws of Illinois, opinion of, I, 519. 

Election of 1834, Lincoln elected to legisla- 
ture of Illinois, I, 041, 642. 

Election of 1840, I, (■>42. 

Election of 1844, I. 642. 

Election of 1852, I, 64:i. 

Election of 1856, I, ()44. 

Election of i860, views on fusion for, I, 534, 
535; (laiiiiiT of local issues in, 535, 537; 
needs of tlic Kciniblican Party tor the, 575 ; 
Presidential timber from the South, 575, 
576; impdrtaiicc of Peuusylvania to the 
Eepublicau Fart v in, 5H4, 585 ; importance 
of Illinois to Kepublicau Party in, 585; 
possibility of a union ticket for the, 591, 
i 592 ; proposed natiooal convention in Illi- 
' nois, 595; services of Storrs iu, 598; use 
of money in, 631 ; i)r<>si)('(ts of success, 632 ; 
nomination of LiiK-olii for tbe Presidency, 
634; accciitanci' of iKiiuinatiou, 635; form 

■ of letter used for reply to a class of letters 
received durinu^ the, i;38; short autobiog- 
raphy prepared for use in, 638-644; Cas- 
sius M. Clay's speeches in, 647; fears for 
result, 649;" combinations to defeat the 
Rei'Ublican ticket, (Ml); meetinirat Spring- 
tield. 111., to celebrate, c^ri; dilHculties ap- 
prehended in regard to counting the votes, 
663. 

Elections, resolutions in Illinois legislature 
relatins to fraudident practices at, I, 42; 
convention systeui of nominating candi- 
dates recommended, 76, 77; personal en- 
deavor in, 79; vote cast in 1840, 79; con- 
tested cases in Kentucky, North Carolina, 
aiul New .Jersey, 79; liannouy in parties, 
81 ; proposed change of plan of selecting 

Congressional caiulid.ite for district 

of IlUnois, 84 ; mode of choosing delegates, 
85; in Kansas, 227; canvassing for, 597; 
what constitutes a majority of voters 
iu, II, 286; in Missouri, instructions to 
Gen. Schofield regarding, 417; demands 
for regulation of, in Missoiu'i, 419; Mary- 
land, Xoveuilter, 1863, 434, 435 ; use of 
tests at, in Maryland, 434, 435; use of 
military in, 435 ; loyalty in, 435 ; alleged 
misconduct of military ofticers at, 438; 
fav<u-al>le results of, 440; encouraging re- 
sults of, 4rii; regulations for, in Arkansas 
reconstruction, 472, 47:i: in Arkansas i-e- 
constructiou, 475; (|ualiticationsof voters, 
477; anticipated etl'ect of Eniancipati<ui 
Proclamation oti, 479; question as to oath 
required iu Tennessee, 486, 487 ; objection 
to allowing military officers to take part 
in, 504; the President's anxiety for the 
result in November, 1864, 562, 568; riglit 
of soldiers to vote, 582; Lincoln's pol- 
icy of non-interference with, 589 ; a ne- 
cessity to free government, 595; passion- 
exciting, 601; indicate public purpose, 
613; on' the Eastern Shore, 623. See also 

VOTEUS. 

Election tactics, I, 38. 39. 

Electoral College, joint resolution of Con- 
gress (leclaiinir ceilaiu States not entitled 
to representation in tlu', II, 639. 

Electoral count, annoiuu'ement of the, II, 
640. 

Elizabeth City, N. C, port of, declared 
closed, II, 670. 

Elizabeth City, Va., excepted frotn declara- 
tion of Virginia's state of rebellion, Jan. 

1, 1803, II, 288. 

Elizabethtown, Ky., marriage of Tliomas 
Lincoln at, I, 039. 

Elkin, Col., nominated for sheriff of Sanga- 
mon County, I, 41. 

Elkin, William F., letter to, II, 341. 



Ellet, Brig.-Gen. A. W., ordered to report to 
Admiral Porter, II, 252. 

Ellis, Abner Y., recommended for post- 
master at Springtield, 111., I, 153. 

Ellsworth, Edward, first cousin of Col. Ells- 
worth, desires commission, II, 73. 

Ellsworth, Col. Elmer E., letter to his 
parents from the President, II, 52 ; killed 
at Alexanilria, 73. 

Ellsworth gun, the, II, 82. 

Elwood, Kan., speech in, I, 585 et seq. 

Emancipation, views on, I, 187, 288; plans 
for gradual, 187. 203, 288, 464, 510, 608, 015, 
623, II, 129, 204, 237, 271 ; rights of masters 
in, I, 230, 231; a popular measure, 11,81; 
liber.ationof negroes by act of Aug. 6, 1801, 
102; etlect of, on the stippression of the 
rebellion, 129 ; compensated, 129, 130,132- 
135, 137, 138, 155, inc. 2(14, 205, 237, 268-277; 
exclusively a question for the States, 
133; military, 154, 155, 508; draft of procla- 
mation as first submitted to the Cabinet, 
213; reply to comunttee from religious 
denominations from Chicago, asldng issu- 
ance of proclamalii>n of, 234-230; its in- 
fluence in Europe, 235 ; disastrous effects 
of immediate, 272; ett'ect on free white 
labor, 274. 275; the Missouri plan, 379 ; the 
contract plan of, 380; Importance of its 
recognition in Louisiana, 380; in Tennes- 
see, 4()5; the general govei'ument had no 
power to etlect, in the States, 453; followed 
by dark and doubtful days, 454 ; brings on 
the crisis of the contest, 454; unaccom- 
panied by servile insurrection, 4.54 ; by 
State action, 456 ; adojition of the policy 
of, 479; letter to John A. J. Creswell 
regarding, in Maryland, 492; danger of 
quarrels among friends of, 492; the Presi- 
dent's preference for gradual, over im- 
mediate, 492; the President's views as 
to. iu Maryland, 498; dangers of quarrels 
among friends of, 498; appeals to Bor- 
der States for, 508; conversation with 
Gov. Bramlette and Senator Dixon on 
working of, 508, 509 ; letter to A. G. Hod- 
ges concerning the working of, 508, 509; 
the test for cdmplainers of, 509; results 
of a year of trial, 509 ; power of the policy 
to subdue rebellion, 562, 564, 565; its 
purpose to save the Union, 564; augmen- 
tation of free population by, 587 ; in Lou- 
isiana, 673. 

Emancipation policy, effect of, II, 397. 

Emancipation Proclamation, as tirst sub- 
mitted to the Cabinet, July 22, 1862, II, 
213; draft of, as submitted to the Cab- 
inet for final re\'ision, 285 ; issued Jan. 
1, 1863, 287, 288; a military measure, 
296, 398, 403, 453, 454 ; not to be retracted 
by the President, 296, 379, 380, 455, 459, 
615; effect of, 298; omission of the East- 
ern Shore of Virginia from exemption 
of, 327; question of military officers in- 
dorsing, 330 ; application to Arkansas, 379; 
Gen. Grant's opinion of, 384; notice of, 
given beforehand. 397; alleged to be un- 
constitutional, 397 ; dislike of, 397 ; appli- 
cation of, in Virginia and Louisiana, 402, 
403; original draft of. transmit ted to North- 
western Fair of the Sanitary Commission 
at Chicago, 429; must be recognized in 
Louisiana, 436 ; issue of. 453 ; lithographed 
facsimiles of original draft of, 471 ; antici- 
pated ett'ect on fall t'lectious, 479; Secre- 
tary Chase's position on, 479; account of, 
as given to Artist Carpenter, 479; Love- 
joy's views on, 479 ; the possible eft'ects of 
Union defeats on, 479. 480 ; second draft of, 
480; final publication of, 480; ett'ect of the 
battle of Antietam on the, 480 ; indorsed 



702 



INDEX 



by Union National Convention, 530 ; falls 
short of the Thirteenth Amendment, 633, 
034. 

Embree, E., letter to, T, 157. 

Employment, constant, more profitable 
than cheap buying and dear selling, I, 91. 

Emulation, I, 577. 

Enclosure of farms, I, 578. 

Engineers, chief of. repr)rt of, II, 449. 

England. See (iKEAT I>I{ITAIN. 

English, William H., ]>o,sition on the ad- 
mission of Kansas, I, 42'.), 491. 

English bill.LccciiiiptoH < (institution passed 
in the, I, •2(;5; r((iiusitcs for admission 
of Kansas uiuler, 414, 42H, 41)1 ; introduced 
as substitute for Lecomptou Constitu- 
tion, 428; support of, made a test of po- 
litical faith in Illinois, 429; repudiated 
and abandoned iiy Democrats, 429; Dong- 
las on the, 42S, 42'.», 4'Jl, 492. 

English grammar, study of, I, 640. 

English language, on the, I, 525. 

Enlistment, to be made for three years or 
the war, II, 167; discouragement of, 362, 
363; motives ,ij,<>\-eruing, 388. 

Enterprise, iiiipmtauce of, I, 3. 

Enthusiasm, misplaced, I, 609. 

Envy, overborne by patriotism, 1, 14. 

Equality, what is, I, 232. See also Decla- 
KATiON OF Iniiependenck; Negroes. . 

Equality of men, the central idea in politi- 
cal public opinion, I, 225 ; the fundamen- 
tal principle of government of free States, 
613. 

Equal rights of men, foundation of our 
government, 1, 178, 179. 

Erie Canal, memorial regarding locks of, 
II, 180. See also Canals. 

Escambia Bay, Ala., Federal raid at, II, 
593. 

Estray laws, I, 3. 

Etheridge, E., letter to, II, 588, 589. 

Ethiopia, supposed attitude of the United 
states toward, II, 479. 

Euclid, study of, I, 640. 

Europe, no arhitration by monarchies of, 
desired by tlie United States, II, 37; atti- 
tude of nations of, regarding the situa- 
tion in the United States, 49; results to, 
from the War of Independence, 51 ; possi- 
bility of war l)etween the United States 
and nations of, 51; question of interven- 
tion of powers in Mexico, 107; railway 
systems in, resolution of the Senate re- 
garding, 136; troops of, contrasted with 
those of the United States, 218 ; importance 
to, of Federal military success, 219 ; effect 
of emancipati(m on the American P'ederal 
cause in, 235; visit of Edward Everett to, 
239; proposed cable connection with, 263; 
communieatioi) witli, 2(59; area of, 273; 
population statistics of, compared with 
the United States, 273; sufferings in, 302 ; 
expression of pity in, for the Federal 
cause, 453. 

European intervention, Seward advises vig- 
orous policy against, II, 29. 

European powers, no danger to United 
States from, I, 9. 

Europeans, Douglas's limitation of provi- 
sion of Declaration of Independence to, 
I, 272. 

European States, relations with, II, 263. 

Evangelical Lutherans, response to. May 
6, 1862, II, 148. 

Evans, French S., recommended for ap- 
praisership at Baltimore, II, 42, 43. 

Evansville, Ind., II, 80; Gov. Morton asks 
for troops and guus for, 83 ; Federal forces 
at, 84. 

Evarts, William M., empowered to act for 



the Secretary of the Navy in the public 
defense, II, 164. 

Evasion of laws, 1,3. 

Events, the Pi-esident controlled by, II, 509. 

Everett, Edward, 1,66; letter introducing, 
Sept. 24, 1862, II, 239 ; visit to Europe, 239 ; 
correspondence with, regarding Gettys- 
bm-g celebration, 44(i; congiatulated by 
the President on Gettysburg- address, 440; 
congratulates the President on Gettys- 
burg address, 440; transmission to, of MS. 
of tlie President's remarks at (Gettysburg, 
478; tribute to American women, 631. 

Evidence, the law of, not affected by mili- 
tary arrests in time of rebellion, II, 350, 
351. 

Ewell, Lt.-Gen. R. S., Fremont ordered 
against, 11,159; engaged with Banks, 160; 
McDowell ordered to move against, 160; 
probable northward dash of, 162; near 
Winchester, 168 ; Fremont ordei-ed to at- 
tack, 168; forces Saxton's advance from 
Charlestown, 168 ; near Bunker Hill, 169 ; 
at Winchester with Jackson, 171 ; posi- 
tion. May 31, 1862, 173; assignment of the 
Army of Virginia to the o\crcomiug of, 
188; uncertainty aliout his movements, 
352, 428; reported at Dalton, 424; disposi- 
tion of his troops, 425; statements that he 
has gone to Tennessee, 428; (luestion of 
Imboden's joining, 429. 

Ewing, Gen. Hugh, Gov. Carney asks that 
his department be extended to cover Kan- 
sas, II, 371. 

Ewing, Thomas, Minister of the Home De- 
partment, I, 159; Binder on, 160. 

Ewing, Gen. W. L. D., recommendations 
about circuit courts, I, 46; U. S. senator 
from Illinois, 76 ; opjiositiou to Whig mea- 
sures, 76; supports Butterfleld for General 
Band Office, 157. 

Exchange of prisoners, II, 449, 478; inter- 
view between Col. Key and Geu. Cobb re- 
specting, 626. 

Exchange of thought, on the, I, 524-527. 

Executions, laws respecting, I, 3. 

Executive clemency, II, 177. 

Executive disbursements, fiscal year, 1861- 
1862, II, 265. 

Executive order No. 2, Feb. 27, 1862, relat- 
ing to State prisoners, II, 127. 

Exhibition of 1862, representation of the 
United States at the, II, 102. 

Existing institutions, difficulty of uproot- 
ing, I, 193. 

Expediency, JelTerson on, II, 102. 

Expunging Resolution, the, I, 32. 

Extraordinary arrests, II, 125. 

Extravagance of Buchanan administration 
condemned bv Kepublican National Con- 
vention of 1800, I, 636. 

Eye, on the power of the, I, 526. 

Fairbanks, Erastus, governor of Vermont, 

telegram to, II, 78. 
Fairfax Station, Va., Hooker at, II, 353. 
Fairfield, Pa., concentration of rebels near, 

II, 365. 
Fairs for relief of soldiers, II, 500. See also 

Sanitary Commission. 
Falls Church, Va., movement of Federal 

troops by, II, 67. 
Falls Village, Conn., manufacture of guns 

at, II, 415. 
Falmouth, Va., McDowell at, 11,160, 166; 

Burnside at, 258. 
" FalstafF," J. H. Hackett's presentation of , 

II, 392. 
" Family controversies," II, 304. 
Faris-el-Hakim, missionary agent in Egypt, 

II, 84 ; outrage on, 157. 



INDEX 



703 



Farmer, Lewis W., discharge certificate of, 

1,5. 

Farmers, as a class, I, 577. 

Farmington, , visit to, 1, 52. 

Farms, uiammotli. I, 57'J. 

Farm work, the Presidcut's early life in, I, 
597. 

Farnsworth, John F., Aholition leader. I, 
'284, bl8, 322 ; uinioscd to admission of sla^•e 
States, :i6'i, :mi.irr,i; caiivusscs tor Lincoln, 
403; cautlidate for Cougress iu Chicago 
district, lOt. 

Farnsworth, Gen., letter from Gen. Hurl- 
hut to, II, 518. 

Farragut, Adm. David G., operations on the 
Mississippi Kivcr, II, 151 ; reconnueuded 
for thanks of Con^iirss, 151; national 
thanks to, for operations at Mobile, 572; 
despatch to, reganhii^' Idorkadc, tU7. 

Fast-Day, appointment of a. national, Aug. 
12, 1861, II, 73, 74; proclamation appoint- 
ing a national, March 30, 1803, 319, 320. 
See also Prayer. 

" Father of the Constitution," the, I, 74. 

Fathers of the Constitution, the, I, 599. 

Fauchet, Mr., attempted seizure of, by the 
commander of the Africa, II, 278. 

Fayette County, 111., act for hcnetit of clerk 
of circuit court of, I, 20 ; claim of parti- 
zan appointments in, 51, 

Fayette County, Ky., removal of Thomas 
Lincoln (the President's grand-uncle), to, 

I, 6.")0. 

Fayette County, Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proclamation, II, 195. 

Fayetteville, Ark., (ien. Curtis at, II, 593. 

February 22, 1862, orders for general move- 
ment of forces on, II, 119. 

Federal authority, its division from local 
authority, 1, 599 et seq. ; must be respected 
by foreign agents, 50. 

Federal government, powers as to restric- 
tion of slavery, I, 355, 608, 609, II, 133, 134; 
bou7id to defend the Union, 12 ; an agency 
for the States, 440. 

Federal offices, how opposition to holders 
of, is to be met, II, 4. 

Federal Union, Clay's zeal for the, I, 171 ; 
devotion of the people to, 185, 680, 681, 683, 
689, II, 12, 613 ; Lincoln's devotion to, I, 
--V 199. 220, 678, 687, 688. II, 227, 564, 565 ; intlu- 
■' ence of slavery on the stability of, I, 2iu ; 
dangers to, from scetionalism, 221, 222; a 
house diviih'd auainst itself, 290; Doug- 
las's cliai,i;'es of Lincoln's desire to over- 
throw, 293; Douglas on the miiintenance 
of, 327, 328; cannot exist divi(h'd into 
slave and free States, 327, :i32, 341, 342, 347 
40.5-407, 426, 436, 471, 485-487, 543, 558, 567, 
590; Lincoln does not expect it to be dis- 
solved, 426. 543, 558 ; slavery the only qnes- 
ti(Ui that has menaced a dissolution of, 
450; slaverx tln' root of diseord in, 587; 
Douglas asserts it can endure half free 
and half slave States, 487; union of half 
slave and half free States a violation of 
the law of t4od, 487; commerce its ce- 
ment, 506: slavery a menace to, 509, 574, 
613, 619 ; threatened secession by the 
South in event of election of a Repiibli- 
cau President, 5()'.i; threatened <lisruptiou 
of, 609-r,i2, r,64, II, ;i; how far (liss.ilved, 
616; Republican Party cliariicd with hos- 
tility to the, 619 ; signs of dissolution, 626 ; 
adhesion of Eepublican Party to, 635; 
the root of national prosperity, 635; can- 
not be disrtipted without consent of other 
States, 660, II, 3; note on (lisniemliernient 
of, I, 662; question of use of military arm 
for preservation of, 6()6 ; the one thing 
necessary to the salvation of the, 672, 673 ; 



the preservation of, the business of the 
people, 673 ; not in daujjer where pros- 
peritv abounils, 6so; perpetuity of, 11,3; 
ohh'i than the Constitution, 3; unbroken 
by (U'dinances of secession, 3; self-de- 
fensive, 3; attempts to destroy, 4, 93; 
physical reasons a.i;iiinst disunion, 6; in- 
dispcnsabilitvof, 12; dangers of a perma- 
nent division of the, 21; advisalulity of 
substitutiui; issue of disunion or union, 
for issue of slavery, 29; imtiortance of 
raising the question of, instead of party 
questions, 29 ; measures necessary to pre- 
serve, 41; Confederate avowal of pur- 
pose to sever, 55; deterniination of South 
Carolina to rupture, ">7 ; sentiment in Vir- 
ginia, 58; the Confederate \icwof, 61 ; the 
fonuation of, <n.(ii; created by the Colo- 
nies, 62; is older than the States and created 
them, 02 ; ri;;lits of creditors of, 63; must 
be preserved, 103, 129, 302; its integrity 
the primar\- object of the contest, 103; 
desire for restoiation of, 194; feeling in 
the Border States. 235; iirosi)ects of ad- 
mission of Territories into, 263; aug- 
mented contidence iu the restoration of, 
370; the restoration of, 380; proposed 
meeting at Sprin^'lield, 111., of uncondi- 
tional Union men, 396; compromise em- 
bracing maintenance of. impossible, 396; 
a perplexing compound of slavery and, 
420; upheld b.v the Union National Con- 
vention, 529, 530; the Presidential contest 
of 1864 to he a battle for, 553; danger of 
destruction of, by the Democratic Party, 
562; destruction of slavery necessary to 
restoration of, 562, 564 ; the President de- 
clares its restoration his sole purpose in 
carrying on war, 5(i2, 5(;4 ; the President's 
endeavors to i)r<>serve, failing his reelec- 
tion, 568; its destruction the object of the 
commencement of the war, 575. 

Fell, J. W., letter to, I, 596. 

Fencmg, I, 578. 

Fendall, P. R., asks release of Senator 
Brown's sou, to be nursed after wound at 
Gettysburs, II, 377. 

Ferguson, Benjamin, sickness of, I, 56. 

Ferguson, R. L., provost-marshal at War- 
rensbur.i,% Mo., II, 625 ; directed to suspend 
proceedings m Ilicklin's case, 625, 

Fernandina,Fla., capture of, 11,140; relaxa- 
tion of blockade of, 599, 606, 670. 

Fessenden, S. C, candidate for Congress in 
INtaiue, I, 649. 

Fessenden, Senator W. P., to consider the 
matter of oriianization of Hcmse of Repre- 
sentatives, il, 433; Secretary of the U. 8. 
Treasury, 569. 

Few, William, votes for prohibition of sla- 
' very in Northwest Territory, I, 600; a 
framer of the Constitution, 600, 602, 

Ficklin, Orlando B., oil Lincoln's position 
during the Mexican war, I, 409, 410, 514 ; 
letter to, concerning Coles County riots, 
552. 

Field, A. P., letter to, I, 20. 

Field, Christopher F., luidertakes to culti- 
vate plantations on free-labor system, II, 
474. 

Field, Maunsell B., question of appoint- 
ment as Assistant Treasurer at New York, 
II, 538, 539. 

Fifth Corps, success of, II, 666, 667. 

" Fifty-four forty or fight," I, 643. 

Figaniere e Moral, J. C. de, dean of the Dip- 
lomatic Corps, II, 8 ; Portuguese Minister, 
652. 

Filisola, Gen. Vincente, I, 108, 

Filley, O. D., interested in ease of Dr. 
McPheeters, II, 291, 463, 464; letter to, re- 



704 



INDEX 



warding position of government in relation 
to the churcheH, 480. 

Fillmore, Pres. Millard, I, 398, 399 ; cbai-ses 
of diBiiuiuiiisiu bj% 220; Presideutial 
chalices iu lUiuois, 221 ; division of Dem- 
ocratic party between Fremont and, 443. 

Finance, over.sliadowed by the question of 
shivery, I, G17. 

Finance and revenue systems of foreign 
conntries, II, 141, 142. 

Finances, condition of the government, II, 
264. 

Financial depression, I, 654. 

Financial embarrassment of the govern- 
ment, II, 301. 

Finck, W. E., letter to, II. 360-363. 

Findley, Capt. Joseph R., dismissal of, 11,585. 

" Fingal," the, Confederate ironclad, en- 
gagement with the Wec/iaipL-en, II, 450, 457. 

Finney, A. D., letter to, I, 672. 

Fishback, William M., communications to, 
concerning reconstruction in Arkansas, 
II, 483, 484, 495. 

Fisher, Archibald, supposed murder case, 

I, 48-51. 

Fisher, C. H., letter to, I, 649. 
Fisher, G. P., letter to, II, 226, 227. 
Fisheries, proposal of a jdiut commission, 

■with Great Britain and I'^rancc. II, 68. 
Fisk, Gen. Clinton B., curnspdiidcnce with, 

II, 432 ; question of his administration, 652. 
Fitzsimmons, Thomas, a framer of the Con- 
stitution, I, GOO; reports bill to enforce the 
Ordinance of 1787, OOO. 

Flanders, B. F., appointment as agent, II, 
335; actions regarding reconstruction in 
Louisiana, 381, 436 ; letter to, regarding re- 
constructi(m, 437. 

Flatboat, work on a, I, 80, G25. 

Fleming, Lieut. Charles E., naval court of 
inquiry in tliecasc of, II, 14G. 

Fleming", John M., bearer of petition to the 
I'residcnt regarding troubles iu East Ten- 
nessee, II, 383. 

Fletcher, Gov., letter to, on affairs in Mis- 
souri, II, 653-655. 

Florida, opposed to Clay, 1, 118; acquisition 
of, 183; obstruction of U. S. laws iu, II, 
34; state of insurrection iu, 35,45, 55, 75, 
195, 285, 288, 321, 322 ; ))lockade of ports of, 
35,39,485,670; suspension of habeas cor- 
pus iu, 45 ; cost of relieving it of the In- 
dians, 63; lack of U. S. circuit court in, 
98; Capt. Dii Font's services on coast of, 
140; proclamation of martial law in, by 
Gen. Hunter, 155; order for seizure of 
property, and employment of military 
"contrabands " in, 212 ; colored trooijs iu, 
321 ; reconstruction of, 443, 470 ; reopening 
of ports of, 606. See also .Iacksonville. 

" Florida," the, capture of, II, 594. 

Florida war, cost of, I, 33. 

Fogg, George G., report to Lincoln regard- 
ing elections in Maine, I, 649. 

Folancy, — — , appeal for mercy, II, 401. 

FoUett, Foster, & Co., publish Lincoln's 
speeches in joint debates, I, 597. 

Foote, Solomon, president pro tempore of 
the Senate, II, 208; letter to, 208. 

Foote, Adm. Andrew H., commandant at 
Brooklyn Navy Yard, orders to, to tit out 
the Po'irhafdu', II, 28; recommended for 
thanks of Coni;ress. 196. 

Foote, Henry S., attempted escape from 
Richmond to Washingtim, II, 628. 

Ford's " History of Illinois," I, 299, 409. 

Foreign affairs, correspondence relating to, 
submitted in auuual message, Dec. 1, 1862, 
II, 261. 

Foreign appointments, Seward's scheme for 
dealing with, II, 29. 



Foreign arbitration, not needed in the 
United States, II, 37. 

Foreign commerce, resolution of the House, 
July 31, 1861, respecting, II, 107. 

Foreign intercourse, II, 93. 124; disburse- 
ments for, for fiscal year 1861-62, 265. 

Foreign intervention, II, 93, 124. 

Foreign policy, the President's. II 30. 

Foreign postal service, negotiations for im- 
provement of, 11,266. 

Foreign powers, actions of, in view of sup- 
posed approaching dissolution of the 
Union, II, 60; relations with, 94, 302, 418, 
445, 509, 604. 

Foreign slave-trade, threatened revival of, 
II, 6 : enforcement of the law against, 6. 

Forfeitures, declared by Congress, II, 442. 

Forgiveness, the Christian principle of, II, 
478. 

Forney, John W., mvited to Washington, 
II, 556 ; trip to Europe, 556. 

Forrest, , inquiry addressed to Eose- 

crans concerning, II, 33'.>. 

Fort Beauregard, capture of, II, 122. 

Fort Brown, I, 105; erected ou Mexican 
territory, 121. 

Fort Clark, Capt. Silas H. Stringham's 
services in capture of, II, 203. 

Fort Corcoran, II, 67. 

Fort Donelson, letter to Halleck regarding, 
II, 12('>: proposed bombardment of, 126; 
importance of success at, 126 ; Capt. 
Foote's services at, 1-96. 

Fort Gaines,. leductiou of, II, 571, 572. 

Fort Hatteras, N. C, raising troops at, II, 
80 ; Capt. Striugham's services in capture 
of, 203. 

Fort Henry, Capt. Foote's services at, II, 
196. 

Fort Holt, Federal force at, II, 84, 113. 

Fortification of sea-coast and lakes, II, 109. 

Fort Jackson, capture of, II, 151 ; Com- 
mander Porter's services at, 203. 

Fort Jefferson, exempt from Confederate 
seizure, II, 55. 

Fort McHenry, imprisonment of police com- 
missidncrs of Baltimore in, II, 70; Gen. 
Wool sent to, 174. 

Fort Morgan, re]iorted capture of, II, 569; 
reduction of, 571, 572. 

Fort Moultrie, II, 16, 17, 22. 

Fort Pickens, propo-sal to strengthen, II, 22; 
its maintenance advised by members of 
the Cabinet, 26, 27; Lieut. Porter ordered 
to prevent attack ou, 28; its situation 
compared with that of Fort Sumter, 30; 
exempt from Confederate seizure, 55; at- 
tempt to reinforce, 56, 57 ; impossibilitj' of 
reinforcing it before the fall of Sumter, 
57. 

Fort Pillow, Capt. Davis's services at, II, 
203 ; massacre at, 513 ; question of retri- 
bution for the massacre, 514 ; the Cabinet 
consulted regarding the massacre, 518, 
519. 

Fort Powell, reductitm of, II, 571, 572. 

Fortress Monroe, Va., intention to hold, II, 
38; Carl Schurz desires to proceed to, 46; the 
troops at, to be drilled, 69 ; orders for move- 
ment of troops at, 119; Gen. Wool at, 148; 
the President at, 149, 150, 510 ; Gen. Dix at, 
174, 193, 200, 254 ; suggestion as to Sigel's 
command at, 174; transportation on the 
Rappahannock from, 176 ; Burnside at, 178; 
Goldsl»orough at, 191 ; possibility of Mc- 
Clellan's falling back to, 196; order con- 
cerning permits to pass lilockade from, 
253; question of garrisoning with colored 
troops, 298 ; Dr. Gray ordered to, to ex- 
amiue into sanity of Dr. Wright, 404, 405; 
Gen. Butler at, 492, 495, 498, 501', 511, 512, 623, 



INDEX 



705 



627,628; the President's visit to, postponed, 
511 ; Gen. Grant invited to meet the Presi- 
dent at, 554; arriin.i^eiiicuts for meeting 
between the President and Gen. Grant 
at, 556; negotiations, eti'., for meeting of 
the Pi-esident with Confederate commis- 
sioners at, 633-635, 643-649 ; Secretary 
Seward at, 635. 

Forts, ('(infcdcrate seizures of, II, 11, 55 ; the 
repossrssioii of, the first Service assigned 
to tile militia, 34. 

Fort St. Philip, capture of, II, 151; Com- 
mander D. D. Porter's services at, 203. 

Fort Scott, Clierokce regiments at, II, 245. 

Fort Smith, proposal to include in Gen. Cur- 
tis's department, II, 466; Gen. Thayer at, 
482. 

Fort Sumter, ^Fajor Anderson's iiosition at, 
11,9,10; question of ri'int'orciiiu-.snlniiitted 
to General .Scott, '.>, lo ; recinest for Cab- 
inet oi>iuions on, 11; ifuestion of provi- 
sioning, 11-22 ; a monument of the United 
States authority, 13 ; in a state of siege, 
13; weakness of, 13, 17; rumors of evacu- 
ation of, 18; Cahinet meeting on question 
of relieving, 26-28; question of occupa- 
tion or evacuation of, regarded as slavery 
or party question, 29; question of, com- 
pared with that of Fort Pickens, 30; prep- 
aration of expedition to relieve, 31 ; R. S. 
Chew's errand to Charleston regarding, 
32; attempt to provision the fort, 32 ; the 
President's declnred intentions I'egitrding, 
33; the President's in\it;ition to the otii- 
cersof,40 ; failurcof atti iniitto provision, 
41 ; position of, 55 ; exempt from Confed- 
erate seizure, 55 ; Major Anderson's re- 
port on the situation at, 56; liombard- 
ment and fall of, 57, 58, 164 ; effects of the 
assault on, 103 et seq. ; hopes of capturing, 
324 ; the firing upon, 346, 575 ; question of 
date of its faU, 065. 

Fort Taylor, exempt from Confederate seiz- 
ure, II, 55. 

Fort Trumbull, F. B. Loomls offers to garri- 
son, II, 520, 521. 

Fort Wayne, Ind., Cass's superintendence 
of Indian agency at, I, 144. 

Foster, Col. C. "W., appointed to examine 
into quotas of the States, II, 637. 

Foster, Gen. J. G., asked to adjust difficul- 
ties at Norfolk and Portsmouth, 11,383; 
at Cincinnati, 441 ; despatch from, re])ort8 
fighting at Knoxville, 441; complaint 
against, by Gov. Bramlette, 467, 471 ; with 
Gen. Grant at Knoxville, 471. 

Foster's division, gallanti'y of, II, 667. 

Fourth of July, I, 216, 258. 11,366; the deaths 
of Thomas Jefl'ersou and John Adams on, 
360. 

Fox, Capt. Gustavus V., opinion on provi- 
sioning Fort Sumter, II, 16-18; plan to 
provision Fort Sumter, 21 ; informs the 
President regarding Fort Sumter, 31 ; let- 
ter to, 41 ; A ssistant Secretary of the Navy, 
136; instructions to, I3(i; sent with de- 
spatches to Hooker, 332. 

Fractional currency, issue of, II, 186. 

Fragments : notes for speeches, Sept. 16, 
1858, I, 369; opinion on election laws of 
Illinois, 519. 

France, purchase of Louisiana from, 1, 102, 
105, 182 ; ownership of Northwest Terri- 
tory, 571 ; Fremont proposed as Minister 
to, II, 10; W. F. Dayton proposed ;is Min- 
ister to, 24 ; Seward advises demanding 
explanations from, or declaring war 
against, 29 ; understanding with Great 
Britain as to recognition of the Confed- 
erate States, 48, 49 ; proposal of a joint 
fisheries commission, with Great Britain 

Vol. IL— 45. 



and the United States, 68 ; correspondence 
with, on the Trent affair, 110; resolution of 
U. S. Senate regarding the presentation of 
American citizens ;it court of, 122; propo- 
sition to, for intern;ition:il convention to 
settle disiiuted questions, 1^62; relations 
with, 263; consul of, at Havana, decides 
case of the Stni Jariiifo and the Jules et 
Marie, 277 ; affairs in Mexico, 292, 538 ; ex- 
portation of eontr;il)and of war for use of 
her army in Mexico, 303; Emperor of, 
prevents departure of hostile expcilitions, 
445; claim of owners of ship La Manclie 
on U. 8. Government, 483 ; proposed nomi- 
nation of James Gordon Bennett as Min- 
ister to, 6.53. 

Francis, J. N., signs invitation to Henry 
Clay, I, 68. 

Francis, Joseph, nominated for Illinois 
lei^islature, I, 41. 

Francis, Simeon, I, 21, 40, 83, 159 ; fracas 
with Douglas, 40. 

Franklin, Benjamin, I, 283; an antislavery 
man, 603. 

Franklin, Gen. W. B., relations with McClel- 
lan, II, HO; delay In reaching McClellan, 
157; memorandum, July 9, 1802, of ques- 
tions and answei's in interview between 
the President and, at Harrison's Landing, 
Va., 201 ; strength of, 202 ; loss in battles 
before Richmond, 202 ; opinion of posi- 
tion, 202 health of camp, 202 ; letter to, 
283; interview with the President at 
Harrison's Landing, 283; plan of operft- 
tions for the Army of the Potomac, 283 ; 
relieved from duty in Army of Potomac, 
306. 

Franklin, La., port of, declared closed, IT, 
670. 

Franklin, W. Va., Fr(5mont at, II, 153, 159, 
163, 182; cautionary orders to Fremont re- 
garding, 177. 

Fraternity, the element of Union, II, 14. 

Frazer, W. E., letter to, I, 584. 

Frederick, Md., Meade at. II, 367 ; expulsion 
and imprisonment of citizens of, 557. 

Fredericksburg, Va., evacuation of, II, 145; 
proposed movement of McDowell from, 
156, 167 ; Confederate movements from, 
158; McDowell at, 159, 163, 166, 3.57 ; orders 
to McDowell regarding movement of 
troops at, 100 : Secretary Chase at, 162 ; 
McCall at, 173; Inquiry as to McCall's 
withdrawal from, 173; nothing to justify 
a panii' at, 173; instructions to McDowell 
as to defense of, 176; Gen. King at, 184; 
Gen. Scott's views as to disposition of 
troops at, 187 ; victory by McClellan near, 
236; question of McClellan's movements 
by way of, 247 ; Lee's position near, 259, 
352; proposed movements near, 260; battle 
of, 282; difficulties of operations on the 
line of, 283 ; Buruside advised to cross the 
Rappahannock above, 295; failure of at- 
tempt to cross the river at, 295; Confed- 
er.ate reoccupation of heights above, 331 ; 
inquiries concerning condition of rail- 
roads between Richmond and, 335 ; advice 
to Hooker concerning movements at, 344. 

Free Democracy, the, I, 338, 433, 438 ; meet- 
ing at Waterloo, 111., 404. 

Freedmen, provision for, II, 436, 444, 459, 472 ; 
treatment of, in Arkansas, 473, 474. See 
also Free-Labor System. 

Freedmen's Aid Societies, letter from, II, 
461. 

Freedom, the rock of, I, 15. 

Freedom of speech, I, 605. 

Freedom of the press, not affected by mili- 
tary arrests during time of rebellion, II, 
350, 351, 



706 



INDEX 



Free government, maintenance of, II, 333. 

Free institutions, I, 76-1. 

Free labor, I, 581 , 582 ; contrasted -with sla- 
very, 179 ; wronf,^ul effect of slavery upon, 
613. 

Free-labor system, military encouragement 
of, II, 474 : introduction of, on Mississippi 
plautations, 48!), 490. 

Free mail-matter, II, 100. 

Free negroes, colonization of, II, 102. 

Free people, the true sovereign of a, II, 5. 

Freeport, 111., Fred. Douglass at, I, 337 ; Lin- 
coln's answers at, to Douglas's interroga- 
tories at Ottawa, 467, 468; joint debate at, 
see Joint Debates. 

Free speech, the right of, not affected by 
military arrests in time of rebellion, II, 
350, 351 ; in Missouri, 416. 

Freese, Jacob, the President desires his ap- 
pointment as colonel of colored regiment, 
II, 438. 

Freese, J. R., proposed appointment as pro- 
vost-marshal, II, .578. 

Free States, right of people of, to interfere 
with slavery, I, 253 ; the majority in the 
Union, 488 ; feeling in, with regard to Fort 
Sumter, II, 29. 

Free trade, compared with j)rotection, 1,90- 
95 ; supposititious cases of effect of, 90, 91, 
93-95. 

Fremont, J. C, Lincoln's support of, I, 219; 
Presidential candidacy of, 221 ; opposition 
to, on account of sectionalism, 221-224; 
free-State support of, 223; division of 
Democratic Party between Fillmore and, 
443; proposed as Minister to France, II, 
10; question of assigning him to a posi- 
tion, 55 ; to push operations in the \\'est, 
69; correspondence with, 72, 74, 77, 80, 153, 
159, 166-172, 177-184 ; troops for, 74, 84, 140, 
181, 182; proclamation of, Aug. 30, 1801, 
77 ; need of assistaiice, 78 ; orders to, Sept. 

11. 1861, 78 ; authorized to make change in 
his proclamation, 78, 79 ; visit of M. Blair 
to, 79; no imputation against his honor or 
integrity, 79 ; his proclamation discussed, 
81, 82; question of his i-emoval, 82; con- 
templated action for, 84; operations in 
Missoui'i, 84; orders to report to head- 
quarters, 85; insubordination of troops 
organized by, 113; to command Mountain 
Department, 137; proposed advance on 
Kichmond by, 1.53; at Franklin, 153, 159, 
163 ; ordered to move against Confederate 
attack on Harper's Ferry, 157; ordered 
against Ewell, 159; promptness of, 159; 
ordered to move against Jackson, 159; 
ordered to relief of Banks, 1.59; Mc- 
Dowell ordered to coo])erate with, 160; 
movement to Harrisonburg, 163, 166; at 
Moorefleld, 166, 168-172 ; ordered to attack 
Jackson and Ewell, l(i8; iiiarelies to 
Moorefleld instead of to Harrisonburg, 
168; ordered to halt'at Moorefleld, 167; or- 
dered to siiove upon the enemy, 169; or- 
dered to Strasburg, 170; apprehensions as 
to his strength, 171; strength of ff)rce, 
171; inquiry as to position of his force, 
171; supposed position near Strasburg, 
171 ; copy of despatch to McDowell sent 
to, 172 ; promise to be at Strasburg, May 

31. 1862, 172, 173; Banks directed to coop- 
erate with, 173; probable engagement 
near Harper's Ferry or Front Royal, 174 ; 
cautionary orders to, regarding Strasburg 
and Franklin, 177 ; ordeicd to halt at Har- 
risonburg, 177 ; desi>;itehes regarding po- 
sition at Mount Jackson, 178, 181, 184; to 
protect western Virginia, 179; orders to, 
not to fall back on Harrisonburg, 179; 
orders to, regarding movement toward 



Winchester, 179; Banks waiting for his 
arrival, 179 ; inquiry f lom, as to reinforce- 
ments for, and position of Jackson, 179; 
defeats Jackson, 180, 181, 183 ; proposal to 
send Sigel to, 180 ; criticism of his move- 
ments in opposition to Jackson at Stras- 
burg and Front Royal, 180; ordered to 
halt at Harrisonburg, 181 ; at Mount Jack- 
son, 182, 184 ; orders'to, regarding attack 
by Jackson, 182 ; promises regarding the 
railroad at Knox\dlle, 182; Banks to as- 
sist, 182 ; Blenker's cpmniaud turned over 
to, 182; supposed promise of 35,000 men 
to, 182, 183; instructions to, regarding 
movement toward Strasburg, 184 ; Banks 
to support, at Strasburg, 184 ; Gen. Scott's 
views as to disposition of his troops, 187 ; 
consolidation of his forces with the Army 
of Virginia, 188 ; to command First Army 
Corps of the Army of Virginia, 188; in 
Shenandoah Valley, 197; raising of col- 
ored troops in the North to be commanded 
by, 343 ; pressiire on the President to give 
command to, 388; administration of De- 
partment of Missouri, 420, 421 ; attempt at 
military emancipation, 508. 

Fremont, Mrs. Jessie, letter to, II, 79. 

Fremont Party, Pierce's charges against, I, 
225. 

French, B. B., letterto, on intrigues of pub- 
lic othcors, II, 504, 

French, Maj.-Gen. W. H., the President's 
dissutistaetion with, II, 365; success on 
the Rappaliannock, 437. 

French, desperation of the, at battle of Wa- 
terloo, I, 624. 

French indemnity, Douglas's claims of pay- 
lueuts under, in 1838, I, 33. 

Front Royal, Va., Federal line broken at, 
II, 158, 159, 163; Confederate movements 
near, 161 ; McDowell moving back to, 163 ; 
Jackson's stieugth near, 163; McDowell 
near, 170; probabilities of McDowell's 
movements toward, 170 ; Confederate po- 
sition near, 173 ; recaptured by Gen. 
Shields, 173 ; Shields's engagement near, 
174; probable engagement by Frt-mont 
near, 174; McDowell at, 175; Banks or- 
dered to, 177 ; question of Banks's retreat 
from, 179; threatened ])y Jacks<m, 179; 
danger of Jackson's breaking through 
at, 180; criticism of movements opposing 
Jackson at, 180 ; disposition of troops on 
line of, 182, 183. 

Fry, James B., Assistant Adjutant-General, 
issues orders to Gen. Schenck, II, 67. 

Fry, John B., letter to, I, 648. 

Fry, J. R., letter to, respecting invitation 
to a charity entei'tainment, II, 517, 518. 

Fugitive-slave law, Soutliern clamor for a 
stringent, I, 185; Soutliern demands ac- 
ceded to, 185; a fair one reeonimeiided, 
187; resistance in the Kortli, 200; Lincoln's 
position on, 280, 288, 306, 307, 647, 658-660, 
669 ; Republican pledge to repeal uncondi- 
tionally, 301, 465; Lovejoy's resolutions in 
regard to, 325; Douglas's statement as to 
Lincoln's position on repeal, 326; demands 
for its repeal, 337, 339; why supported by 
those ojiposed to slavery. 359; the Compro- 
mise of 1850, 441 ; rights of slaveholders to 
a, ,512, 513 , attitude of New Hampshire and 
Ohio toward, 535 ; action by Ohio Republi- 
can Convention toward repeal of, 537; 
guaranteed by the Constitution, 574, 593, 
623, 624; enforcement of, II, 5, 6, 268; ef- 
fect of secession on the, 6. 

Fugitive slaves. Constitutional provision for 
reclamation of, I, 504; Soutliern demands 
for return of, 611, 628; Constitutional pro- 
vision regarding, II, 2; jurisdiction of 



INDEX 



707 



states or Consress over, 2; provision re- 
garding return of, 238; iiflditiouul article 
of war regarding, 'iii-^ ; dilticnltN of making 
order regarding, jrif) ; (Iceland caiitivcs of 
war, 329; iuistriictions to Oen. fSchotield 
regarding, 417. 

Fulton, , conirauuicates news from the 

fi-ont, II, 191, 192. 

Furniture, seldom liable to military seizure, 
II, 472. 

Fusion, Lincoln'8 views on, I, ^di, 535. 

Gage, George, supports Lincoln for sena- 
torship, I, 211, 213. 

Gaines, Major John P., volunteer of War of 
1812, I, lit;; opiuion on Mexican war, 146. 

Galena, 111., speech at, I, 220, 221, G44. 

" Galena," the, ordered up the James River, 
II, 140. 

" Galena Jeffersonian," the, I, 212. 

Galesburg, III., Lincoln's statement in 
speech at, regarding the negro and the 
Declaration of Independence, I, 499-501 ; 
Lincoln declines invitation to lecture at, 
532; joint debate at, sec Joint Debates. 

Galloway, , in Fisher murder case, I, 50. 

Galloway, Samuel, letters to, I, 536, 537, 632. 

Galveston, Tex., i3ort of, declared closed, 
II, 670. 

Gamble, Hamilton R., governorof Missouri, 
letter from Secretary Cameron to, II, 71, 
72; order approving Ills proposal to raise 
State militia, 8S, 89 ; requests the Presi- 
dent to call for voliuitiers, 194; cpiestion 
between the War Departuient and, as to 
status of Missouri troops, 260; order to, 
regarding Missouri troops, 284, 285 ; his 
Unionism questioned, 291, 292 ; Gen. Cur- 
tis to confer with, 292; head of a faction 
of Union men in Missouri, 340; letter to, 
374; the President disclaims malice or 
disrespect toward, 374 ; a " very cross let- 
ter " from, 374 ; letter to, regarding dirti- 
culties in Missouri, 426, 427; proclama- 
tion of, Oct. 12, 1863, 427. 

Gamblers, a vicious portion of the popula- 
tion, I, 10; lynching of, in Mississippi, 10. 

Gantt, , actions with regard to recon- 
struction of Arkansas, 11, 475. 

Garfield, Gen. Abram, failure of scheme of, 
under Col. Streight. II, 335. 

Garrett, J. W., president of Baltimore and 
Ohio Railroad, telegram to, II, 541 ; re- 
ports reestablishiiient of telcgi'aphic com- 
munication with 8andy Hook, 541 ; inquiry 
addressed to, concerning battle at Mono- 
cacy, 546. 

Garrison, William Lloyd, I, 431, 470; letter 
to, respecting painting, " Waiting for the 
Hour," II, 630. 

Garrisons, treason in, II, 124. 

Gasparin, Count, letter to, II, 218, 219. 

Gaston, Miss, refusal of, to take oath of al- 
legiance, II, 495. 

Geary, Gen. John W., reports movements 
of Gen. Jackson, II, 158; at White Plains, 
161 ; requested to furnish information as 
to the enemy's movements near Stras- 
burg and Front Royal, 161 ; threat- 
ened by Confederates, 101 ; position on 
the Manassas Gap Railroad, 163; de- 
spatches from, sent to McDowell, 166; re- 
ports "no enemy this side of the Blue 
Ridge," 168. 

General, the permanent estimate of a, II, 
388. 

Gen-ral government, principles of, I, 573. 

General Land Office, Lincoln's candidacy 
for, I, lol, 153, 154; candidates for, 155; 
eft'ect of the civil war on tlie business of, 
II, 100; condition, 1861-62, 266. 



General officers, lack of, 11,113. 

General Orders, II, 86-88, 119, 130, 131, 155, 
3(t6, 314, 435. 

Gentry, Matthew, poem on, I, 87, 88. 

Gentry, M. P., suggested tor Cabinet Minis- 
ter, I, 665 ; letter to, II, 495, 496 ; recom- 
mended to Grant for service in the South, 
495. 

Geographical line between slavery and 
freedoui, I, 570, 571, 589, 614, 620, 621. 

Georgetown, D. C, provision for abolition 
of slavery in, I, 148, 149 ; II, 67. 

Georgetown, S. C, port of, declared closed, 
II, 670. 

Georgia, disputed mail contracts in, 1, 108, 
109 : former extension of territory, 181 ; 
cedes to Federal government the terri- 
tory now Mississippi and Alabama, 601; 
costume in, (iV,; olistiuetion of U. S. laws 
in, II, 34 ; declared in state of insurrection, 
35, 55, 75, 195, 285, 288, 321, 322 ; blockade Of 
ports of, 35, 39, 485, 670 ; Capt. Du Pout's 
services on coast of, 140 ; proclamation of 
martial law in, by Gen. Hunter, 155; order 
for seizure of property, and employment 
of military "contrabands" in, 212; ser- 
vices of i)art of Army of Potomac in, 442 ; 
brilliant triumphs in, 442 ; sei'vices of the 
Army of the \Vest in, 442 ; provision for 
reconstruction of, 443 ; successes in, 457 ; 
Mrs. Helm's owuersliip of cotton in, 458 ; 
success of the reliellion in, 542; Sher- 
man's achievements in, 571-573; services 
of hundred-day troops in, 583. 

Gere, Rev. I. A., representative of East 
Baltimore Methodist Conference, II, 152, 
153. 

Germans, Status under the Declaration of 
Independence, I, 272. 

German troops, raised in New York, II, 46; 
troubles with, in Missouri, 113, 117. 

Getty, Gen. G. W., II, 341. 

Gettysburg, battle of, II, 365; announcement 
of news from, July 4, 1863, 365; the Presi- 
dent's gratitude to Gen. Meade for success 
at, 369 ;' Lee's movements after, 367 ; Sen- 
ator Brown's son wounded at, 377; bravery 
at, 398; trip to, to dedicate National Ceme- 
tery at, 438, 439; address at, 439; manu- 
script of the President's remarks at, sent 
to Edward Everett, 478 ; consecration of 
National Cemetery at, 631. 

Gibson, , resignaticm of, II, 554. 

Giddings, J. R., Abolition leader, 1, 181, 279, 
281, 284, 322, 338, 364, 403, 431, 470, 515 ; letter 
to, 634. 

Gilbert, Gen. C. C, his opinion sought as to 
situation at Louisville, II, 233. 

Gillam, Gen. A. C, II, 556, 557. 

Gillespie, Joseph, signs Whig circular to peo- 
ple of Illinois, in 1841, 1, 47 ; signs call for 
^\^^ig Convention at Springfield, 1851, 167. 

Gillespie, W. H., letter to, I, 671. 

Gillis, Comdr. J. P., ordered to prepare ves- 
sels for defense, II, 164. 

Gillmore, Gen. Quincy A., asks for Inde- 
I)endent service, II, 462, 463 ; to confer with 
Adm. Dahlgren, 463; Secretary Welles con- 
curs in his proposition, 41,3 ; eomnmnica- 
tion to, respecting reconstruction in Flor- 
ida, 470. 

Gilman, Nicholas, a framer of the Constitu- 
tion, I, 600. 

Gilmer, John A., letter to, I, 658; proposed 
for place in Cabinet, 663-665. 

Gilmer County, excepted from insurrection 
proclamation, II, 195. 

Gilmore, Dr., testifies in Fisher murder case, 
I, .50. 

Gilmore, '. R., informed as to Southern 
terms of peace, II, 553. 



708 



INDEX 



Gilpin, Judge, IT, 226. 

" Glen," the scUooiier, illegal capture of, and 
iudemuity for, II, 468. 

Glenn, Lieut. -Col., telegram to, II, 637; at 
Henderson, Ky., 637; complained of for 
torturing uegToes, 637. 

Globe Tavern, Springfield, I, 82. 

Glover, Samuel, II, 82 , letter to, 303 ; reports 
distress in southwestern Missouri, 303. 

Glynn, Michael, I, 41. 

Goats, Tad Lincoln's, II, 517, 575. 

" Go-it-ometer," the, I, 333. 

Golden Rule, I, 122, II, 526. 

Gold-mines, fliscoveries of, I, 185, II, 611. 

Goldsborough, Adm. Louis M., at capture 
of lioanoke Islaud, II, 125 ; recommended 
for thanks of Cougi-ess, 125 ; correspon- 
dence with, 148-150, 191 ; instructions to, 
regarding the Mcrrimac, 149 ; order relat- 
ing to gunboats couutermanded, 178; at 
Fort Moni-oe, 191 ; telegi-am fiom McClel- 
lan, 192. 

Goldsborough, N. C, Burnside ordered to, 
II, 198. 

Goodman, Edward, recommended for col- 
lector at Hartford, Conn., II, 313. 

Goodrich, Grant, indorses Lincoln's fee-bill 
against Illinois Central R. R. Co., I, 219. 

Goodrich, John Z., letter to, II, 661; ques- 
tion of reappointment of. 661. 

Goose Creek salt-works, W. P. Thomasson 
recomnK'ndcd as ai^'cnt at, II, 307. 

Gordon, Nathaniel, respite for, ll, 121, 122. 

Gordon, W. J., letter to, June 29, 1863, II, 
360-363. 

Gordonsville, reinforcements for Jackson 
at, II, 184, 185. 

Gortchacow, Prince, correspondence relat- 
ing to the Trent affair, II, 127. 

Gosport, Va. 8ce Norfolk. 

Goss, Rev. G. G., II, 100. 

Government, the strongest bulwark of, 1, 11 ; 
revenues of, should not be locked up in 
idleness, 22 ; funct ions of, 178, 180, 574, 589, 
593; limitati ns on power of, 180 ; deriva- 
tion of powers of, 196. See also Revenue. 

Government lands, views on distribution 
of, I, 676. 

Governments, fundamental law of, II. 3. 

Governor's Island, N. Y., naval prepara- 
tions at, II, 26. 

Governors of various States, circular letter 
to, II, 198. 

Gradual emancipation, favored by Lincoln, 
I, 187, 288, II, 155, 271, 275, 379, 492 ; favored 
in District of Coliuubia, 1, 190 ; systems in 
the old States, 205; failure of scheme in 
Kentucky, 215; apprenticeship a means 
of, II, 296. See also Emancipation. 

Graham, , contested election case, I, 79. 

Graham, , statement as to Imboden's 

retreat for Harrisonburg, II, 428. 

Granadian Confederacy, formation of, II, 
299. 

Grand Gulf, Federal capture of, II, 334, 368. 

Granger, Maj.-Gen. Gordon, national thanks 

to, for operations at Mobile, II, 572. 
Grant, Jesse R., introduces Dr. Winston to 

Gen. Grant, II. 523. 
Grant, Lt.-Gen. U. S., necessity of sup- 
port for, II, 126: incpiiry as to possible 
neglect or misconduct of. at Pittsburg 
Landing, 146; correspondence Avith, 245, 
248, 343," 368, 884, 441, 457, 462, 494, 497, 50G, 
507, 517, 523, 533, 547, 549, 551, 554, 556-558, 561, 
563, 569, 577, 579, 583-585, 623, 624, 628, 630, 632, 
634, 635, 637-639, 654-656, 658-660, 664, 666, 668, 
669 ; congratulations to, 245 ; letter to, re- 
garding election of representatives to 
Congress from Tennessee, 248 ; at Mem- 
phis, 304 ; instructions from Halleck, 304 ; 



opei-ations on the Mississippi, 304 ; part of 
Arkansas transferred to his department, 
304; to meet Banks at Vi^■ksl>uri,^ 304; 
order expelling Jews from his department, 
304: Rosecrans's icaloiisy of, in matter of 
rank, 316 ; excludes eorrcspoudent Knox 
from his headquarters, 317 ; defeats Pem- 
berton and Loring near Edwards Station, 
339 ; inquiries addressed to Rosecraus 
concerning, 339; moving against Johnston, 
339 ; Rosecrans asked to keei) Bragg 
from helping Johnston against, 341; in- 
quiry as to his communications with 
Banks, 343 ; at Vicksburg, 343 ; proposed 
junction with Banks, 368; receives sur- 
render of Vicksburg, 366; personal un- 
acquaiutance of the President and, 368; 
letter of acknowledgment lof services at 
Vicksbirrg, 368; hiS; business and fighting 
qualities, 376; promises to send the Ninth 
Corps to Burnside, 376; assigns an active 
command to Gen. Hurlbut, 379; desires to 
organize expedition against Mobile, 384; 
views on the Emancipation Proclamation, 
384; investment of Vicksburg, 385; the 
President's anxiety tor, before Vicksburg, 
385; relieves McClcrnand from command, 
387; reinforcenuiits for, from Missouri, 
422; question of withdrawing troops from, 
for service in Missouri, 422 ; reports Burn- 
side's loss at Rogersville, 437 ; congratula- 
tions to, for services, 441; thanks of the 
President for services, 457; resolution of 
thanks and medal for, 461 ; asked to find 
room for Gen. Milroy, 462 ; at Chattanooga, 
462 ; the President's estimate of, 467, 527 ; 
with Gen. Foster at Knoxville, 471; ad- 
dress to, March 9, 1864, 493, commissioned 
lieutenant-general, 493. 494, 516 ; invited to 
dinner at White House, 494, 516; in com- 
mand of Army of Potomac, 494 ; order as- 
signing, to the command of the Armies 
of the United States, March 10, 1864,494; 
recoiiinitiuiation of M. P. Gentry to, 495; 
askeci to assiijn Frank Blair to command, 
497 ; at Nashville, 497 ; Capt. Kinney in- 
troduced to, 506, 507 ; letter of thanks to, 
517; provides command for Gen. Blair, 
517; jurisdiction in case of Gen. Hurlbut, 
518 ; successes of, 520 ; question of sending 
Dr. Winston to, 523 ; on the North Anna, 
525; favorable pros])ects, 525; mass-meet- 
ing in New York city to honor, 527 ; the 
President asks supi)ort for, 531 ; con^Tatu- 
latory despatch to, 533; declaration, "I 
am going through on this line if it takes 
all summer," 534; confronting Richmond, 
535 ; visited by the President and Tad 
Lincoln, 536; at City Point, 547, 549, 551, 
556, 557, 561, 563, 583, 585, 623, 624, 628, 632, 
634, 635, 637-639, 654-656, 659, 664 ; de- 
spatch to, concerning defense of Wash- 
ington, Baltimore, etc., 547: desi>atch to, 
concerning Longstrcct's movements, 547; 
despatch to Sherman ainwnuicing a con- 
templated desperate etfort, ">49 : despatch 
to, regardiuiT call for troops, 551; invited 
to meet the I'rcsidtnt at Fortress Monroe, 
554; arraiiginients for mt'ctiug the Presi- 
dent at Fortress Monroe, 556 ; despatch to, 
concerning Sheridan's movements to the 
south of the enemy, 557, 558; advised to 
confer with Lee respecting destruction of 
private property, 561 ; despatch to, recom- 
mending a bulldog grip on the enemy, 
563; proposed visit of Col. Worthing- 
ton to, 569; despatch to, concerning re- 
ported capture of Fort Morgan, 569; letter 
to, respecting sending troops to Sheridan, 
577 ; letter to, respecting recruiting in 
prison depots, 579; the President expresses 



INDEX 



709 



his fears to, lest Lee reinforces Early, 583 ; 
letter to, conceruiug exeliiiufje of uaval 
prisoners tln-ou,i;h liis liiics, fis:!, 58i; in- 
formation for, conccrniuf; rlcctioiis, 585; 
satisfactory news from. fiOi; iiumiry ad- 
dressed to, respectinji Wilniiiit^lon expe- 
dition, 623 ; order to pass Liciit.-Gov. 
Jacob, 624; despatch to, respecting ex- 
Scuator Foote, 628; letter to, respect- 
ing Robert Lincoln's desire to cnler 
the service, 630; instructions to, and doc- 
uments relating to niccting of the Presi- 
dent and Confederate cotiniiissidneis at 
Hampton Roads, 0a2, i;34, <■,:>.-), (KW, (Ul-Oi'.t ; 
letters to, concerning passage of the lines, 
634,637; despatch to, concern! iigexcliange 
of Roger A. Pryor, 654; desjiatcli to, con- 
cerning Sheiunidoali Valle,\', (I")!, rifiri; vle- 
spatch to, coueernini,'' conference witli Lee, 
656; forbidden to discuss political ques- 
tions with Lee, ( 5(; ; tinnHinissiou to, of 
resolution and gold medal, (ir.H; letter to, 
concerning fSinuleton and ILiglies, 659; 
letter to, respecting discliarge of rebel 
prisoners on taking the oath, 65!1, 660; the 
President's visit to, at City Point, 664-668 ; 
orders attack along the whole line, 666 ; 
tribute to, 672. 

Grant, Mrs. U. S., II. 507. 

Gray, Dr. John P., ordered to examine into 
insanity of Dr. D. M. Wright, II, 404. 405. 

Grayson, P. W., Attorney-General of Re- 
public of Texas, I, 108. 

Great Britain, cost of war with, in 1814, I, 
32; contingent approi>riatioTi for antici- 
pated war witli, 35; .lackson's views on 
United States' commercial independence 
of, 73; position on slavery in the Colonies, 
271; cause of revolt of Colonies against, 
517. 518; controversy with ('(donn-s on 
slavery question, 543; ownersliip of North- 
west 'l'errit(U-y, 571 ; the ( ;nni)owder I'lot, 
608; blamed for Orsini's plot, lio'.i; war- 
cry against, on Oregon boundary question, 
643; Dayton proposed as minister to, II, 
10; proposes arl)itration in regard to 
houiidary question. 23; Cliarles F. Adams 
proposed as minister to, 24; Seward ad- 
^^ses demandiiii,'' explanations from, 29; 
ministerial ex]»hinations in Parliament, 
regardiuLT tlie Anieri,-an situation, 48; 
imdeistaudinu' with France as to recog- 
nition of the Confederate States, 4S, 49; 
proposed unofticial intercourse witli Con- 
federate emissaries, 49 ; contemplated rec- 
ord of actions of, 49; alleged demands 
for explanations by government of, 49; 
instructions to Minister Adams regarding 
interecinrse with, 49; must respect the 
lilockaih', 50; declaration of the attitude 
of the United States toward, in case of 
her recognition of the Confederacy, 50; 
possibilities of war with, 51; invites co- 
operation of the United States at the Ex- 
hibition of 1862, 67; proposes a lisliory 
commission jointly with France and the 
United States, (iS; the case of tlie Pertfi- 
sTii/T, 95; measures to r(>pi'esent tlie I'nited 
States at the Kxliibition of isr,2. l(»2; posi- 
tion in resrard to the civil wai', 108 ; scheme 
of arbitration in the Trent affair, 108, 109; 
the Exhibition of 1802 in, 109; correspon- 
dence with, on the rr/'»f affair, 110, 120, 
127 ; proposed chartering of \ essel to con- 
vey exhildts to Industrial lOxhibitiou in, 
111; treaty with, for sui)pression of the 
slave-trade, 178, 262, 445: pro|)osition to, 
for international conventions to settle dis- 
puted questions, 262 ; relations witli, 2(13, 
302 ; captirre of vessels of, with contrai)and 
of w^ar, for use of iusurgeu ts, 306 ; fi-ee insti- 



tutions of, 308; prevents departure of hos- 
tile expeditious, 445; treaties with, 445, 
607; corresi)on(leu<-e with, regarding ])ur- 
suit of Indians into Hudson Lay Territo- 
ries, 476; presentation by Privy Council 
to master of schooner Hinhlunder, 486; 
treaty with, for settlement of claims of 
British-American companies, 496; pre- 
sents )date to Surgeon Sharp for treat- 
ment of Lritish naval officers at hospital 
in Norfolli, 514; proposed telegraphic 
communication witli, 605; political difH- 
culties in ports of, 606. 

Great Lakes, defens<'s of the, IT. 94; forti- 
hcation of, 109; use of private messengers 
njiou the, 165; the i)assage of gunboats 
fnnn tide-water to the, ."(n:; proposed iii- 
cri'ase of naval arnianieiit upon, (;o7. 

Greece, Cla\'s supiMirtof inilependeuce of, 
1,174. 

Greeley, Horace, letter to, I, 133 ; favors 
Douglas for Senator, 238; Lincoln's esti- 
mate of, 238, 239; mentioned for U. 8. 
Senate, 669; reconuuends Christopher 
Adams for iiosition in Bureau of Construc- 
tion, IT, 44; letter to, 227, 228; attacks the 
government on account of captured ne- 
groes, 235; guarantee to, of safe conduct 
for emissary of .letferson Davis, 546; let- 
ter to, concerning Soutliern commis.sion- 
ers, 548; communication with, in regard 
to publication of correspondence, 559; let- 
ter to, respecting mission of A. H. Steph- 
ens to Washington, 560; proposed publi- 
cation of correspondence with, 563 ; letter 
to, respecting preservation of the Union, 
564. 

"Greeley faction," the, II, 135. 

Green, Gen. Duff, letters to, I, 156, 661, 662; 
statement to, of Lincoln's position on 
amendment of the Constitution, State 
rights, etc., 661, 662. 

Greene, William G., presents letter in behalf 
of Gen. McCleriiand, II, 387. 

" Greenleaf s Evidence," I, 651. 

Green River, II, 80. 

Greenville, Burnside at, II, 410, 413. 

Gregg, David L., on committee for resolu- 
tions on death of Judge Pope, I, 161. 

Gregg, Maj.-Gen. John, wounded atChicka- 
mauga, II, 412. 

Gregory, Dudley S., question of appoint- 
ment as Assistant Treasurer at New York, 

II. 539. 

Gregory's Gap, distance from Harper's 
Ferry, II, 247. 

Grider, Henry, draft of letter to, respecting 
assessments in Kentucky, II, 590, 591. 

Grierson, Maj.-Gen. B. H., raids of, II, 422. 

Griffith, Ezra, sii;u8 call for Whig conven- 
tion at Siiringtield, 1851, I, 167. 

Grimshaw, ColoneL II, 226. 

Grimsley, Harrison, I, 131. 

Grinnell, Moses H., empowered to act for 
tlie Secretarv of the Navy in the public 
dctVnse, II, 164. 

Groesbeck, W. S., repudiates English bill, 
I, 429. 

Grosbeck regiment, the, II, 74. 

Grow, Galusha A., Speaker of the House of 
Ri'presentatives, dittieultv with, regard- 
ing appointments, 11,68; letter to, 208, 310. 

Guayaquil, meeting of commissioners at, 
regarding claims between the United 
States and Ecuador, II, 497. 

Guerrillas, expulsion of, from Missouri, II, 
417. 

Guerrilla warfare in Tennessee and Ken- 
tucky, II, 248. 

Guest, Lieut.-Comdg. John, recommended 
for thanks of Congress, II, 152. 



710 



INDEX 



Gulf of Mexico, Welles advises increasing 
the naval force in, II, 27 ; orders tor 
luovemeuts of naval forces In, on Feb. 22, 
1862, 119 ; proposed telesrapliic communi- 
cation between Washington and forts on 
the, 447. 

Gulf ports, Seward advises defense of the, 
II, 2'.t. 

Gulf States, secession of, II, 13. 

Gunboats, on James Kivcr, II, 148, 149, 193, 
199; destruction of Confederate, 125, 151 ; 
Burnsidc's despatch relatiui;- to, 178; 
needed for relief ol Stnneinaii, 191 ; Gen. 
Reyes's need of, 202; on the Rappahan- 
nock, Pamunkey, and Mattapony, 259, 260 ; 
use of, to remove loyal refugees from Vir- 
ginia, 291; report on method of passing 
from tide- water to the Lakes, 506. 

Gunn, Lewis C, appointed collector of cus- 
toms at ruget Sound, II, 335. 

Gunpowder Plot, the, I, 808. 

Guns, purchase of, II, 82,415,577 ; the Ames, 
415, 577. 

Gunther, Charles F., Lincoln collection of, 

I, 522. 

Gurley, John A., telegram to, Aug. 15, 1861, 

II, 74. 

Gurney, Mrs. Eliza P., reply to an address 
by, II, 243; letter to, 573. 

Habeas corpus, suspension of the writ, II, 
38, 45, 54, 59, 85, 93, 124, 239, 336, 406, 407, 422, 
541, 543 ; Gen. Scott authorized to suspend 
the writ, 39 ; constitutional provisions re- 
garding, 60, 348, 3(il ; the President's hesi- 
tation about suspending, 347; its influ- 
ence for good or evil, 347 ; the right of, 
not alFected by military arrests in time of 
rebellion, 350, 351 ; question of suspension 
of the writ discussed with Ohio Democrat- 
ic State ((invent ion, 360, 361 ; Mi". Vallan- 
dighaui's appeal to, 361: the President 
authorized to susiiend, 407, 542. 

Hackett, James H., letter from, accompany- 
ing present of 1 U, II, :!'.)'-' ; letters to, 392, 

393,435; presentation of l((lsi,iff hy, a^Ji; 
the President's letter to, reproduced in 
print, comments tht^'con, 435. 

Hackleman, Gen., death of, II, 245. 

Hagerstown, Md., inquiry as to enemy's 
movements near, II, 231 ; victory by Mc- 
Clellan near, 236 ; concentration of rebels 
on road toward, 365 ; Lee's position near, 
367 ; Gen. Smith's march fi'om Carlisle 
to, 369. 

Haggard, Col., misimderstanding with Gen. 
Rosecrans concerning, II, 338, 339. 

Hague, The, J. S. Pike U. S. Minister at, II, 
141. 

Hahn, Michael, to confer with Gen. Banks 
regarding aiiairs in Louisiana, II, 381; 
lirst free-State governor of Louisiana, 
496; letter to, 496 ; order to, 498; invested 
with powers of military governor of Lou- 
isiana, 498. 

Haldeman, Jacob S., recommended as Min- 
ister to Sweden and Norway, II, 10. 

Hale, John P., leader in Abolitionist Party, 
I, 317, 364, 403. 

Hale, J. T., letter to, I, 664. 

Hall, B. F., I, 354. 

Hall, D. A., U. 8. judge at New Orleans 
grants habeas corpus in Louailller's case 
and is ari'ested, II, 351. 

Hall, W. A., member of Congress from Mis- 
souri, II, 135 ; opinion on emancipation 
by purdiase, 135. 

Haileck, Maj.-Gen. Henry Wager, order to, 
Dec. 2, IHCil, authoriziug siisi>ension of 
habeas corpus, II, 93; eorrespoiidence 
With, 110, 111, 113, 114, 116, 117, 126, 140, 141, 



146, 147, 159, 176, 177, 184, 189, 193, 194, 197, 
199, 200, 204, 206, 207, 229, 259, 260, 288, 289, 
293, 305, 377, 402, 407-410, 425, 428, 429, 475, 
555, 556 ; proi)osed movement on C!olumbus, 
110, 116 ; to cooperate with Buell, 110-112. 
123, 126, 136 ; dithculties in the way of his 
assisting Buell, 113, 114 ; indorsement on 
letter from, 113, 114 ; communication with 
Buell, 113, 248; ignorance of Buell's move- 
ments, 114 ; instructions to, concerning 
commercial intereouise, 132; his com- 
mand merged in the Department of the 
Mississipi)i, 137 ; to command Department 
of the Mississippi, 1.37 ; at St. Louis, 140, 
141; Gov. Johnson to communicate with, 
146; at Pittsburg Landing, 146, 147; Gov. 
Morton asks for reinforcements for, 159; 
near Corinth, Miss., 159; Corinth in the 
hands of, 173; thanks to, 176; at Corinth, 
176, 177, 184, 193, 194, 197, 199, 200, 204, 206, 
207 ; movement upon Chattanooga, 177 ; 
Kentneky and Tennessee thrown into his 
department, 177 ; niovements toward East 
Tennessee, 184; call on, for 25,(100 troops, 
189, 194 ; cannot reinforce McClellau, 198 ; 
request for troops from, 199; letter to, in- 
troducing Gov. Sprague, 200; made gen- 
eral-in-chief, 203; asked to confer with 
Gov. Johnson, 203, 204 ; at Tuscumbia, 
206 ; called to Washington, 207 ; ordered to 
organize an army, 229; to decide mili- 
tary questions, 229; to communicate 
with Gen. Boyle, 206 ; telegraphs to Gen. 
Wright, 233; makes provisions for gen- 
erals in Pennsylvania, 233 ; forwards let- 
ter from Major Key, 241 ; sends instruc- 
tions to ISIeClellan, 244; correspondence 
with MeClellan, 244, 249, 250; McClel- 
lan's demands upon, 246 ; calls on Me- 
Clellan for action, 249; despatch from 
Gov. Johnsiui referred to, 251 ; inquiry of, 
as to McCleniand's expedition, 254; re- 
jects the President's ]>roi)osition for Burn- 
side's movements, 2(;o; desired to confer 
with Burnside, regarding proposed move- 
ment across the l;ai«i>ahaunock, 288, 289; 
requests to be relie\cd from duty, 289; 
consulted as to forming reserve cavalry 
corps for Army of Potomac, 293; inter- 
view with Burnside at Warrenton, 295; 
advises Burnside's crossing the Rappa- 
hannock, 295; letter to Burnside, 295; 
ti'ansmits proceedings in Fitz-John Porter 
court-martial to the President, 303 ; sends 
instructions to Grant, 304; relations with 
McClemand, 304, 305; gives instructions 
to Pope not to cross into British territory, 
323 ; reports movements of troops for pro- 
tection of Penusylvania, 331; the Presi- 
dent's deference to, in selecting successor 
to Gen. Curtis, 335; letter from Hooker 
referred to, 343, 344; Hooker's relations 
with, 354; Hooker placed directly under 
his orders, 355 ; orders (Jen. jMilroyto re- 
treat from Winchester to Harper's Ferry, 
359; Milroy's dislike for, 359; telegram to, 
expressing the President's dissatisfaction 
with sundry nio\ cments, etc., 365; urges 
Meade to inove against Lee, 366, 367; 
Meade asks, to be relieved of command, 
368; communication to, regarding the 
President's desires concerning Gen. 
Meade, 377 ; friendship for Gen. Hurlbut, 
379 ; engaged in effort to relieve East Ten- 
nessee, 383; corresp(mdence with Gen. 
Rosecrans, 384, 385; the President defers 
to, in regard to movement on East Ten- 
nessee, 385 ; action in the case of the " New 
Almaden" mine, 393; correspondence 
with Rosecrans regarding the President's 
feelings toward, 402 ; advice to, concern- 



INDEX 



711 



ing Gen. Meade, 407-400; question of abil- 
ity of tlic army, addressed to, 409; let- 
ter to, rcKardiiii;' KoHrcraiis's position at 

Chattauooua, 411); di's|iat(lics tr Rose- 

crans to, Iroiii ('hattaiHioua,4ii ; attempts 
to get Buniside to Koseerans's assistance, 
413; to eoiiiiiiiiiiieate with Hnriiside re- 
garding relief of Uiisei lans, 414 ; despateli 
from Gen. Scbolield to, re.t;ar(liii.u- (Jen. 
Blunt, 417; adiuiuistratioii (if Department 
of Missouri, 420; levies contributions on 
noted rebels in Department of Missouri, 
421; continues Fremont's system of 
searches, seizures, ete., in l)(»i>artiiient of 
Missouri, 421 ; to give orders to Uoseerans, 
424; letter to, regarding positions, etc., of 
Lee and Meade, 42."); (•((mniuniealion to, 
coneerning niovenients of the enemy, and 
proi)osition to attack l^ee, 42s ; general- 
in-cliief, 400 ; fears for safety of Milroy's 
division, 430; report of military opera- 
tions, 449; asked to cooperate in" maldug 
place for Gen. ( Curtis, 4()J ; iiistructi(uis to, 
regarding troul)les expected n<'ar Kansas 
City, 475; orders Walhiee to defense of 
Baltimore, .546 ; des]i;iteli from (Jen. Grant 
concerning defense of Wasliington, Balti- 
more, etc., 547 ; reports weakness of forces 
for defense of Wasliinntoii, 517: letter to 
the Secretary of War, respectiimdH'ensivo 
remarks by tlie Postmas;er-( ieneral, 547, 
548; Gen. Grant transfers coniinaud of 
departments to, 555, 556; conference rvith, 
6.55. 

Haller, Samuel, signs call for Whig Conven- 
tion at Spruisilield, isr.i, I, i67. 

Hamburg, Germany, tinancial system of, I, 
23; collection, keeping, and disbursement 
of public moneys in, 23 ; agricultural ex- 
hibition at, II, 207, 473. 

Hamilton, Alexander, I, 283; on constitu- 
tionality of United States Bank, 136 ; an 
antislavery man, 603. 

Hamilton, Andrew J., autliorized to pass 
blockade at Galveston and Sabine Pass, 
II, 560. 

Hamilton, Gen., relieved from command by 
McC'lellan, II, 14i»; petition for his rein- 
stati'ment, 156 ; at Harper's Ferry, 168, 169 ; 
despatcli from, 168, 169 ; report as to move- 
ments of the enemy, 169. 

Hamilton County, 111., act for benefit of 
clerk of circuit court of, I, 20. 

" Hamlet," the President's opinion of, II, 
393. 

Hamlin, Hannibal, Lincoln's self-introduc- 
tion to, I, 645; letters to, 645, 649, 6.53, 6.5,5, 
656, 661, II, 42, 242. 432, 433 : fears reg.ardiug 
election in Maine, 1, oiw r.no; invitation to 
personal iiiter\ie\v witli tlie President- 
elect, 653; Vice-President of the United 
States, II, 42 ; letter to, regarding organi- 
zation of the House of Representatives, 
432, 433. 

Hammond, Henry, appointed tax-commis- 
sioner for Connecticut, II, 226. 

Hammond, James Henry, attributes to 
Washington early opposition to slavery, 

I, 615. 

Hampton Roads, movements of vessels to, 

II, 136; eiigaireuu'Ut between the Citmher- 
land and MiTriiiitir in, 27'.i ; doeiunents rel- 
ative to the meeting between the Presi- 
dent and Confederate commissioners in, 
623, 629, 631-635, 639-651. 

Hancock, Gen. AVinfield Scott, confront- 
ing Richmond, II, 535 ; despatch to, con- 
cerning Gen. Crook, 664; at Winchester, 
664. 

Hancock County, 111., the Lincoln family in, 
I, 117, 177, 638. 



Hancock County, Ind., the Lincoln family 
in, I, 638. 

Hancock County, Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proclamation, II, 195. 

Hanks, John, makes trip to St. Louis, I, 640, 
641 ; at l)ecatur, 641 ; first cousin to Lin- 
coln's moth; T, (Ml. 

Hanks, Nancy, I, 596; marries Thomas Lin- 
coln, v<:i'.) ; niotlier of the President, 639. 

Hanks family, Lincoln's mother a member 
of, I, 596 ; in Illinois, 596 ; in Virginia, Illi- 
nois, and Iowa, 639. 

Hanover, treaty with, for abolition of State 
dues, II, 123, 262. 

Hanover County, Va., birthplace of Henry 
Clay, I, 169. 

Hanover Court House, Va., Fitz-.Tohn Porter 
defeats lUanch at, II, 167; projidsed junc- 
tion of McDowell and Porter at, 167; pro- 
posed movements near, 260 ; Federal cav- 
alry raid at, 332. 

Hanover Junction, Va., reinforcements for 
.Tacksoji from. If, 168. 

Hanscomb, Detective, II, 486. 

Hanseatic Republics, note from Minister of, 
regarding international agi'icultnral ex- 
hibition at Ilamlu'rg, 11, 297. 

Happiness, I, 57t> ; natioiud, due to preser- 
vation of the Union, 635. 

Harbors, levy of tonnage duties for im- 
provements in, 1, 128; Gen. Taylor on im- 
pr(n'(nuent of, 137. 

Hardie, Col., II, 675. 

Hardiman, B., Secretary of the Treasury of 
the Repul>lic of Texas, I, 108. 

Hardin, Brig. -Major J. J., I, 4; signer of 
Whig circular. 47 ; candidate for Congi-ess, 
80-84 ; rumors of governorship for, 82, 83 ; 
service in Mexican war, 146; term in Con- 
gress, 643. 

Hardin County, Ky., birth of Lincoln in, I, 
.596, 638, 644. 

Hardy, Isaac, signs call for Whig Conven- 
tion at S])riiigHel(l, 1«51, I, 167. 

Harney, Gen. "William Selby, question of 
relieving him Iroiu c.immand, II, 47, 
48; letter to, from Adjt.-Gen. Thomas, 
52, 53. 

Harper's Ferry, John Brown's raid at, I, 
607-609; raid charged to Itepnbliean Party, 
615, 016, 024, 625; seizure ot the arsenal at, 
by Virginia, II, 58; line to be estal dished 
biitween Strasburg and, 69 ; Confederate 
movement on, 157; Col. Miles at, 158; 
danger of suddi^u attack at, 161 ; guns sent 
to Gen. Saxtou at, 162; danger to Banks 
at, 162 ; Baidvs's retreat to, 162 ; Gen. Sax- 
ton at, 102, 168, 172 ; datiner of the Confed- 
erates crossinu,- tiie Potomac at, 163; troops 
sent to, ic;! ; lack of cannon at, 16:! ; one of 
McDowell's brigades ordered to, 163 ; Gen. 
Hamilton at, 168, 169; doubt as to Jack- 
son's movements toward, 169, 170 ; Banks's 
troops at, to assist Fremont, 171 ; Ctmfed- 
erate position at, 172, 173; Confederate at- 
tack on, 17:;; lianks at, 173; Sigcl ordered 
to, 174; probable engagement by Fremont 
near, 174; precautions to be taken at, 175; 
inquiry concerninir, 2:!0; .ibscnee of lu-ws 
from, 233; condition of railroad to Win- 
chester from, 246; distances to gaps in 
Blue Uidge, 247; communieatiou with 
WiiuMiester cut off, 352: escape of troops 
from Martinsburg and Winchester to,:!53; 
Lee's return toward, :!54 : eaptnred by Con- 
federates, 541 ; Howe's force at, 547 ;" Hun- 
ter's movement toward, 547 ; Gen. Hunter 

at, .549, 553, 555. 

" Harper's Magazine," I, 542, 548, 586-588. 

Harrell, Lieut. -Comdg. Abram D., recom- 
mended for thanks of Cougi-ess, II, 152. 



712 



INDEX 



" Harriet Lane," tbe, put under sailing or- 
ders, II, 25. 

Harris, A., arrested on charge of belonging 
to seci'et order in Kentucky, II, 573. 

Harris, Senator Ira, position on appoint- 
ment of Assistant Treasurer at New York, 
II, 538, 539. 

Harris, Isham G., question of his governor- 
ship of Tennessee, II, 405. 

Harris, Major Thomas L., I, 319; candidate 
tor Congress against Matheny, 246, 247, 340, 
402 ; alleged forgeiw by, 443-445, 452, 484 ; re- 
peated charges aga inst I^incoln and Trum- 
bull, 444 ; scTienic to elect to Congress, 444 ; 
reference to phitforni of tirst Republican 
State ( oiivciition in Illinois, 465 ; integrity 
vouched f<pr l»y Douglas, 466; question of 
veracity of, 484. 

Harris, Townsend, U. 8. minister to Japan, 

II, 71. 

Harrisburg, Pa., acceptance of invitation to 
visit the legislature at, I, 672; reply to 
Gov. Curtin at, 692 ; address to Pennsyl- 
vania legislature at, 693, 694; question of 
sending troops to, II, 232; Gen. Lorenzo 
Thomas at, 367; movement of troops from, 
in pursuit of Lee, 367. 

Harrison, James, permit to, to trade from 
New Orleans to Ked River and above, II, 
621. 

Harrison, Lieut. -Comdg. Napoleon B., rec- 
ommended for thaulis of Congxess, II, 
152. 

Harrison, Gen. W. H., "Life of," I, 39; his 
candidacy in Illinois, 39-41 ; Presidential 
candidacy of, 39, 40; effect of death on 
Whig Party, 78; at battle of the Thames, 
141, 142 ; election and death of. 220 ; death 
of, 220, 222; campaign of 1840, 642. 

Harrisonburg, Va., Fremont's movements 
near, II, 159, 163, 16(i. 1G8, 177-179, 181 ; Im- 
boden in retreat for, 428. 

Harrison County, Ind., the Lincoln family 
in, I, 117, 177. 

Harrison County, Va., excepted from in- 
surrection proclau.atiou, II, 195. 

Harrison electoral ticket, Lincoln on the, 
I, 642. 

Harrison's Landing, the President's visit 
to the Army of the Potomac at, II, 201 ; 
interview between the President and Gen, 
Frank liu at, 283. 

Hartford, Conn., abstract of speech at, 
March 5, 18G0, I, 613-616 ; the collectorship 
at, II, 313, 314. 

Harvard College, Robert T. Lincoln grad- 
uated at, II, 630. 

Harvesting, animal-, man-, and steam- 
power used in, 1,578-582. 

Harvests, II, 93, 445, 604. 

Haskell, Col., position on Mexican war, I, 

III, 146. 

Ha3kin, John B., I, 529. 

Haskins, , election of, I, 593. 

Hassaurek, F., prominent Republican of 

Cincinnati, II, 10. 
Hatch, O. M., action on McCallister and 

Stebbins bonds, I, 536; letter to, May 29, 

1863, II, 341. 
Hatcher's Run, Va., II, 667. 
Hatteras, N. C, loyal sufferers at, II, 90; 

Federal possession of, 104. 
Havana, U. 8. consul at, decides case of 

collision between the San Jacinto and 

Jules ct Marie, II, 277. 
Hawkes, C. K., letter to, II, 468 ; scheme for 

getting cotton froin within the rebel lines, 

468; recommended for appointment as 

Treasury agent, 476 ; relations with Gen. 

Banks, 476. 
Hawkins, Col., despatch to, II, 200. 



Hawley, Eliphalet, letter to, May 29, 1863, 
II, 341. 

Hay, Major John, i)rivate secretary to Presi- 
dent Lincidn, II, 43; serves co]),v of letter 
upon Major Key, 241; sentwitli despatches 
toGen.Butler,290;letterto J.K.Camjibell, 
354 ; letter to Gen. Dix, 441 ; commissioned 
major, 470 ; sent to Florida on reconstruc- 
tion errand, 470; announces pardon of 
soldiers of the 12th Ohio, 510 ; letter to 
Gen. L. Thomas, 512 ; letter from Col. 
Nicolay to, 527, 528; sent on mission to 
Gen. Rosecrans, 532; sent to Horace 
Greeley regarding Confederate commis- 
sioners, 548, 549 ; telegram to, 549 ; at New 
York, 549; issues safe-conduct for Con- 
federate commissioners, 549 ; letter to J. 
C. Welling, 554 ; transmits order to Gen. 
Schurz to report at Washington, 561 ; ojiens 
sealed paper in the presence of the Cabi- 
net in Nov.. 1864, 568. 

Haycraft, Samuel, letter to, I, 654. 

Hayes, J. S., comptroller of Chicago, II, 
401 ; correspondence with, regarding the 
draft, 401, 404. 

Hay Market, Va., question of McClellan's 
movements by way of, II, 247. 

Hayti, slave revolution in, I, 608; recogni- 
tion of independence of, II, 95, 96 ; negro 
colonization in, 263; commercial treaty 
with, 263 ; relations with, 605. 

Hazel, Caleb, Lincoln's second schoolmas- 
ter, I, 639. 

Health, favorable condition of the public, 
II, 604. 

Hebrews, their liberation from Egyptian 
slavery, I, 235. 

Hedden & Hoey, contract for arms, II, 138, 
139. 

Heintzelman, Brig. -Gen. S. P., to command 
Third Corps, Army of the Potomac, II, 
130; relations witli"Me<'lenan, 149; memo- 
randum of questions and answers be- 
tween President and, at Harrison's I^and- 
ing, 201; ([Uestion of sending him to the 
relief of Mcdellan, 232; draft of letter 
to, 535; advised to watch Vallandigham, 
535. 

Heiskell, Joseph, II, 5.57. 

Helena, Ark., McClernand's expedition to, 
II, 254; Craig's i)lantatiou near, 463; re- 
con.struction experinrent at, 4(;7. 

Helm, Brig. -Gen. B. H., brotlier-in-law of 
Mrs. Lincoln, killed at Chickamauga, 11, 
412, 413, 458, 559. 

Helm, Mrs. E. T., amnesty to. Dec. 14, 1863, 
II, 458 ; matter of owner.slup of cotton, 458 ; 
attempted arrest of, 559. 

Helper, Hinton Rowan, author of " The 
Impending Crisis of the South," I, 609. 

Henderson, Senator John B., plans to assist 
in relief of Gen. Schotleld from the De- 
partment of Missouri, II, 461. 462; rela- 
tions with Gratz Brown, 462 ; opinion on 
.the difficulties in the Department of Mis- 
souri, 463. 

Henderson, Thomas Jefferson, I, 21 ; letters 
to, 209, 211. 

Henderson, , dismissal of, II, 537, 538; 

letter to Wm. Cullen Bryant respecting, 
.537, 538. 

Henderson, Ky., Col. Glenn at, II, 637. 

Henderson County, Ky., matter of refund- 
ing money collected in, II, 308. 

Henning, Fanny, I, 53. 

Henry, Dr. A. G., I, 37, 39, 84, 85; recom- 
mended for postmastership, 43 ; signs call 
for Whig State Convention, 54; signs in- 
vitation to Henry Clay, 68; on Whig State 
Central Committee, 72 ; letters to, 521, 644, 
650. 



INDEX 



713 



Henry, Alexander, advised as to Confeder- 
ate moveiiieiits, II, 233. 

Henry, John, charge against, iu regard to 
Mexieau war, I, 410. 

Henry, Patrick, speech of, quoted, II, 255. 

Henry, III., Lincoln speaks at, I, 301. 

"Henry VIII.," II, 3'.);i. 

Herara, J. J. de, overthrow of, I, 121. 

Herndon, " Billy," death of, I, 50. 

Herndon, William H., I, 236, 238, 598; letters 
to, 96, 99, lOO, 109-112, 131-135. 157. II, 121; 

mterchauge of views on Jlexican qnes- 
tioD, 111, 112; Democratic partizau, 152; 
pccnniMrv niatteis with, 121. 

Herran, Gen. Pedro Alcantara, relations of. 
as representative of New Granada, II, 
299, 300. 

Herrington, A. M., I, 354. 

Herron, Maj.-Gen. F. J., threatens to resign, 
II, 337, 338; his threat treated as insub- 
ordination. 337; at RoUa, Mo., 337; aids 
Grant at Vickslniri,% 422. 

Heth, Maj.-Gen. Henry C, wounded, II, 3,32. 

Hickman, John, I, 529; an anti-Leconiptou 
Democrat. 544; views on sla\cr.v, 544: use 
of the phrase •' irrepressible conflict," 507 ; 
election of, .593. 

Hicks, , artist, I, 644. 

Hicks, G. Montague, indorseiiient on letter 
of,II,157; givcsort'enNctothe rresi(lent.l57. 

Hicks, Thomas H., i;oveni(ir of Maryland, 
the President's reply tci, Il.:!t;; letter from 
8eeretary Seward In. :iis 37 : tlie l'r<'si(lent 
desires e'onsnltatiiMi with, reuardinu' pres- 
ervation of the peace of Maryland, 36. 

"Highlander," the, schooner, presentation 
to master of, by Privy Council of Great 
Britain, II, 486, 487. 

High seas, protection of commerce on the, 
1, 125. 

Highways, Gen. Taylor on improvement of, 

I, 137. 

Hill, Lt.-Gen. A. P., wounded, II, 332. 
Hill, Lt.-Gen. D. H., disposition of his 

troops, II, 425. 
Hillhouse, Thomas, question of appoint- 

menC as Assistant Treasm-er at New York, 

II, 538, 539. 

Hilton, Ala., Federal raid at, II, .593. 

Hilton Head, S. C, Gen. Hunter's head- 
quarters at, II, 155; iustructions to Gen. 
Hunter and Adm. Du Pont regarding de- 
fense of. 325 ; salute tired at, 673. 

Hired laborers contrasted with slaves, I, 
179, 581. 

Hise, John, I, 354. 

History, the light of, II, 276, 277. 

Hitchcock, Maj.-Gen. E. A., report of ex- 
chanae of prisoners, II, 449. 

Hodgen's Mill, I, 644. 

Hodges, A. G., letter to, concerning the 
working of eniaiieii«;ition, II, 508, 509; 
matter'of release of P. B. Price referred 
to, 591 ; consultation with, regarding Ken- 
tucky. II, 001. 

Hoffman, Henry W., letter to, concerning 
ratihcation of new Constitution of Mary- 
land, II, 584. 

Hoffman, Judge Ogden, instructions to, re- 
garding oath of proclamation of Dee. 8, 

1S(;3, II, 459. 

Hogeboom, Judge, appointment of, as gen- 
eral appraiser in New York, II, 539. 

Holbrook, Frederick, governor of Vermont, 
requests the President to call for volun- 
tetirs, II, 194. . . 

Holcombe, Jas. B., peace commissioner from 
Confederate States, II, 549. 

Holidays, I, 576. 

Hollander, , comments on arrest of Lou- 

aillier by Gen. Jackson, II, 351. 



Hollister, David F., II, 226. 

Holston River, I, 639 ; Burnside's troubles 

alxnit bridf;es on, II, 413. 
Holt, Joseph, !-iecrctary of War, II, 9; letter 
to, 79; candidate for Vice-Presidency, 
,528; Lincoln's estimate of , 528. 

Homer, , noiuiiiated for doorkeeper of 

U. S. House of Kcpiescntatives, I, 96. 
Homestead lav;^, the, I, 637, 676, II, 266, 452, 

611. 
Honduras, relations with, II, 203. 
Honolulu, eouiniissionership at, question of 
appointment to, II, 130; the U. S. 3Iiuis- 
ter at, 139. 
Honor, national, due to the preservation of 

the Union, I, 635. 
Hood, Gen. John B., reported mortally 
wounded at Chickamauga, II, 412; visit 
from Jefferson Davis to, 582; services 
of liundred-day troops against, 583 ; defeat 
of, 622. 
Hooker, Col. Joseph, desires command of a 
regiment, II, 53 ; to take command of Fitz- 
John Porter's corps, 2.52; correspondence 
with, 306, 307, 323-325, 328, 331-334, 336, 337, 
340, 343-345, 3,52-856, 358, 627, 628 ; assigned 
to command Army of Petomac, 306 ; letter 
to, on his taking command of Anny of 
Potomac, ,300,307; the President's opinion 
of, 307 ; relations witli llnrnside, 307; plan 
of caniiiaiiiii ag:iiiist Kielniioiid, 322; de- 
.spateh from. byCieii. Ibittertield. 323 ; dis- 
approves of Gen. Scliurz's i-e(|uest to have 
his division separated from 1 he Army of 
Potomac, 323 ; comnumication from, re- 
quested, 324; inquiry of, for news, 328; 
inquiry of, regarding Confederate reoccu- 
patiou of heights above Fredericksburg, 
331 ; inquiry of Gen. Ibittirtield for infor- 
mation of,'331; enemy's ])lan to draw off 
part of his force, 331 ; breaks enemy's com- 
miuiications, 332 ; summary of news from 
Richmond papers sent to," 3:12 : reported 
retreat across the Kappahaniiock, 332; 
transmission to, of news brought in liy 
Gen. Willich, an exchanged prisoner, 334; 
asked to confer with the President, 336; 
advice to, concerning forward move- 
ments, 336, 337 ; warning to, regartling his 
corps and division conimanih'is, 337 ; in- 
quiry addressed to, for Kielimond news, 
340; advice to, concerning situation on 
the Rappahannock, 343-345 ; asked to as- 
.sist Milroy and Tyler, 352; inquiry ad- 
dres.sed to, regarding position of Ewell, 
352; asked to break the "slim animal" 
of Lee's army, 352; despatch to, giv- 
ing movements of enemy at Winches- 
ter, etc., 353; at Fairfax Station, 353; 
private letter to, on relations with Gen. 
Halleck, 354 ; placed directly under orders 
of Gen. Iliilleck, 355; telegrams to, giv- 
ing iiiforniati(ni about news from Lees- 
biirg, 356, 358 ; letters to Gcn. Meade con- 
cerniuii' appointment of, 370, 387; pressure 
on the President to give command to, 
388; accejits otter of conjuiand with Gen. 
Meade, 387; relations witli (ien. Slocum, 
414 ; sent to reintbrce Kosccrans, 414 ; pro- 
vision for change of conuuand at Chatta- 
nooga, 414; to support P.osecrans on 
west and northwest, 424; at Cincinnati, 
627, 628; despatch to, concerning Hum- 
phreys' case, 027, 628. 
Hope, Dr., I, 494. 
Hopkins, Rev. Henry, II. 106. 

Hopkins County, , matter of refunding 

money collected in, II, 308. 
Horse-power, application of, to agriculture, 

I, 578, 579. 
Horses, piu'chase of, II, 159 ; despatch from 



714 



INDEX 



McCIcllan concerning, 250; supplied to 
McClellan, 250; order concerning expor- 
tation of, 403. 

Horsman, J., I, 354. 

Hospital chaplains, II, 85, 97, 106. 

Hotchkiss projectiles, II, 4!)4. 

Houk, David A., letter to, June 29, 1863, II, 
360-:j(;y. 

" House divided against itself cannot 
stand," I, 502, 505, 50r,, 543, 558, II, 436. 

Houston, ordered diseliarged, II, 596. 

Hovey, Gen. Charles E., promise to nomi- 
nate liiii) hriKadier-^encral of volunteers, 
II, 373; (ieii. Mieniiaii eoniiilaius of liis 
appoiiittiu'ut, 555; aitiou in Humphreys' 
case, 627, 628 ; at Indianapolis, 628. 

Howard, Joseph, Jr., issues spurious procla- 
mation, II, 523, 524 ; order for the release 
of, 567. 

Howard, Mark, the President declines to 
renominate him for collector of internal 
revenue at Hartford. Conn., II, 313. 

Howard, Gen. O. O., letter to, rejijarding the 
operations after (ii-tt.vHliuri,'', II, 373; sent 
to reinforce Roseerans, 414. 

Howe, Gen., force at Harper's Ferry, II, 547. 

Howell, Joseph C, recommended for jiost- 
mastership at Carlinville, 111., 1, 43. 

Hoyne, Thomas, I, 354. 

Hubbard, G. S., letter to, I, 595, 598. 

Hubbell, Hon. A., letter to. May 30, 1864, II, 
526. 

Hudson, N. Y., address at, Feb. 19, 1861, T, 

686. 

Hudson Bay Company, question of pursuit 
of Indians into territory of, II, 476 ; adjust- 
ment of claims of, 496, 497, 607. 

Huger, Maj.-Gen. B., position of, II, 201. 

Hughes, Archbishop, letter to, II, 85 ; corre- 
siioudenee with I'-^eeretary Seward, 85. 

Hughes, Judge, in Kicliniond, II, 659. 

Huidekoper, Col., at Meadville, II, 570; in- 
structions to, regarding enlistment of 
rebel prisoners at Rock Island, 570, 571. 

Hull, Dr., I, 246. 

Human equality, I, 226, 260. 

Human freedom, test of a government 
founded on the principles of, II, 308. 

Humanity al)ove party, II, 12. 

Human nature, I, 199, "595, 609, 613. 

Human race, destined work ol the, I, 524. 

Humiliation. See Pratek. 

Humphreys, Andrew, modification of sen- 
tence of, II, 627, 628. 

" Hunchback," the gunboat, orders relating 
to, II, 178. 

Hundred-day troops, thanks to, II, 575, 583. 

Hungarian freedom, resolutions of .sym- 
]>athy with cause of, I, 158, 159. 

Hungary, demand for United States rec- 
ognition of indeiiendence of, 1, 158, 159. 

Hunkerism, II, 291. 

Hunt, , Belgian consul, seizure of papers 

in office of, II, 532. 

Hunt, Randall, suggested for Cabinet min- 
ister, I, 665. 

Hunt, Ward, letter to, respecting nomina- 
tion of Koscoe Conkliug, II, 563. 

Hunt, AVashington, I, 648, 649. 

Hunt, Mrs., rendition of property to, II, 511. 

Hunter, Gen. David, on duty in Virginia, II, 
67 ; correspondence with, 78, 123, 321, 324, 
325, 330, 364, 549, 550, 553, 555; asked to go 
to Fr<3mont's assistance, 78 ; orders sent 
to, in regard to retirement of Gen. Fre- 
mont, 86; relations with Cen. Lane, 119, 
123; his coiiiniaiid merited into the De- 
partment of the .Mississippi, 137; order of 
military emaneii)ation, 1.54; atPort Royal, 
S. C, 155; i-e\-oeation of order of roili- 
tary emancipation, 155, 205; reinforce- 



ments for McClellan, 198, 199 ; appointed 
to command Burnside's corps in Army of 
Potomac, 252; commanding colored force 
at Jacksonville, Fla.,321 ; instructions to, 
regarding opc'rations before (liarleston, 
324, 325; letter to, regarding eliange of 
commanders in the Department of the 
South, 364; pi-essure on the Trcsidrnt to 
give command to, 388; administration of 
Department of Missouri, 420; attempts 
military emancipation, 508; R. W. Thomp- 
son seeks statt position with, for his son, 
525; movements toward Hariier's Ferry, 
547; difficulty of union between Wright 
and, 547; despatch to, concerning rela- 
tions of Wriglit and Hunter, 549, 550; at 
Harper's Ferry, 549, 553, 555; inquiry ad- 
dressed to, as to strength, 553 ; inquiry ad- 
dressed to, as to nioveiHciits of theenemy, 
555; order of, expelling and imprisoning 
citizens of Frederick, Md., 557. 

Hunter, R. M. T., i)apcis and incidents re- 
lating to the meeting of the I'jcsident with 
Confederate commissioners in Hampton 
Roads, II, 632, 633, 639, 641-044, 646, 648-6.50. 

Hurlbut, Gen. S. A., correspondence with, 
II, 318, 339, .379, 518, 597, 598; inquiry for 
news from, 318; at Memphis, 318, 339; 
news from Richmond papers sent to, 339 ; 
resignation of, 379; asked to reconsider 
liis resignation, 379; assigned to active 
command by Gen. Grant, 379; asks for a 
court of inquiry. 518 ; the President's 
friendship for and contidenee in, 518; let- 
ter to, regarding affairs in lyouisiana. 597 ; 
cori'espoiuleiice with Gen. Cauby regard- 
ing affairs in Louisiana, 597. 

Husband and wife, the President's views of 
the relation, II, 511. 

Hutchins, W. A., letter to, June 29, 1863, II, 
360-363. 

Idaho, mineral resources of, II, 447 ; partial 
organization of, 610. 

Ide, Dr., letter to, II, ,526. 

Idleness, the ])ensionei' of meritorious labor, 
I, 92; etiect of uni\crsal, 95. 

Illicit trade, suppression of, II, 450. 

Illinois, .strife over election of U. 8. senator, 
1836, I, 8; State aid for railroads in, 8; 
contest over formation of new county, 8; 
the pul)lic-lands (lucstion in, 19, 20, 37, 72; 
election (piestions in, 37, 40; circular of 
Wiiig State ('ouMiition of January, 1840, 
38,39; internal imi)rovcment sys1('m,39; 
l);uik legislation, 3'.t; canal legislation, 39; 
State House, 39; projjosed cession of terri- 
tory to Wisconsin, 39; W. II. llairison's 
nomination in, 39, 40; discussion lieiween 
Whigs and Locos in. 40; Whig prospects 
in, 1840, 40; remarks in legislature on pay- 
ment of interest on State debt, 43 ; preser- 
vation of the State honor, 43; threatened 
calamities in, 45-47: apiieal to peojile of, 
from Whig Stat eConunittee, 45-47; changes 
in circuit courts in, 46; call for Whig con- 
vention in, 53, 54 ; invitation to Heiu-y Clay 
to visit, 68; recommendation to Whigs of, 
72; Whig State Central Committee ap- 
pointed, 72 : Whiu' circular ot March 4, 1843, 
72-79; expediency of Clay's land liill for, 75; 
John Reynolds electe<l governor, 76 ; Sena- 
torial election in, 76 ; political warfare in, 
76 ; Whig defeats in, 77; district conven- 
tions for nominations to Congress, 77, 78; 
the Lincoln family in, 117, 597,638,640; ap- 
propriation of public lands for internal 
improvements in, 119, 120 ; doubtful for 
Taylor, 122 ; interested in Mississippi 
River improvements, 125 ; commerce over 
Illinois and Michigan Canal, 125, 126 ; po- 



INDEX 



715 



sition in Presidential contest of 1848, 131 ; 
nesleet of Whiy piipors to publisli Whig 
spccplies, 132; district ('(nuts in, 134; clis- 
tiii^iiislifd souH of, ill Mexican war, 146; 
appoiiitiiit'iits to federal (illiee from, 151; 
candidates, isf'.i, for dlllce of XT. S. iiiarslial 
for District of Illinois, iril ; reeoininoiida- 
tioii of William Uutler as pension aj.'eut 
tor, 154; apportionment of oftiecR in, 155; 
expectations of patronage in 1849, 156, 
157; opinion on election laws of, 176, 519; 
formed from Nortlnvestern 'I'eriitorv, 181, 
549; the Compromise of is.-.d, is:., 278, 279, 
399; question of repeal of Missouri Com- 
promise by, 190, 224": (jnasi-slavery in, 193, 
205; the Ordinance of i;h7 and, 204, 565, 
570-572; slavery and its abolition in, 15, 
205, 400-404, 472, 478, 495, 496, 571, 572; ad- 
mitted as a freo State, 209 ; invitation 
from Republican State Committee of, 209, 
210; Lincoln jilaced on Republican State 
Central Committee, 209, 2lo ; appoint- 
ment of circuit-t'ourt clerk in, 210; elec- 
tion matters in Clay County, 210; desper- 
ate election strufCfrle in, 211; the Nebraska 
question in, 212, 214, 218, 224, 330, 331, 401, 
443, 444; taxation questions in, 219; the 
Presidential campaign of 1856 in, 221 ; 
Buchanan's chances in, 221; the "New 
York Tribune" in, 238; nomination of 
Lincoln for U. S. senatorship, 240, 485; 
workings of Dred Scott decision in, 243; 
disadvantages of Republican Party in, 
260-262; Douglas's arrangements with 
Democratic State Central Committee, 
274; Douglas's oiipositioa to Rucliananin, 
277; abolitionizingtlie Wliig Party in, 279; 
first State conventiouof Repid ilican Party, 
279, 280 ; repudiation scheme, 282 ; the 
negro question in, 284, 285, 344, 426, 435, 478, 
496, 497 ; Lovejov's declaration of prin- 
ciples for Rei>iiblicaii J'arty of, 324, 325; 
formation of Itepublican platform in, 331 ; 
varying plat forms ill, 337-339, 351 ; compact 
against till' Deniociacy, 340; shades of 
principle in Itepuldican Party of, 337 ; con- 
vention of National Democrnts at Spring- 
field, 351 ; Lincoln leads Aliolitionist Party 
in, 400; legislature carried liy Abolition 
Party in 1854, 401, 403; Matheny's state- 
ment in regard to bargain between Lin- 
coln and Trumbull, 402; prostitution of 
the Supreme Com-t, 421, 447, 567; use of 
federal power in elections, 42'.), 430, 492, 
513 ; energetic fight of Repnliliean Party 
in, 431 ; Douglas's charge that Kejiublican 
principles vary in different parts of state, 
431, 433, 434, 453, 4r.4, 4(;s-47(»: State con- 
vention of Republican I'arty at Spring- 
field, June, lS;-.,s, i:,c<: idatfornis of Repub- 
lican Congressional conventions in, in 
1854,465; power of Abolitionists in, 492; 
immigration into the free State of, 508; 
vote of Republican Party in, 1858, 520; 
Democratic sui)port for Lincidii for U. 8. 
Senate, 521; Itepuliliciin feeling for Doug- 
las in, 529-532; Mc< allister and Stelibins 
bonds, 536; admission as a State, 549, 571; 
French settlements in, 571; early owner- 
ship of, 571; Douglas's popular sover- 
eignty theory in regard to abolition of 
slavery in, 572 ; French slaves in, 572 ; 
possibility of vote of, in election of I860, 
575; wheat and corn harvests in, 578; im- 
portance of, to Repiildicaii Party in elec- 
tion of 1860,585; election of D(mglas to U. 
S. Senate, 592; proposed iiational conven- 
tion in, for election of lst:o, 595 ; the Hanks 
family in, 596, 639; legislative experience- 
in, 597 ; the " deep snow " in, 640 ; I^incoln's 
unsuccessful campaign for election to 



legislature, 641 ; elected to the legislature, 
641, 642; Lincoln's reelections to legisla- 
ture of, 642; resolutions of the legislatvtre 
of, regarding shnery, 642; election of 
Stuart to the legislature of, 642 ; Lincoln 
retires from tlie legislature, 642; Lincoln 
speaks for Gen. Taylor in, 643; vote for 
(tcu. Tavlor in Lincoln's disti-ict, 643; 
canvassing in, for Yates, 644; Douglas's 
electioniering tactics in, 648, 049; State 
Central Committee accepts Cassius M. 
Clay's services for campaign, (147 ; cam- 
paign of 1858 in, II, 9; troojis of, to be 
used in stopping outrages in 31issouri, 52 ; 
the President's home pride in, 90; gov- 
ernor of, requests the President to call 
for volunteers, 194; proposed enlargement 
of canals in, 267; develoiducnt of, 269; 
claims of, on sales of public lands, 395; 
I. N. Morris seeks interview regarding 
matters in, 408 ; insurrection in, 491 ; offer 
of troops from, 514, 515; to support Lin- 
coln in Baltimore Convention, 528; J. R. 
Freese in, 578: recruitingliy reiinsylvania 
in prison depots of, 579: national thanks 
to huntUed-day trooi>sof, r>s3 : Presidential 
election in, 613, 614 ; ratilies the Thirteenth 
Amendment, 633; Lincoln's residence in, 
601. Sec also Sanoamdn County. 

Illinois and Michigan Canal, remarks in Illi- 
nois legislature on, 1, 44; influence on gen- 
eral commerce, 125, 120; proposed enlarge- 
ment of, II, 267. 

Illinois Central Railroad, suit with McLean 
County in relati(m to taxes, I, 177; Lin- 
coln's "bill for services to, 219. 

Illinois election law, opinion on. I, 176. 

Illinois House of Reoresentatives, remarks 
before, Jan. 17, 1839, 1, 19, 20. 

Illinois judiciary, part.y spirit threatening 
the, I, 45-47. 

Illinois legislature, resolutions intx'oduced 
in, Nov. 28, 1840, I, 42 ; remarks in, Dec. 4, 
1840, 42, 43; remarks in, Jan. 23, 1841, 44; 
remarks in, Dec. 11, I84i», 43; remarks in, 
Dec. 12, 1840, 43; debate on Illinois and 
Michigan Canal, 44; protest in, against 
reorganization of the judiciary, 48. 

Illinois River, proposed improvement of, II, 
267. 

Illinois State Convention, Lincoln resolu- 
tion reported to, II, 527, 528. 

Illinois Supreme Court, foundation of, I, 45; 
changes in, 40-48; decision as to power of 
Governor to remove Secretary of State, 
299; prostitution of, 481 ; decision on elec- 
tion laws, 519. 

Imboden, Brig. -Gen. John D., in retreat for 
Harrisonburg, II, 428 ; supposition that he 
is sent to join Ewell, 429. 

Immigration, views on, I, 676; to new Ter- 
ritories, II, 101 ; encouragement of, 447, 
530,531,607; auginentation of population 
by, 587 ; advantages of, 007. 

Implied powers, II, 388. 

Imports, duties on. See Tariff. 

Improvements, discoveries, and inventions, 
lecture (m, I, 522-528. 

Inaugural Addresses: the first, I, 647, 11,1, 
217, 268; declarati(ni of policy in the, 30, 
33, .55, 56; reatfirmation of, 33, 65, 103; the 
second, March 4, ls(;5, (;5i',, 657. 

Inauguration of i86o, preparations for, I, 
660, 663, 664, 666-668. 

Independence Hall, Philadelphia, address 
in, Feb. 22, 1861, I, 690, 691 ; flag-raising 
over, 691-693. 

Indiana, public-land system compared with 
that of Illiuois, I, 20; poetry reminiscent 
of early life in, 86, 87 ; the Lincoln family 
in, 117, 596, 638, 639, 640 ; interested in Mis- 



716 . 



INDEX 



slssippi River iinprovcmcnts, 125; formed 
from Nortliwesh'iii 'J'erritory, 181, 549; 
"wei^lit in I'l-csidciitial campaign of 1856, 
221; position of Dciiioci-ats in, on admis- 
sion of Kai.sas, ■^■^'.)■, admission aw a i^tate, 
549, 5!)(; ; petitions (General (iovcrnment for 
power to sumpcnd slavery clause of Ordi- 
nance of 1787, 550; influence of Ordinance 
of 1787 on, 505, 570, 571 ; early ovraersbip 
of, 571; petitions Coniiress for rijibt to 
own slaves, 571 ; ("assius JM. t'lay speaks 
for Rei)ul)l!can ticl<( t in, (U5 ; Donsias's 
electioneering- taelies in, r.4s. G49 ; tears 
regardin.LT state elections in, G49 ; accept- 
ance of in\ itation to visit the legislature 
of, 666, 667 ; e inipment of troops from, II, 
74, 83, 84; ol).ieetions in, to promotion of 
Lt.-Col. VVooll, S3; governor of, requests 
tlie Presiilent to call for volunteers, 194; 
development of, 269; Congressional dele- 
gation supports Gen. Milroy for a com- 
mand, 402; oli'cr of troops from, 514,515; 
the President's anxiety concerning State 
elections in, 577, 578; the draft in, 578; 
national thanks to hundred-day troops 
of, 58:i; favoralile election in, 585; Presi- 
dential election in, oi;',, cu ; Lincoln raised 
in, 601 ; address to an ludiana regiment, 
661, 602. 

Indian agents, disloyal, II, 101. 

Indianapolis, acceptance of invitation to 
visit, I, 007; repl.v to address of welcome 
at, 072, 073; addiess to legislature of Indi- 
ana at, 673, 674; criticism in newspaper 
of, II, 82; Gen. Hovey at, 628. 

Indian affairs, reports of the Secretary of 
the Interior regarding, II, 451-453,610; re- 
modeling of system, 611. 

Indian corn, yield of, I, 577, 578. 

Indian reservations, treason in the, II, 124. 

Indians, invasion of, I, 5; cost of removal 
of, 33; paymentsto.by Van ]?uren admin- 
istration, 33 ; I )ougl;!s"s position on citizen- 
ship of, 2,s4 ; kill the President's grandfa- 
ther, 5'.k;, 638, 050 ; elfcct of the civil war 
on relations with the, II, 100, 101; ques- 
tion of their military employment by the 
Confederates, 101 ; loyalty of, 101 ; direc- 
tions to Gov. Kamsey concerning, 228; 
letter to John Koss concerning the loy- 
alty of the Cherokee Nation, 240, 300; con- 
demned to death, 2"i'J : treatment of loyal, 
in the Indian Territory, 207 ; compelled to 
enter into treaties with the insurgents, 
267 ; insul)ordinat ion of, 207 ; orders for 
execution of thirty-nine in Minnesota, 
280; outbreak of, in the Northwest, 310; 
disturbances in New Mexico, 447 ; out- 
breaks, 452; the wards of the government, 
452 ; removal of tribes, 452, 453 ; corre- 
spondence with Great Britain regarding 
pursuit of, into Hudson Bay Territoiies, 
476; proclamation concerning, 602, 663; 
supply of arms to, iirohibited, 662, 663. 

Indian system, proposed remodeling of, II, 
267, 453. 

Indian Territory, in the possession of tlie 
insurgents, II, 100, 101; rebellion of Indi- 
ans in, 207. 

Industrial classes, patriotism of the, II, 96. 

Industrial exhibition. See GREAT Britain. 

Industry, importance of, I, 3 ; prosperity of, 

II, 41H. 

" Inevitable conflict," the, II, 103. 
Infantry, increase of, in U. S. army, II, 42 ; 

advantaues of, 191. 
Inflation of the CTUTency, II, 300, 301. 
Ingalls, Col. Rufus, despatch from, II, 192; 

instructions to, 332. 
Ingham, Samuel, commis-siouer of customs, 

II, 44. 



Inland waters, regulation of commerce on 
the, II, 128; prize on, 610. 

Insurrection, declared to exist, II, 39; ques- 
tion of policy to be ptirsued in suppress- 
ing, 103; largely a war njion the rights of 
the people, 104 ; the President's lulief in 
Its culmination and subsidence, 125; in- 
ception of. Kit ; proclamation, July 1, 1862, 
aeti) existence of, 195. 

Insurrectionary States, order concerning 
the purchase of the products of, II, 579- 
581. 

Insurrections, the Republican Party 
charged with stirring up, I, 607-609, 624, 
025, 628. See Slave Insurrections. 

Intellect, as test of right to enslave, 1, 179. 

Intemperance, in the army, II, 415, 410; a 
disease, 410; the evils of, 416. See also 
Te:\ipici;an(;i;. • 

Intercourse with rebel States, in-oclama- 
tion forbidding, II, 75. 

Interest, an incentive to honesty, I, 27 ; 
blinding efl'ect of, 146; as test of right to 
enslave, 179. 

Interior region, development of, II, 269. 

Internal-improvement convention at Van- 
dalia, I, 8. 

Internal improvements, value of, I, 1 ; Con- 
gressional i;rantsof jiulilic lands to States 
for, 119, 120; speech, June 20, 1848, in U. 8. 
House of Representatives, on, 122-131; 
Democratic theory as to, 123 ; compared 
with protection of commerce on high. 
seas, 125; Caas i>arty opposed to, 138. See 

also PURLIC IJIPROVEMENTS. 

Internal polity, synonymous phrase for sla- 
very, I, 546. 

Internal revenue act, joint resolution re- 
specting, returned to House of Represen- 
tatives without iipproval, II, 624. 

Interstate slave-trade, interrogatory ad- 
dressed to Thompson Campbell in regard 
to, I, 352; Campbell's reply, 352; Repub- 
lican pledge to prohibit, 405 ; Lincoln's 
position on, 059, 669. 

Invalid corps, organization of, II, 449. 

Invasion, wliat is, 1, <!73. 

Invention, stinuilation of, I, 577. 

Inventions, discoveries, and improvements, 
lecture on, I, 522-528. 

Iowa, oi>]>osed to Clay, 1, 118; interested in 
Mississippi liiver improvements, 125; ap- 
pUcation of Missouri Compromise to, 183; 
organization and admission of, 182, 183, 187, 
192, 349; the Hanks family in, 639; lands 
granted to Lincoln for service in Black 
Hawk war, 641 ; troops of, to be used in 
stopping outrages in Missouri, II, 52 ; 
troops of, under Fremont, 84 ; lack of U. 8. 
circuit court in, 98; allotment commis- 
sioners for, J 12; development of, 269; Gen. 
Curtis's standing in, 402; the Union Paci- 
fic railroad in, 493; otter of troops from, 
514,515; nati()nal tliaid<s to lunidred-day 
troops of, 583; request to govern<ir of, to 
send returns of Presidential election, 602 ; 
Presidential election in, 613. 

Irish, status tuider the Declaration of Inde- 
pendeiH'e, I, 272. 

Iron, the illect of a protective tariff on, 1, 90. 

Ironclads, nund)er of, 11,450. 

Iroquois County, 111., claim of partizan ap- 
pointments in, I, 51. 

" Irrepressible conflict," use of the phrase, 
I, 567, 508, 613, 615, 619, 624, 631. 

Irwin, Robert, signs invitation to HeniT 
Clay, I, 68. 

Iverson, Senator Alfred, " scathing and 
withering speech" of, 1, 139, 140. 

Island Number Ten, Capt. Foote's services 
at, II, 19(). 



INDEX 



717 



Island of Vache, return of colonists from, II, 
477. 

Italy, correspondence with, resardins Trent 
iiffair, March 3, 18()'2, II, 128 ; relations 
With, 26H, 553; arbitrates in case of colli- 
sion between the Sun Jacinto and the 
Jules et Marie, 277 ; reply to the envoy 
from, 552, 553. 

Jackson, Andrew, on the constitutionality 
of a national bank, I, 30, 22'J, 255, 270, 2'J'J, 
•455; cost ot his administration, 31, 32; 
views on agriculture, 73; letter to Dr. 
Coleman, 73 ; on protection of American 
industries, 73 ; position on public im- 
provements, 139 ; the shelter of his mili- 
tary coat-tall, 140, 141 ; elected President, 
220; no sectionalism in election of, 222; 
vetoes recharter of the United States 
Bank, 229, 255, 256, 270, 455; position on 
binding political authoritv of Supreme 
Court decisions, 229, 255, 25(;, 270, 298, 299, 
421, 446, 455; opinion as to liow the U. 8. 
Constitution should bo suiijtortcd, 482; 
supported by Wliigs in NuUiliiatioii times, 
493, 515 ; vote for, as against Ueiiry Clay, 
in Lincoln's precinct, 641 ; methods of 
dealing with rebellion, II, 20; treatment 
of protestants against martial law, 350, 
351 ; tiued for contempt ot court in New 
Orleans, 351 ; the line refunded by Con- 
gress, 351. 

Jackson, Gen. Thomas J., movement toward 
Centreville, II, 158; Fremont ordered 
against, 159, 168; McDowell ordered 
against, 160 ; probable northward dash of, 
162; near Front Royal, 163, 179; forces 
Saxton's advance from Charlestown, 168 ; 
near Winchester, 168, 169; reinforcements 
for, 168, 179-181, 184, 185; near Bunker 
Hill, 169; doubt about his movements to- 
ward Harper's Ferry, 169, 170; strength at 
Winchester, 171; position, May 31, 1862, 
173; inquiry as to Shields's position 
in regard to, 175; inquiry as to bis po- 
sition, 175; Fremont's pursuit of, 177; 
iuquiry from Fremont as to reinforce- 
ments for, and position of, 179 ; inquii'y 
from Sigel as to reinforcements for, 179; 
position on the Shenandoah, 179, 180; 
criticism of movements opposing him at 
Strasburg and Front Royal, 180; danger 
ot his breaking through at Front Royal, 
180; to be Ici'iit from returning to Win- 
chester, 181); (letiatcd l)y Fremont, 180, 
181, 183; the President's views of his 
schemes, 181; orders to Fremont regard- 
ing attack by, 182; question of his defeat 
of Shields, 183; assignment of the Army 
of Virginia to the overcoming of, 188; 
position of, 201; crosses the Potomac at 
Williamsport, 233; severely wounded 
(killed). 332. 

Jackson, W. M., I, 354. 

Jackson County, Va,, excepted from insirr- 
rection proclamation, II, 195. 

Jacksonville, Fla., capture of, II, 140; Gen. 
Hunter's colored force at, 321 ; port de- 
clared closed. 670. 

Jacksonville, 111., citizens' meeting at. 1, 1 ; 
Lincoln's location of road froni'Musick's 
Ferry toward, 6; siteechltv Dnuulas at, 371, 
385-390 ; Gen. Singleton si>eaks at, 515. 

Jacob, Lt.-Gov. Richard T., 11, 601 ; ordered 
from Kentucky by General Burbridge, 
024; invited to Washington. 624; permit- 
ted to return to Kentuckv, 629. 

James, B. F., letters to, I, 82-85. 

James, Major, position on Mexican war, I, 
111. 

James River, gimboats on, II, 148, 149, 193, 



199 ; opening of, 152 ; question of McClel- 
lan's falling back toward the, 188; Mc- 
Clellau drixen liaek toward, IW; Burn- 
side ordeied tit send reintoreements to, 
190; McClcUan's position neai, and move- 
ments on, 191, 193; necessity of keeping 
open, 199; question of ojieratious on, 283; 
contest about route into i;icliniondby the, 
322; services of the National Guard of 
Ohio on the, 575. 

Jamestown, Va., abandonment of battery 
at, II, 148. 

Japan, letter to Tycoon of, II, 70, 71 ; ques- 
tion of opening" of treaty ports, 70, 71 ; 
relations with, 2ri3, 147, OO6 ; enlightened 
policy of the T.moou, 447 ; consular ser- 
vice in, 447; measures designed to bring 
the coimtry into the society of nations, 
447; acljustment of claims against, 606; 
I'copening ot the inland sea, OO6. 

Jaquess, Rev._ Dr. J. P., telegram to Gen. 
Rosecrans concerning contemplated visit 
of, II, 339 ; proposed mission for. 341 ; 
telegram to Gen. Schenck regarding, 369 ; 
informed as to Southern terms of peace, 
553. 

"Jargen Lorentzen," the, seizure of, II, 
138. 

Jay, John, a framer of the government, I, 
283 ; views on slavery, 515. 

Jayne, William, I, 598. 

Jefferson, Thomas, relative cost of his ad- 
ministration, I, 32 ; letter to Benjamin 
Austin, 73; on protection of American in- 
dustries, 73; on public improvements, 
127, 128 ; on the veto power, 136 ; on con- 
stitutionality of United States Bank, 136 ; 
position on slavery, 173, 181, 291, 292, 434, 
437, 545, 546, 608, 624 ; on admission of 
Missouri, 173; on gradual emancipation, 
173, 608; sponsor and author of the text 
of liberty, 174, II, 64, 366; distinguished 
services of, I, 181 ; position in regard to 
the Northwest Territory, 181 ; a slave- 
owner, 181, 434, 437; on the force and ef- 
fect of Supreme Court decisions, 270, 298, 
421, 447 ; a framer of the government, 283, 
569, 675 ; oracle and expounder of the 
Democratic faith, 353; his principles the 
definitions and axioms of free society, 
533 ; drafts Ordinance for government of 
Northwest Territory, 549; Lincoln ac- 
cused of using language derogatory to- 
ward, 651; scruples as to acquisition of 
territory, II, 102; d(^alh of, 366. 

Jefferson City, Mo., II, 71, 294. 

Jefferson Parish, excepted from declaration 
of Louisiana's state of rebellion, .Ian. 1, 
1863, II, 288. 

Jews, expulsion of, by Grant from his de- 
partment, II. 304. 

Johnson, Andrew, governor of Tennessee, 

I, 178 ; U. S. senator from Tennessee, 

II, 112; to communicate with Halleck, 
146, 203 ; correspondence with, 146, 176, 177, 
203, 248, 251, 253, 297, 318, 341, 404, 405, 408, 
507, 556, 557, 602, 628, 631, 637; measures of 
reprisal, 176 ; question addressed to, as to 
release of rebel prisoners, 170; despatch 
to, regarding seizure of rebels to exchange 
for Union men, 177 ; question as to exer- 
cise of executive clemency by, 177 ; re- 
quests the President to call for volunteers, 
194; troubled about raid into Kentucky, 
204; letter to, i-egarding election of repre- 
sentatives to Congress from Tennessee, 
248; despatch from, concerning trooiis 
for Tennessee, 253; inciuiry addressed to, 
concerning Capt. Todd, 2',)?; inquiiy ad- 
dressed to, regarding effects of battle of 
Miu'freesboro, 297; proposal to raise a 



718 



INDEX 



negro military force, 318 ; coTninimication 
to, coiK-eruiiiic (icn. (ietti's division, 
341; reports tronlilcs iu East Teniieesee, 
383 ; urjjed to collect troops, 404 ; to act iu 
cooperation with military authorities, 
404; notified that Tennessee is clear of 
armed insurrection, -tori ; letter to, regard- 
ing the Tennessee Constitution, 408; 
course as ti> reconstruction, 482,486-488; 
oath prescribed by, 486, 488; case of W. 
M. Bell referred to, 507 ; despatch to, re- 
specting ( ;ener:ils (iillam and Schurz, 556; 
desiiat('l) to, concerning Gillam and Heis- 
kell, 557; his dntv to preserve the peace, 
588; proclanialio'n 1)V, Sept. 30, 1864, re- 
garding Presidential election, 588, 589; 
cases of Kinney, Carter, and Owens re- 
ferred to, 602 ; eondeums Young, Mallory, 
and Bridges, 621, 622; annoimees ordi- 
nance of'emaucipation, 628; asked for 
suggestions as to military .governor, 628; 
arrangements for the inauguration, 631; 
despatch to, concerning the McKendree 
Church, 637 ; diseluuge of rebel prisoners 
on representations of, 6G0. 

Johnson, Bradish, correspondence 'With, II, 
356; on couiinittee of Louisiana planters 
to seeli recognition of the State, 356. 

Johnson, Gen. Edward, proliable northward 
dash of, II, 162; position. May 31, 1862, 
173. 

Johnson, J. M., position on raising addi- 
tional military force, March 29, 1848, 1, 116, 
117. 

Johnson, Reverdy, letters to, II, 37, 38, 214, 
215 ; report of, 283. 

Johnson, Richard M., favors social and polit- 
ical ectuality between negroes and whites, 

I, 370, 540. 

Johnson, , State Senator of Kentucky, 

letter to. II, 43. 

Johnson, William S., a framer of the Consti- 
tution, I, 600. 

Johnson's Island, O., release of prisoners at, 

II, 603 ; Lieut. John A. Stephens prisoner 
of war at, 635 ; telegram to officer com- 
manding at, 635. 

Johnston, -, letters to, I, 85-89. 

Johnston, John D., letters to, I, 160, 164-166; 
makes trip to New Orleans, 640, 641 ; re- 
moves to Coles County, 641. 
Johnston, Gen. J. E., Grant moving against, 
II, 339 ; camped between Brownsville and 
Lexington, 339 ; war news from, in Rich- 
mond papers, 339 ; Eosecrans asked to 
keep Bragg fi-om helping him against 
Grant, 341 ; treason of, 348 ; Bragg sent to 
Ms assistance, 385 ; menaces Grant at 
Vicksburg, 385, 422; services, of hundred- 
day troops against, 583. 
Johnston, Sally, married to Thomas Lincoln 

(Abraham Liucoln's father), I, 639. 
Johnsonville, Confederates destroy gun- 
boats at, II, 593. 
Joint debates : 
Challenge and arrangements for, I, 273- 

277. 
Ottawa. 111., Aug. 21, 1858, I, 277-305 
(Douglas's opening, 277-286 ; Lincoln's re- 
ply, 286-300; Douglas's reioiuder,300-305). 
Freeport-, 111., Aug. 27, 1858, 1, 305-335 (Liu- 
coln's opening, 305-313 ; Douglas's reply, 
313-329 ; Liucoln's rejoinder. 330-335). 
Jonesboro, 111., Sept. 15, J858, I, 335-369 
(Douglas's opening, 33.5-S46; Lincoln's 
reply, 346-362 ; Douglas's rejoinder, 362- 
369). 
Charleston, 111., Sept. 18, 1858, I, 3G9-412 
(Lincoln's opening, 369-390; Douglas's 
reply, 390-406-; Lincoln's rejoinder, 406- 
412). 



Galesburg, 111., I, 427-455 (Douglas's open- 
in^;-, 427-437; Lincoln's reply, 437-450; 
Douglas's rejoinder, 4.50-455). 
Quincy, 111., Oct. 13, 1858, I, 456-485 (Lin- 
coln's opening, 456-465 ; Douglas's reply, 
465-479; Lincoln's rejoinder, 480-485). 
Alton, 111., Oct. 15, 1858, I, 485-518 (Doug- 
las's opening, 485-496; Lincoln's reply, 
496-513; Douglas's rejoinder, 513-518). 
Eequests for eoi>ies of, I, 596. 

Joliet, 111., Democratic convention at, I, 3C3. 

Jonas, A., letter to, I, 646. 

Jones, Thos. D.,rceommeudedforconsulate, 
II, 658. 

Jonesboro, IU., joint debate at, see Joint 
Debates. 

Jonesboro, Burnside ordered to neglect, and 
go to Rosecrans' as.sistance, II, 410. 

Jordan, Warren, telegram to, II, 486; ap- 
pointed to hold election in Cheatham 
County, Tenn., 486; telegram from, con- 
cerning reconstruction in Tennessee, 486 ; 
telegram to, concerning election in Cheat- 
ham County, Tenn., 487. 

"Journal," I, 277, 642, 643. 

Judd, Norman B., against the Nebraska 
bill, I, 214 ; indorses Lincoln's fee-bill 
against the Illinois Central R. R. Co., 219; 
makes arrangements for the joint debates 
between Lincoln and Douglas, 273, 274; 
expectations of nomination as U. S. Sena- 
tor, 403; letters to, 520, 594, 598; draft of 
apportionment law, 520; pecuniary trans- 
actions between Lincoln and, 521 ; charged 
with having played Lincoln false in sena- 
torial cout(;st, 594, 595 ; loyalty to Repub- 
lican Party, 595. 

Judicial decisions, force, eflfect, and value 
of, I, 228, 229, 255, 256, 270, 298, 299, 421, 446, 
447, 455. 

Judicial disbursements, fiscal year, 1861-62, 
II, 265. 

Judicial machinery, open to charge of trea- 
son, II, 124. 

Judicial system, proposed reorganization 
of, II, 97, 98. 

Judiciary, Jefferson on the, I, 270. 

"Jules et Marie," the, collision with the Sati 
Jacinto, II, 277. 

Juries, weakness of, II, 347. 

Jurisdiction, the exercise of, a test in Mex- 
ican question, I, 105. 

Jury, right to trial by, II, 346. 

Kanawha County, Va., excepted from in- 
surrection proclamation, II, 195. 

Kansas, formation of, 1, 182 ; application of 
Missouri Compromise to, 183 ; bill for Ter- 
ritorial government, 186 ; the slavery ques- 
tion in, 192. 217, 218, 287, 408, 415, 423, 424, 
454, 636 ; Speed's position on border war- 
fare, 217 ; Constitutional convention, 227 ; 
Douglas on the election, 227 ; the liccomp- 
ton Constitution, 242, 296, 297, 346, 407, 408, 
430, 490, 636; formation of State constitu- 
tion, 249-251 ; Douglas's bill for organiza- 
tion of, 278; plans of Republican Party in 
regard to, 280; question of, and xilans for, 
admission into the Union, 314, 315, 356, 364, 
367, 372 ct seq., 383, 387, 392, 414, 427-430, 468, 
489-491, 530, 691 ; conference among U. S. 
senators in regard to Enabling Act for, 
371 et seq. ; Trumbull's charge of plot to 
fonn constitution for, 371 et seq., 411; 
Bigler's declaration about conference in 
regard to Enabling Act tor, 411 ; the Eng- 
lish bill, 491, 492; Douglas on the popula- 
tion question, 491, 492; how far self-gov- 
ernment en,ioyed by, 503; squatter sover- 
eignty in, 535; speeches in, Dec. 1-5, 1859, 
585-594; Republican convention in, 588; 



INDEX 



719 



instructs delegates for (Reward in 18fi0, 
633; claiiu of Republican National Cou- 
ventiou of 1860 for adiriinMiou of, 637; in- 
quiries a))out api>oiiitnieiits in, II, 10; 
troops from, to ))(> used in stoi>piii}i out- 
rayos in Missouri, ">•_'; (icn. Lane to raise 
Yolnntc(isiii,r>4 ; question of ai)pointment 
of iSenator Lane as lirijradier-;;'eueral, 72; 
troops under Fremont, 8-t ; Lane's opera- 
tions on border of, 87 ; lack of U. 8. circuit 
court in, i»8 ; troops sent to, 113 ; question 
of sending,' Gen. Denver to, 140, 141; de- 
velopment of, 269; request for considera- 
tion for governor of, 328; J. H. Lane asked 
to adjust affairs in, 328; complaints of 
military intei'ference in elections in, 328; 
tbe governor of, to be placed on same 
footing as governors of other loyal States, 
371; question of taking the State out of 
Gen. Blunt's department, 373; Judge 
Lynch in, 3'.U : demands from, forremoval 
of Gen. 8chotl(>ld, 401 ; outra.j^e in, 402; 
Gen. Curtis proposed aa militai'y com- 
mander in, 462; question of exceptional 
treatment of troops of, captured by Con- 
federates, 469 ; matter of appointment of 
assessor in, 520; indorsement on letter of 
Gov. Carney, respecting affairs in, 521, 
522; faction in, on question of raising 
troops, 522 ; offers to furnish troops, 522 ; 
the President's estimate of the people of, 
522; request to governor of, to send re- 
turns of Presidential election, C02 ; Presi- 
dential election in, 614. 

Kansas City, troubles expected near, II, 
475. 

Kansas-Nebraska bill, the, 1, 278, 279, 427, 435, 
474-478, 493-495, 546, 636. 

Kaskaskia, 111., slavery in, I, 204, 571. 

Kearny, Maj.-Gen. Philip, patriotism of, II, 
258. 

" Kearsarge," the, destruction of the Ala- 
bama hy, II, 603. 

Keenan, Mrs., desires a pass through the 
lines, II, 511. 

Kelley, Judge W. D., question of renomina- 
tion to Congress, II, 536 ; the President's 
estimate of, 536; opposition of the Phila- 
delphia postmaster to his renomination, 
558. 

Kellogg, 'William, letter to, I, 657; inquires 
as to compromise on the"vexed question," 
668 ; recommended to the Secretary of the 
Treasury, II, 358; letter to, concerning 
trading "in the army, etc., 358; letter to, 
358, 359. 

"Xelly's Ford, Va., Meade's success at, II, 
437. 

Kelsoe, John A., bill for surveying, I, 6. 

Kendall, Amos, Postmaster-General, I, 109. 

Kennedy, Dr., apprehensions of, concerning 
Louisiana elections, II, 255. 

Kent, Chancellor James, on powers of 
Congress in regard to public improve- 
ments, 1, 127, 128 ; eulogized as a lawyer, 
128. 

Kentucky, contested election cases, I, 79; 
the Lincoln family in, 116, 117, 177, 596, 638, 
639; interested in Mississippi River im- 
provements, 125 ; election of Henr3' Clay 
to legislature, 169; Henry Clay elected 
Speaker, 169; formerly part of "Virginia, 
181; slavery in, 192; failure of gradual 
emancipnti<m scheme in, 215; weight in 
Presidential campaign of 1856, 221 ; status 
of negi'o in, 344, 435; slavery in, not a re- 
sult of climatic conditions, 570, 571 ; Lin- 
coln's birth in, 596, 638, 644, 11, 661 ; diffl- 
culty in land titles in, I, 639 ; emigration 
of Lincoln from, 646 ; Douglas's election- 
eering tactics in, 648 ; Seward looks to, for 



revival of Union sentiment, II, 13 ; Major 
Anderson ordei'cd to raise troops in, 43; 
the President's intentions toward, 66; 
question of jiresence of Federal troops in, 
76,77; caution to be oliserved in dealing 
with, 77; a vital point, si; otijections of 
tlie legislature to Fremont's' jiroclama- 
tion, 81 ; importance of holding, sy ; troops 
from, 83, 103; Federal forces in, ,s4 ; i)ro- 
posed railroad (•ouneetionsl)ct\\-een loyal 
regions of Tennessee and North Carolina 
with, 94, 95; Union sentiment in, 103; 
troops sent to, 113; aboundary of rebellion, 
131; the President seeks conference with 
representatives from, 132; estimated cost 
of emancipation in, 132, 138, number of 
slaves in, 138; included in Halleck's de- 
partment, 177 ; exi)osed to Confederate at- 
tack, 190; President of Military Board of, 
requests the President to call for volun- 
teers, 194; Confederate raids into, 204,257, 
511, 589; stampede in, 206; treatment of 
escheated slaves by, 210; request that 
Gen. Morgan be ordered to, 244; guerilla 
warfare in, 248; Cimfederate scrip circu- 
lated in, 257; development of, 269; pro- 
posed special force in,29:t; doubts about 
her loyalty, 293; satislaetoiy results of the 
election in, 382 ; Mrs. Helm returns to, 458, 
559 ; sending troops out of, 467, 471 ; letters 
to Gov. Bramlette regarding affairs in, 
467, 470, 471 ; exemption of, from order of 
War Department relating to the Metho- 
dist Church, 481 ; question of adjustment 
of quota of, 505, 506 ; enlistment of colored 
troops in, 506; needed railroad lines in, 
516 ; revival of rebellion in, 542 ; suspen- 
sion of habeas corpus in, .542, 543; success 
of the rebellion in, 542 ; martial law estab- 
lished in, 543; secret order in, 573; out- 
rages against Union men in, 590, 591 ; as- 
sessments in, 590, 591 ; devising means of 
pacification and harmony for, 601 ; forma- 
tion of new Constitution in, 612 ; crops 
in, 612; Presidential election in, 613; ex- 
pul.sion of Lt.-Gov. Jacob from, 624; mis- 
understanding among Union men, 629; 
Lt.-Gov. Jacob permitted to retm-n to, 
629; discharge of rebel prisoners from, 
660. 

Key, MajorJohnJ., dismissal of, 11,241, 242. 

Key, , death of, II, 242. 

Key, Col. Thomas M., interview with Gen. 
Cobb on the Chickaliomiiiy, II, 626. 

Keyes, Lt.-Col. E. D., military secretary, 
order to, II, 31 ; brigadier-general, to com- 
mand Fourth Corps. Army of the Poto- 
mac, 130; relations with McClellan, 149; 
memorandum, July 9, 1862, of questions 
and answers in interview between the 
President and, at Harrison's Landing, 
Va., 201. 202. 

Keys, , I. 49, 50. 

Keystone Club, Buchanan's declaration of 
his principles to, I, 477. 

Key West, Fla., proposal to strengthen, II, 
22 ; Attorney-General Bates advocates its 
maintenance, 27 ; proposed line of fast 
vessels between New York, Norfolk, and, 
28 : Seward advises putting under mai'- 
tial law, 29; order regarding suspension 
of habeas corpus at, 45; excepted from 
declaration of States in state of rebellion, 
322 : port of, declared closed, 670; open to 
commerce, 671. 

Killion, Michael, survey for new road by, 
1,6. 

Kilpatrick, Judson, II, 335, 492. 

Kimball, Gen., bearer of despatches to Gen. 
Steele regarding reconstruction of Arkan- 
sas, II, 467. 



720 



INDEX 



King, Senator, difficulty with, regarding 
appoiutineiits, II, 68. 

King, Rufus, a ti'iimcr of tlio CoDstltutiou, 
1,600-602; votes for prohibition of shivc-ry 
and against compromises in Missouri, I, 
602. 

King, Gen. Rufus, reports reiuforcementa 
for Jackson, II, 168, 184 ; Gen. Scott's views 
as to movemt-nts of his brigade, 187 ; in- 
quiry concerning. 221. 

King, Turner R., recouimendcd for office 
of Register of Land Office at Spriugflcld, 
111., I, 152, 153, 155, 156; opposition to ap- 
pointment of, 154-156. 

King, William R., elected acting Vice-Pi'es- 
ideut, I, 220; election and death of, 222, 
223. 

Kingsbury, Capt., II, 82. 

Kingston, Tenn., Burnside at, II, 403, 413; 
Kosecrans to hold the road to, 424. 

Kinney, Alexander B., question of release 
of, II, 602. 

Kinney, Capt., introduced to Gen. Grant, 
II, 506, 507. 

Kinzie, Robert, I, 37, 41. 

Kirby, Spencer, letter to, II, 441, 442; on 
committee .of a meeting at Cooper Insti- 
tute, to promote raising of volunteers, 
441. 

Kirkland, C. P., letter to, II, 278; letter to 
Benjamin R. Curtis from, 278. 

Knob'Creek, Ky., residence of Thomas Lin- 
coln at, I, 63U. 

Know-nothing Party, creed of, I, 218; Lin- 
coln not a memhor of, 218, 519, 646, 647 ; 
compact for the election of Lincoln as 
U. S. Senator, 340. See also American 
Party. 

Knox, Thomas W., court-martialed, and 
excluded from Gen. Grant's headquar- 
ters, II, 317; revocation of sentence of, 
317. 

Knoxville, Tenn., proposed railroad connec- 
tions with, II, i)5, 516 ; proposed movement 
to cut the railroad near, 126; boundary 
line of Department of the Mississippi, 
137 ; Fremont's promises regarding the 
railroad at, 182; Burnside at, 403, 410, 
413-415, 437 ; lighting reported by Wilcox 
at, 441; Grant's success at, 457; Gens. 
Grant and Foster at, 471 ; Gen. Blair's ser- 
vices in relief of, 516. 

Koerner, Gustav, governor of Illinois, intro- 
duced to Ilallcck. II, 117 ; to settle troubles 
with German troojis in Missouri, 117. 

Koppel, Herman, coiidciiniation of his prop- 
erty at Charleston, for breach of blockade, 
II, 305. 

Kuhn, , appeal for mercy, II, 401. 

Labor, amount expended the value of the 
article produced, 1, 90 ; useless, 90, 92; use- 
less, the pensioner of meritorious, 92; 
the pi'ice of all necessaries, 92; effect of 
cessation of all, for one year, 95 ; a com- 
mon burden and common cm-se, 179 ; i-ela- 
tions with capital, 573, 574, 581, 625, II, 105, 
106, 502 ; the source of suppl.v for human 
wants, I, 573, 580; hired, distinguished 
from slave, 574 ; how applied, 580-582; free, 

581, 582; combination of education and, 

582, 583 ; strikes of, 615 ; that of slaves an 
injury to whites, 619; condition of, in 
New England, 625; adequate wages for, 
637 ; carriage a dead loss of, 679 ; protec- 
tion of, against a vicious currency, II, 
265, 301; the emanciiiation question and 
free white, 274, 275 ; the market value of, 
275 ; demand for, 447 ; a revolution of, 435; 
should it be bought or hired, 502; high 
price of, 611. See also Capital. 



Lafayette, Marquis de, I, 606; letter fi'om 
M^ashington to, 627. 

Lafourche Parish, La., excepted from dec- 
laration of Louisiana's state of rebellion, 
Jan. 1, 1863, II, 288. 

La Harpe, 111., residence of President Lin- 
coln's cousins, 1, 117. 

Lai, , appeal for mercy, II, 401. 

Lake Providence, inquii\v from Gen. Hurl- 
but for news from, II, 318. 

" La Manche," the, claim of owners of, on 
U. 8. Government, II, 483. 

Lamborn, , on errors of the administra- 
tion, I, 31, 35, 36; prosecutes in Fisher 
nuirder trial, 49. 

Land, enhancement of value of, I, 578. 

Land bill. Clay's indorsed by Whig Party, I, 
75, 76. 

Lander, Brig. -Gen. P., his division to be 
formed into the Fifth Corps, Army of Poto- 
mac, II, 131. 

Land-offices, absorbers of money, I, 24. 

Land resolutions, passage of Lincoln's, I, 
37. 

Lane, Col., reports Owensborough in pos- 
session of the enemy, II, 80. 

Lane, Senator, H. S., introduces Dr. Winston 
to (Jen. Grant, II, 523. 

Lane, Gen. J. H., appointed brigadier-gen- 
eral of volunteers and to raise volunteers 
in Kansas, II, 54 ; resolution of Senate 
regarding his appnintimiit as general, 71; 
question of his apiioiutuient as luiiiadier- 
general, 72; operations on Kansas border, 
87 > effect of his operations in Missouri, 
113; relations with Gen. Hunter, 119, 123; 
corresixindence with, 123, 328, 371, 401; 
asked to adjust affairs in Kansas, 328; 
comnumieation to, regarding Gov. Car- 
ney, 371; demands the removal of Gen. 
Seiiofleld, 401; opposition to Gov. Carney, 
522. 

Lane Expedition, the, plan of, II, 119. 

Langdon, John, I, 600-602. 

Langford, . in Fisher murder case, I, 51. 

Lanphier, Charles H., aliened forgeries by, 
in re.tjard to Siiriiiglield resolutions, 1,319, 
443-445, 452, 465, 466, 483, 4H4. 

Lardner, Capt. John L., services at Port 
Royal, II, 203; i-ecommended for thanks 
of Congress, 203. 

Larned, Major , difficulty over appoint- 
ment as paymaster in Rosecrans's army, 
II, 315, 316. 

La Rue County, Ky., birth of Lincoln in, I, 
638, 644. 

La Salle, Tex., port of, declared closed, II, 
670. 

Latin, a high accomplishment in Spencer 
County, lud., I, 596. 

Law, necessity of regard for, I, 9-15 ; notes 
for lecture on, 162-164; Lincoln's study 
and practice of, 597, 641-643; how to 
study, 651 ; the intention of the lawgiver, 
11,2. 

Law of nations, institution of blockade in 
accordance with, II, 35; privateers and 
the, 50. 

Lawrence, 111., claim of partizan appoint- 
ments at, I, 51. 

Lawrence, Rev. , supports Lincoln for 

U. 8. Senatorship, I, 213, 

Lawrence, Kan., outrage at, II, 402; mas- 
sacre at, 422. 

Lawrenceburg, Ind., Gov. Morton asks for 
troops and guns for, II, 83. 

Laws, reformation of, 1, 3 ; repeal of bad, 12 ; 
effect of moral sense of the people on 
enforcement of, II, 6, 268 ; a class of, whose 
object is to distribute burdens or benefits 
on the principle of equality, 391. 



INDEX 



721 



L,aws, , prevented from passing the 

lines, II, 634. 

Lawyers, advice to, I, 162-164. 

Leary, , memberof Cousress from Mary- 
laud, II, 133; attends conference at the 
Wuite House, 133. 

Leavenworth, Kan., speech in, I, 585 et seq. ; 
growth of, 632 ; complaints of military 
interferen(ie in election at, II, 328. 
[ Leavitt, Judge, case of habeas corpus be- 
fore, II, 336. 

" Lebanon," river voyage on the steamer, I, 
52, 53. 

Lebanon, Ky., proposed railroad connec- 
tions with. II, 95. 

Le Blond, F. C, letter to, II, 360-363. 

Lecompton Constitution, rights of the peo- 
ple of Kansas to make, I, 242; Douglas's 
connection with, 250, 261, 256, 262-266, 345, 
346, 383, 422, 427-430, 442, 490-492 ; difference 
between BuchMuaii and Douglas over, 263, 
264,407, 408, 503: Lincoln on, 204-266,424; 
its primary defeat and Unal passage, 265; 
provision for amendment of, 296, 297 ; the 
Washington "Union" and, 296, 297, 333, 
334; split in Democratic Party over, 442, 
443; Biichiiiiaii urgr,s adoption of, 425; 
question as to adtiiissioii of Kansas undci', 
427; rejected by Kansas, 4:i0; tlic Kn^lish 
bill, 491, 492; Crittenden mcasiiic for suli- 
mission of, 530; Monti^onu ly lacasurcfor 
submission of, 530; designed to settle the 
slavery question, 613, 617; Democratic 
action in regard to, condemned bj' the 
Republican National Convention of 1860, 
636. 

Lecture, on discoveries, inventions, and 
improvements, I, 522-528. 

Lee, Judge-Advocate, letter from the Presi- 
dent's private secretary, JohuG. Nicolay, 
to, II, 175. 

Lee, Gen. R. E., position in front of Burn- 
side, II, 259 ; his defeat the main object of 
the Army of Potomac, 295, 345, 409 ; de- 
spatch of, in Kiclimond papers, announc- 
ing defeat of Hooker. 3;.i; losses of, 334; 
advice to Hooker couccrniiii;- nioveraents 
of, on the IJaiipaliannoek.iUl, 345; treason 
Of, 348 ; McCiellau's lost elianee to defeat, 
354; his return toward Harper's Ferry, 
354 ; Meade in pursuit of, 3G7 ; movements 
after Gettysburg, 367 ; Meade urged to 
attack, 366, 367; retreat across the Poto- 
mac, 367, 369, 373 ; the nia;;intude of the 
misfortun(^ involved in his escape after 
Gettysburg, 369; the President's \iews as 
to Meade's course with, after (iettysbnrg, 
377; reinforcenjcnt of, 377; his chaiie<'s 
against Meade, 396; ad visaldlity of Meade's 
nio\ in;;- asiainst, 408, 409; strength of his 
army defending i;ielimo7ul, 409; numeri- 
cal infeiiority to Meade, 409; withdrawal 
of Lonustree't from, 425; Meade ;i voids a 
collision with, 425; estimated strength 
of, 425; destroys the Alexandria and Or- 
ange rai!ro;id', 428; movement against 
Meade, 428 ; proiiosition that the Army 
of Potomac attack, 429; (irant advised 
to confer with, respecting destruction 
of private property, 561; ]>rohal)inty of 
his reinforeinu Iviil,\', 5S3 ; inst met Ions 
to Grant re.i;:ii'dinu' eonferenee witli. (■,.■>(•, ; 
returns the Kussell letter, &'ui; surrender 
of, 672. 

Lee, Rear-Adm. S. P., recommended for 
thanks of Congi-ess, II, 151 ; draft of tele- • 
gram to, 364 ; telegi-am to, 364. 

Leesburg, Va., threatened by the Con- 
federates, II, 161 ; war news from, 356, 
358. 

Legal decisions, uses of, I, 255. 

Vol. II.— 46. 



Legal precedents, I, 228, 229. 

Legal tender, II, 264. 

Legislation, should be free from influence 
of Presidential elections, I, 139 ; veto 
powers of the President in regard to, 
492. 

Legislature, cannot do by indirection what 
it cannot do directly, I, 567. 

Lellyett, John, letter to, II, 588, 589. 

Lending money, 1, 164, 165. 

Lester, John H., contiscatiou of money of, 
II, 583. 

Letcher, R. P., contested election case, I, 
79. 

Letter, publication of a, without consent of 
writer or receiver, as cause for arrest, II, 
36S. 

Letter of acknowledgment, II, 386. 

Letters, the President's views on the publi- 
cation of his, II, 368; publication of the 
President's, in 8t. Louis, 372. For letters 
to and from Abraham Lincoln, see the 
names of their authors and recipients, 
2>assiin . 

Letters of marque. Confederate issue of, 
II, 35. 

Lewis, Alpheus, communication to, regard- 
ing treatment of freedmen in Arkaiisas, 
II, 473, 474. 

Lewis, James T., governor of Wisconsin, II, 
515 ; telegram to, respecting hundred-day 
troops, 524. 

Lewis, Thomas, on committee of re.solu- 
tious in favor of Hungarian freedom, I, 
158. 

Lewisburg, Va., success of Averell and 
Duffl6 at, II, 437. 

Lewis County, Va., excepted from insurrec- 
tion proclamation, II, 195. 

Lexington, Ky., Thomas Lincoln's residence 
near, I, 117; settlement of Ilcnrv Clavin, 
169; Mrs. Lincoln's iiirtliidai-e and resi- 
dence, 177,642; railroads to Cineiniiati and 
Louisville from, in l"c(h'ial liiinds, II, S3; 
Federal and ( 'oiifeder:ite forces near, .S3, 
84; conteniplaced eciieenlration of troops 
at, 84 ; propi >scd railroad connections with, 
95; J. E. .lohustou's camp near, 339; Bur- 
bridKC at, 533, 573, 581, 596. 

Liberia, neuro coloulzation in, 1, 187, 268, 288, 
II, 263; recognition of indepeudeuce of, 
95,96; colony of, 224; commercial treaty 
with, 263; lu'oposal to furuish a gun- 
boat to, 605; oftlcial correspondence with, 

605. 

Liberties, civil and religious. II, 148. 

Liberty, pillais of the temple of, I, 14, 15; 
Clay's love of, 171, 174; definitions of the 
word, II, 513. 

Liberty of speech, II, 347. 

Liberty of the press, II, 347, .525. 

Library of Congress, pulilicat ions presented 
to, by tlie IJritisli 3Iusenni, 11, 2«1. 

License, of coinniereial intereouise, 11,320; 
to pass hloekadc at IJrownsville, 485. 

" Life of Washington " (Weems), I, 688. 

" Life of W. H. Harrison," I, 39. 

Lima, Peru, joint commission at, for settle- 
ment of claims, II, 446. 

Lincoln, Abraham. For incidents of his 
life, transactions, corresi)ondence, etc., 
see the various topics throughout this 
Index. 

Lincoln, Mrs. Abraham, 1, 89, II, 575; " com- 
ini;- events," I. 82; conllnement, 1851, 165; 
letters, telegrnms, etc., to, II, 382, 413, 517, 
536, 540, 569, 575; letter to. giviiii; account 
of l)atfle of t'liielcam:iu;;a. 413 : cousins of, 
430; invites Cens. (irant and Meade to 
dinner at White House, 494 ; visit to For- 
tress Monroe, 510; sickness of, 511; mes- 



722 



INDEX 



sage to, about Tad and the goats, 517 ; in 
New York, 517, 540; at Boston, 536; tele- 
gram to, 536 ; despatcb to, concerning the 
tamily, 509, 575 ; at Manchester, Vt., 569, 
575; accoiiii>ani('s tlie President to City 
Point, 664 ; lea \cs ( ity Point for Washing- 
ton, 666. Sc(! also '1\)DD, Maky. 

Lincoln, David, letters to, I, 116, 117; first 
cousin of the President's father, 177. 

Lincoln, Edward Baker, death of, I, 161. 

Lincoln, Isaac, i^reat-iuacle of the President, 
I, 117, 177, Oas, 650. 

Lincoln, Jacob, frreat-uncle of the President, 
I, 117, 638, <■,.-)(»; descendants of, 638. 

Lincoln, Jesse, letter to, I, 177. 

Lincoln, John, great-uncle of the President, 
I, 117, 638, 6.5(»; desceii(huits of, 638. 

Lincoln, Josiah, uncle (if the President, I, 
117, 177; settled in Hancock County, Ind., 
638. 

Lincoln, Mary, aunt of the President, mar- 
ries Ralph Crume, I, 639 ; descendants of, 
639. 

Lincoln, Mordecai, uncle of the President, 
I, 117; settled in Hancock County, HI., 
117; family legend of, 177; descendants 
of, 638. 

Lincoln, Mordecai, cousin of the President, 
I, 117. 

Lincoln, Nancy, aunt of the President, mar- 
ries William Brumfleld, I, 639. 

Lincoln, Nancy (mother of the President), 
care for, I, 166; death of, 639. See also 
Hanks, Nancy. 

Lincoln, Robert T., II, 569, 575; anecdote of 
early life, I, 89; education, 645; at Cam- 
bridge, 585 ; the President's uneasiness as 
to his health, 585 ; is gi-aduated at Harvard, 
630 ; desires to enter tht; military service, 
630; with Grant at City Point, 664; tele- 
gram to, March 21, 1865,664. 

Lincoln, Thomas, father of the President, I, 
117 ; letter to, 147 ; death of, 177 ; removes 
from Kentucky to Indiana, 596; lack of 
education, 596, 639; birthplace of, 638; 
early life of, 639; settles in Kentucky, 639; 
makes a cle;iriii.u- in Indiana, 639; resi- 
dence at Kno)) (i-eek, Ky., 639; migi-ates 
from Indiana to Illinois, 640; removes 
from Macon County to Coles Coimty, 041 : 
born in Rockingham County, Va., 650. 

Lincoln, Thomas (Tad), SOU of the Presi- 
dent, II, 509, 575; message to, about the 
goats, 382; visits Grant, 536. 

Lincoln, Thomas, cousin of the President, 
I, 117. 

Lincoln, Thomas, great-uncle of the Presi- 
dent, I, 117,038, 650. 

Lincoln, Thomas, imcle of Jesse Lincoln, 

I, 177. 

Lincoln, hatred of the name of, in the South, 

II, 92. 
Lincoln, 111., I, 274. 

Lincoln collection, of Charles F. Gunther, 
I, 522. 

Lincoln family, early settlements of, 1, 116, 
117; in New England, 596; emigrated to 
Virginia from Pennsylvania, 596; origi- 
nally Quakers, 638. 

Lincoln's administration, begins with ad- 
verse majorities in House and Senate, II, 
12. 

Linder, U. F., letter to, I, 112; speech in 
IlUnois lei;:islature on Ewing and Butter- 
field, 159, 160. 

Liquor traffic, views on, I, 58-60. 

Little, S., accepts Lincoln's guarantee of 
Henry Chew for furniture. I, 412. 

Little, S. H., signer of Whig circular, I, 
47 

Littl^ickory, I, 141. 



Little River turnpike, Jackson's movements 
on, II, 158. 

Little Rock, Ark., reconstruction experi- 
ment at, II, 467 ; provisions for qualifying 
governor ,at, 472 ; Gen. Steele at, 487. 

Live-stock, order concerning exportation 
of, II, 403. 

Living, increased cost of, through inflation 
of the currency, IT, 301. 

Lloyd, Robert, bill for surveying, I, 6. 

Loans, to government, I, 73, 74; Treasury 
receipts from, fiscal year 1861-62, II, 265 ; 
raising money by way of, 301. 

Local affairs, a Representative's duty in re- 
gard to, 1, 1. 

Local appointments, necessity of attending 
to, II, 29. 

Local issues, danger of, in national conven- 
tions, I, 535. 

Local self-government, I, 541, 573, 586. 

Local uprisings, II, 87. 

Locke, Erie, letter to, I, 667. 

Locofoco Party, opposition to, 1, 110; posi- 
tion on Mexican war, 110; disgruntled 
members support Gen. Taylor, 122 ; effect 
of nomination of Taylor on, 122. 

Logan, Gen. John A., extended leave for, II, 
387 ; at Carbondale, 596, 597 ; invitation to, 
to visit Washington, 596, 597. 

Logan, Stephen T., I, 45 ; on Whig com- 
mittee, 72 ; signs Whig circular, 79 ; 
drafts resolutions on death of Judge Pope, 
161; opinion on Illinois election law, 176- 
action on McCallister and Stebhins honds> 
536. 

Logan County, 111., weight in Congressional 
election, I, 80 ; position in election of 1846, 
84. 

Logan County, Va., excepted from insurrec- 
tion prochuiiatiou, II, 195. 

London, Eng., representatives of theCoufed- 
eratc Stiite.'- in, II, 48, 49; the Exhibition 
of 1862 at, 67, 102, 109, 111 ; ratificaticm of 
treaty regarding supxiression of African 
slave-trade at, 178; letter to the working- 
men of, Feb. 2, 1863, 308, 309. 

Long, Alexander, letter to, II, 360-363. 

Longstreet, Lt.-Gen. James, inquiry as to 
his positiou, II, 171 ; at Winchester with 
Jackson, 171; position of, 201; reported 
battle with Hooker, 332 ; marching toward 
Richmond, 334; uncertainty ai>out his 
jiiovemeuts, 352; uioveiiieut to Tennessee, 
411; withdrawal I'roni Lee's army, 425; 
rumor of his movements toward Washing- 
ton, 547. 

Loomis, Dwight, recommends Edward 
Goodman for collector at Hartford, II, 
313. 

Loomis, F. B., letter to, II, 520, 521 ; patriot- 
ism of, 520, 521 ; offers to garrison Fort 
Trumbull, 520, 521. 

Loring, W. W., defeated by Gi'ant near 
Edwarils Station, II, 339 ; driven to Crystal 
Springs, 339. 

Lost sheep, parable of the, I, 265. 

" Lost Townships," the, I, 69, 70. 

Louaillier, , denounces Gen. Jackson's 

martial laM' in New Orleans, II, 350. 

Loudon, Va., Burnside's success at, 11,403; 
Burnside at, 413. 

Loudon and Hampshire railroad, troops 
ordered over the, II, 67. 

Louisiana, mob law in, I, 9, 10; interested 
in Mississippi River improvements, 125; 
• admission of, 182 ; slavery in, 182 ; the Whig 
Party in, 278; sugar-raising in, 562; ob- 
struction of U. S. laws in, 11, 34 ; insurrec- 
tion in, 35, 55 ; blockade of ports of, 35, 39, 
485, 670 ; declared in state of insurrection, 
75, 195, 285, 288, 321, 322 ; order for seizure 



INDEX 



723 



of property, and employment of military 
" contrrtbiinrts" in, '212; Union feeling in, 
2U; coiiiiilaiiitanaiiistCieu. Phelps in, 214; 
passaiic of scfessioii ordinance in, 215; 
coiiiplaintM oi Ui;i<)U men in, 215-217; 
invited to rejoin the Union, 217 ; letter re- 
gardiufi' election of Representatives to 
U. S. CoTii^ress, 247 ; CNtal)lis]niH'iit of pro- 
visional coHit in, 248, .!4.»; aiipichciinious 
conceruiui,^ clcclions in, 25."); the Presi- 
dent's desire for elections in, 25(i ; (;ol. Ull- 
man desires to organize hlacks in, 293; 
movement to secure the return of the 
State to full allegiance, S'lO; (>uiaucipation 
in, 380,673; relations of \\liit,-s and negroes 
in, 380; proposed Constitutional (•ou\cn- 
tion in, 380, 43(5; prosi)ective return of 
members to Congress from, 380; impor- 
tance of anew Constitution for,380; letter 
from Gen. Banks to Gov. Boutwell regard- 
ing affairs in, 380 ; application of emanci- 
pation proclamation in, 402, 403; letter to 
Gen. Banks regarding affairs in, 435, 43G; 
loyalty in, 436 ; recousti'uetiou in, 436, 443, 
465, 466, 46;), 477. 545, SCO, 5'.)7, 598, 603, 612, 616, 
617. 625, 626, 673-675 ; provision for homeless 
and landless freedmen in, 436 ; Gen. Butler 
recommends convention to repeal ordi- 
nance of secession, 437; first free-State 
goveruorof, 496; convention in, 4',)(;; negro 
franchise in, 496, 597, G74; Gov. Ilahn in- 
vested with full powers in, 4!)8; adoption 
of new Constitution, r.co, ct:!; starvation 
in, 578, 579; njilitary opposition to tlie new 
State government of, 597, 598; military 
protection in, 597, 598; Banks's ability for 
work in, 603; military operations in", 616, 
617; submission to Semite of i)aper by 
Gen. Banks relating to. 02.">, (126; letter 
to Lyman Trumbull respecting affairs in, 
625, 626; opening of public schools in, 
equally to black and white, 674; ratifies 
the Thirteentii Amendment, 674. 

Louisiana Purchase, the, II, 102; slavery in, 
I, 172, 182, 191, 601. 

Louisiana Territory, organization of, I, 601 ; 
pro\'isious as to slavery in, in act of or- 
ganization, 601. 

Louis Napoleon, Orsini's attempt to assas- 
sinate, I, 609. 

Louisville, Ky., situation of, II, 83; dan- 
ger of ZoUieoffer's moving on, 83; rail- 
road to Lexington from, in Federal hands, 
83; troops from, Ki: preparations at, for 
movement on Cumlierlaud (Jap, 84; rail- 
road to Nashville from, in Federal hands, 
84; Gen. Anderson at, 84; Gen. Buell at, 
110, 112, 123, 131 ; (Jen. Boyle at, 206, 229, 
230, 233, 245; appeals from, against with- 
drawal of troops from, 232; (ieu. Wright 
responsible for, 233; Gen. Boyle ques- 
tioned regarding the situation at, 233; 
sale of negroes at, 329; Gen. L. Thomas 
at, 489, 490, .532 ; arrest of Harris at, 573 ; 
discharge of Meade at, 581 ; Gen. Palmer 
at, 654; S. B. Chui chill banished to, 658. 

" Louisville Journal," the. I, 653. 

Lovejoy, Owen, nomination of, I, 219 ; Abo- 
litionist leader, 279, 281, 284, 318, 322, 324, 
339, 364. 401, 403, 431, 470,483; complaints 
against I>iucoln, 287; share in formation 
of Itepubliean Party, 287; frames pre- 
amble and resolutions for Republican 
Party in Senatorial contest, 324, 325 ; op- 
poses Douglas in di'^cussion, 338; resolu- 
tions, 363 ; o]tposed to admission of slave 
States, 366; stumps Illinois against Doug- 
las, 401; canvasses for Lincoln, 403; can- 
didate for Congress in Bloomington dis- 
trict, 404; pledged against admission of 
more slave States, 453 ; explains Lincoln's 



position on admission of new States, 
468; views on Emancipation Proclamation. 
479; position on »'(iu.ility of negioes with 
whites, 486; erection of luonuujeut to, II, 
526, 527 ; character of, r,27 ; the President's 
acquaintance with, 527. 

Lowe, F. P., letter to, regarding the "New 
Almaden" mine. II, 393. 

Lowe, J. G., letter to, I, 671. 

Lower California, proposed seizure of , 1, 106. 

Loyal citizens, rights of, II, 65. 

Loyal governors, inqiiir,y addressed to, as 
to results of election, II, 598. 

Loyalty, the President's appeal to, II, 34; 
test of, 487, 488. 

Lucas, J. M., letters to, I, 155, 23G, 598. 

Luck, the secret of, I, 583. 

Lusk, E., letter to, I, ,519. 

Lutheran Reformation, on the, I, 526. 

Luxuries, taxation of, I, 74. 

Lynch, Judge, Gen. Blunt's encouragement 
of, in Kansas, II, 394. 

Lynch law, horrors of, I, 9-12. 

Lynchburg, Va., ])roposed raid to break 
the railroad at, II, 429. 

Lyon, Brig. -Gen. Nathaniel, patriotism of, 
II, 258. 

Lyons, Lord, proposition from Gov. Hicks 
to ask him to act as mediator, II, 36, 37; 
correspondence regarding the Trent 
affair, 120; correspondence with, regard- 
ing African sla\e trade, 178; note from, 
respecting trei'tnient of Briti.sli naval 
officers at ho.siiital in Norfolk, 514. 

" Macbeth," the President's opinion of, II, 

393. 

McCall, Gen. G. A., telegrams to, II, 173; 
the President's expectations from, 173; in- 
(piiry as to his withdrawal from Freder- 
icksburg, 173; at Fredericksburg, 173; his 
division ordered to McClellan, 176 ; jtmc- 
tion with McClellan, 181. 

McCallisterand Stebbins bonds, I, 536. 

McClellan, Gen. George B., to have tlie 
forces of western Virginia under his com- 
mand, II, 69; contemidated aetiim for, 84; 
troops for, 84; order apiiointing him to 
succeed Gen. Scott, ss; in(iuiries from, 
about the Potomac ca:ni)aign, 92, 93; ap- 
pointment to be gencral-in-i liief, 104; cor- 
respondence with, 107, 120, 121. 140-143, 145, 
147, 149, 152, 154, 156-158, 161, 163, 166, 167, 
169, 173-175, 180, 181, 184, 185, 187, 188, 190, 
196,198-200, 206, 207,212, 221,228-233, 236,244- 
247, 249-251; sickness of, 110, 111; letter to 
Buell, 112, 116; relation of the Lane expe- 
dition to, 119; hisidans for movements of 
the Arm>' of the Potomac contrasted with 
the President's, VJO; letter from T.uell, 1'23; 
inpursuit of the enemy, 13(;; relieved from 
command of departments othei' than that 
of the Potomac, 137 ; head of tlie Army of 
Potomac, 137; to make foiw.iid move- 
ments, 141 ; complains of l)eiiigim]>r(qierly 
sustained, 142, for<-es uii<1er Ins eonimand, 
142,143; urged to action l»y the rresident, 
143; requests giiiil)oats on the .lames, 148; 
relations with his g<'iierals, 149 ; opposition 
to army-corps organization, 149; loss of 
confidence in 149; at Cumberland, 152; 
sketch of instructions to, 153 ; McDowell 
to cooperate with, 1.53, 154. 181, 182; pro- 
posed .jimction with Army of the Rai)pa- 
hannock, 154; requested to restore (Jen. 
Hamilton, 156; relations with McDowell, 
156, 158; Gen. Franklin's delay in reach- 
ing, 1.57 ; advised to cut off Anderson's sup- 
plies from Richmond, 158; question of his 
attacking Richmond or moving to defense 
of Washington, 161; (luestion regarding 



724 



INDEX 



cutting Aquia Creek railroad, 166 ; plans of 
luovemeuts, operations, etc., before Rich- 
mond, 166, 184, 192, 246 ; reports action at 
Hanover Court House, 167; inquiry con- 
cerning Porter's expedition, 167; Gen. 
Marcy with, 169 ; thanked by the President 
for the seizure of points on the Richmond 
and Fredericlisburg railroad, 170; the Pres- 
ident's advice to, 173, 174; Wool's depart- 
ment turned over to, 174; Sigel ordered 
to report to, 174 ; congratulatory message 
to, 174 ; advice to, regarding the Chiclia- 
hominy, 175 ; McCall's division ordered to, 
176; reports as to reinforcements for 
Jackson, 179; matter of putting Gen. 
Wool under his control, 180, 181 ; troops 
from Gen. Wool's conamand for, 181 ; rein- 
forcements for, 181, 190, 198, 199, 244 ; junc- 
tion of McCall with, 181; Blenker's divi- 
sion tiiken from, 182; information fi-om, 
regarding reinforcements for Jackson, 
184 ; request to, for information regarding 
military affairs, 185; quiescence at head- 
quarters of, 185 ; Gen. Scott's views as to 
reinforcements for, 187; fears of being 
overwhelmed, 187 ; the Army of "Virginia 
to relieve, 188; serious reverse before 
Richmond, 189 ; IJuniside ordered to his 
relief, 189; driven back toward the James 
River, 189; dangc^rs attending reinforce- 
ment of, from the West, 190 ; outnumbered 
in Richmond, 190; between Chickahoniiny 
and James rivers, 191; communication 
with, cut off, 191 ; telegram to Goldsbor- 
ough, 192 ; communication with, inter- 
rupted, 192 ; movements on James River, 
193; remonstrance against his demand for 
50,000 troops, 196; possibility of falling 
back to Fortress Monroe, 196; reinforce- 
ments from IIunterfor,198; Halleckcannot 
reinforce, 198 ; instructions to, July 4, 1862, 
199; order to Gen. Burnside, 200; thanks 
to, 200 ; Confederate troops from Corinth 
fighting, 200; opinion of position, 201; 
memorandum, July 9, 1862, of questions 
-and answers in interview between the 
President and, at Harrison's Landing, 
Va., 201; health of camp, 201; strength of, 
201,206 : dcsi>atrh ti). n'spcctingUiirnside, 
212; dirtcrcncf lu'twi'iti the Secretary of 
War and, 219, 2'io; question as to his force, 
220; at Alexandria, 228; inquiry of, as to 
news, 228, 229; to open communication 
with Pope, 229; at Rockville, 230, 231; at 
Clarksburg, 232 ; victory in Maryland, 236 ; 
despatch from, 236; inquiry of Gov. Cur- 
tin regarding movements of, 236 ; over- 
takes the enemy at Sbarpsburg, 237 ; pros- 
pects of his moving up the valley of the 
Shenandoah. 244; overeautiousness of, 
245, 246; dread of Confederate invasion of 
Pennsylvania, 246; diliiculties in subsist- 
ing his army at Winchester, 246; demands 
upon Halleck, 246; re<'i)inniended to fight 
at Wincliester, 216 : called on for action, 
249; su]>))ly of horses to, 2r)0; beirins cross- 
ing the Potoina<-, 'jriii; desiiateh from, con- 
cei"nlngsore-tongue(l and fatigued horses, 
250; sharp question to, resi)e(ting action, 
251; relieved fi-oni conuiian<lof Army of 
Potomac, 252; the President's dissatisfac- 
tion with, 258; his lost ehanee to defeat 
Lee, 354 ; pressure on the 1 'lesuk'nt to give 
command to, 388; the Tresident's jilansfor 
Ms movem(>nts on Kielimond, 4(i'.i ; report 
to, in Gen. ^stone's ease, 510; at Washing- 
ton, 510; candidate of tlie Dcuiocratie Party 
forthePresidency,562; favors crushing the 
rebellion by force, 562 ; the President's re- 
solve to coojierate with, in the event of 
Ills failure of reelection, 568; Seward's 



estimate of, 568 ; alleged purpose to seize 
control of the government as soon as 
elected, 586. 

McClernand, Brig. -Gen. John A., correspon- 
dence with, II, 89, 90, 296, 304, 305, 387, 388, 
621, 622 ; thanks to, for services in the 
field, 89, 90; relations with Halleck, 304, 
305 ; services on the Arkansas, 305 ; opin- 
ion in case of Thomas W. Knox, 317 ; 
the President's inquiries as to charges 
against, 385 ; no charges against, 387 ; let^ 
ters in behalf of, 387 ; letter to, regarding 
Ms relief by Gen. Grant, 387, 388 ; at Spring- 
field, 406 ; letter from Secretary Stanton, 
406; asks for a court-martial, 406; seeks 
release of Young, Malory, and Bridges, 621, 
622. 

McClure, A. K., influence of, in regard to re- 
jection of Cameron for the Cabinet, 1, 663. 

McCook, Col., with Gen. Schenck atYienna, 
II, 67. 

McCurdy, Robt. H., letter to, II, 208. 

McDonell, Charles, I, 354. 

McDonough County, 111., Lincoln accused of 
having used derogatory language toward 
Jefferson in, I, 651. 

McDougall, J. A., letter to, II, 137, 138. 

McDowell, Maj.-Gen. Irvin, II, 114; the 
President's confidence in, 116; to com- 
mand First Corps of the Army of the 
Potomac, 130; to remain in front of 
Washington, 141 ; movements of, 142; on 
the Rappahannock, 145; memorandum 
of proposed instructions to, 153; Inquiry 
as to strength of his force, 153; to co- 
operate with McCIellan, 153, 154; corre- 
spondence with, 153, 159, 160, 166, 167, 170- 
172, 175, 176 ; to retain command of Depart- 
ment of the Rappahannock, 154 ; ordered 
to march on Richmond, 154; assigned to 
defense of Washington, 154 ; relations with 
McCIellan, 156, 158; ordered to move 
against Confederate attack on Harper's 
Ferry, 157; opposed by Gen. Anderson, 
158, 169; the President's visit to his camp, 
158; at Fredericksburg, 159, 160, 163, 166; 
alacrity of , 160 ; ordered to cooperate with 
Fremont, 160; ordered to move against 
Jackson and Ewell, 160; ordered to sus- 
pend movement on Richmond, 160; at Fal- 
mouth, 160, 166; suggestion that he cut off 
Ewell, Jackson, and Johnson, 162; forces 
moving back to Front Royal, 163; Shields 
assigned to his command, 163; why his 
force withheld from McCIellan, 163 ; one 
of his brigades ordered to Harper's Ferry, 
163 ; needed at Manassas Junction or Alex- 
andria, 166; despatches from Gen. Geary 
sent to, 166 : question of making a junction 
with Porter, 167; at Manassas .)unctl<m, 
167, 168, 170, 171; in c<irrespondence with 
Anderson about prison eis, 169 ; near Front 
Royal, 170; requested to push forward to- 
ward Front Royal, 171 ; Banks's troops to 
assist, 171 ; at Rectortown, 171, 172 ; instruc- 
tions to, relative to Fremont 'smo^■ements, 
172; at Front Ko.\'al, 175; instructions to, 
regarding MeCaH's division and the de- 
fense of Fredei'icksburg, 176; ^iroposed 
duty for, ISO; criticism of his movements 
in oppositicni to Jackson at Strasburg and 
Frcuit Koval, ISO; question of sending him 
to MeCleilan, 181, 182; Gen. Scott's views 
as to disposition of troops under, 187 ; con- 
solidation of his forces with the Army of 
Virginia, 188; assigned to command the 
Third Army Coi-ps, Army of Virginia, 188 ; 
troops of, 197 ; headquarters near Fred- 
ericksburg, 357. 

McDowell, James, governor of Virginia, I, 
116, 117. 



INDEX 



725 



"Macedonian," the brig, settlement of 
diiinis by Chili, II, 605. 

McElrath, Mrs., banished from East Ten- 
nessee, II, 577. 

McGaughey, ■ , candidate for General 

Laud Oltice, I, 151. 

McGuire, George W., condemned to be shot 
at St. Louis, II. 302. 

McHenry County, 111., voted for Lincoln for 
Senator, I, 326. 

McHenry, James, vote on question of pro- 
hibitiug slavery in Northwe-st Territory, 

I, 600. 

Mcintosh, , lynched in St. Louis, 1, 10. 

Mack, David, I, 156. 

Mackay, Alfred, tele^'am to, II, 524; an- 
iioiuices opeuini? of fair at St. Louis, 524. 

McKee, , arrest of, II, 370; discontinu- 
ance of iiroeeediugs anainst, 372. 

McKendree Church, despatch to Uov. John- 
son concerning, II, 637. 

Mackinaw trout, a present of, II, 635. 

McKinney, J. F., letter to, June 29, 1863, II, 
360-31)3. 

McLane, Robert M., on dissensions in Whig 
Party, I, 147. 

McLaran, Charles, question of assessment 
on, II, 652. 

McLean, Judge John, Presidential possibil- 
ities, I, 118 ; letter to, 210 ; po.sition in 
Dred Scott ease, 228, 244, 460; death of, II, 
97 ; increase in his circuit, 97. 

Maclean, Dr. John, announces the conferring 
of doctor's degree upon the President, II, 
622 ; letter to, Dec. 27, 1864, 622. 

McLean County, 111., claim of partizan 
appointments in, I, 51 ; suit for taxes 
against Illinois Central Railroad, 177 ; suit 
of Illinois Central Railroad Co. against, 

■ 219. 

McMichael, Morton, letter to, concerning 
relations of the Philadelphia postmaster 
with Judge Kelley, II, 558. 

McNeil, C. F., letter to, I, 633. 

Macomb, 111., Lincoln speaks at, I, 361. 

Macon County, 111., the Hanks family in, I, 
596, 639; the President's advent in, 597; 
the Lincoln familv in, 640, 641. 

McPheeters, Dr. Samuel S., case of, II, 290, 
291, 463-165. 

McPherson, Gen. James B., assigned to 
command of a department, II, 497. 

McRoberts, Samuel, elected Senator, I, 43. 

Madison, James, I, 283, 286, .569, 675; relative 
cost of his administration, 32; sanctioned 
national banks, 74; opi>oses charter of 
United States Bank, 136; position on sla- 
very, i'.U, 292 ; a f ramer of the Coustitution, 
600." 

Madison, 111., claim of partizan appoint- 
ments at, I, 51. 

Madison, Ind., Gov. Morton asks for troops 
and guns tor, II, 83. 

Magoffin, Beriah, governor of Kentucky, 
letter to, 11, 76. 77. 

Magrath, Rev. F. M., II, 106. 

Magruder, Maj.-Gen. John B., position of, 

II, 201 ; treason of, 348. 

Mail contracts, frauds in letting, I, 34. 

Mails, question of iuviolability of, captured 
on blockade-runner, II, 326, 327. See also 
U. S. Mails. 

Maine, contrasted with South Carolina, in 
national legislation, I, 198; qualities ne- 
groe-i as vorcrs, 285 ; status of negro in, 345 ; 
feiu's regarding elections in, 649, 650 ; Gen. 
Butler proposes to raise troops in, II, 78; 
correspondence with the governor, re- 
garding the fortitication of seacoast and 
lakes, 109 ; governor of, requests the Presi- 
dent to call for volunteers, 194 ; inquiry as 



to election in, 598 ; Presidential election in, 
613. 

Maine boundary question, contingent ap- 
propriation for anticipated war over, 1, 35. 

Majority, the only rightful ruler, I, 677 ; rule 
of the, 11,5. 

Malhiot, E. E., letter from, II, 356 ; letter to, 
356; on committee of I>ouisiana planters 
to seek recognition of the State, 356. 

Mallory, James, sentenced to death, II, 621. 

Mallory, Robert, at conference at the \\ hite 
House, II, 136. 

Maltby, Harrison, letter to, I, 221. 

Mammoth farms, I, 579. 

Man, elevation of, I, 534. 

Manassas, line to be established between 
Washington and, II, 69; troops lately be- 
fore, to be reorganized, 69; reinforce- 
ments from Winchester for, 116; Confed- 
erate movements from, 121; troops from, 
for possilile defense of Nashville, 126 ; the 
President ad\ ocates action at, 143; Gen. 
Ricketts ordered to move to, 166. 

Manassas Gap, distance from Harper's 
Ferry, II, 247. 

Manassas Gap railroad, McDowell ordered 
to move by way of, II, 160; Confederate 
movements on, 161; Gen. Geary on the, 
163. 

Manassas Junction, Va., to be seized and 
held, II, 69; expedition to seize the rail- 
road .southwest of, 119, 120 ; troops to 
operate at or toward, 141; Banks at, 142; 
troops for defense of, 142 ; McDowell 
needed at, 166 ; McDowell at. 167, 168, 170, 
171 ; troops at. 187 ; McClellan questioned 
regarding news from, 229 ; engagement 
near, Oct. 14, 1863, 427, 428. 

Manchester, Eng., letter to the workingmen 
of, Jan. 19, 1863, II, 301, 302; sufferings at, 
302. 

Manchester, Vt., Mrs. Lincoln at, II, 569, 575. 

Mangum, W. P., Vice-Presidency of, I, 222. 

Manierre, Benjamin F., on committee of 
meeting at Cooper Institute to promote 
raising of volunteers, II, 441; letter to, 
HI, 442. 

Manly, Miss, refusal of, to take oath of 
allegiance, IT, 495. 

Mann, Mrs. Horace, letter to, II, .509. 

Mansfield, Gen. J. K. F., letter to, II, 53; 
patriotism of, 258. 

Manufacturers, adequate reward for their 
enteri>rise, I, r.37, 679. 

Manufactures, impoitance to United States, 
I, 73 ; Calhoun's views on, 73 ; comparison 
of conditions under free trade and protec- 
tion, 90-95; Congressional power to en- 
coura.ge and protect, 127 ; value of annual 
reports on, IT, 101. 

Manumission, deeds of, issued by Fremont, 
11,81. 

MapleVaIley,Va.,dangerof attack at, 11,121. 

Marauders, expulsion of, from Missouri, II, 
417. 

Marcy, Gen. R. B., telegrams to, II, 169, 170; 
at McClellau's headquarters, 169; repre- 
sents McChdlan's po.sition, 199. 

Marion County, Va., excepted from insurrec- 
tion i)roclaniation. II, 195. 

Maritime nations, relations of the Confed- 
erate States with, II, 606; proclamation 
to, in regard to privileges and immunities 
for U. S. ships of war, 671, 672. 

Maritime war, attempts to meliorate its 
rigors, II. 95. 

Markets, extension of, I, 91. 

Marsh, George P., proposed as minister to 
S.nrdinia, II, 24. 

Marshall, . service in Mexican war, I, 

146. 



726 



INDEX 



Marshall, James F. B., conference regard- 
ing Honolulu Commission, II, 130. 

Marshall County, 111., weight in Congres- 
sional election, I, 80 ; position in election 
of 1846, 84, 85. 

Marshall County, Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proclamation, II, 195. 

Martial law, incompatible with slavery, II, 
155; proclaimed by Gen. Hunterin Georgia, 
Florida, and South Carolina, 155; pro- 
claimed hy Gen. Jackson in New Orleans, 
351, 352. 

Martin, Wesley, banishment of, from Mis- 
SOlU'i, II, 651. 

Martin, William, proposed as collector in 
New York, II, 227. 

Martinsburg, Va., inquiry about Banks's 
position at, II, 162 ; Banks's retreat to, 163 ; 
Confederate operations near, 169 ; danger 
to Fremont from enemy at, 171 ; absence 
of news from, 233; commimication with 
Washington and Winchester cut off, 352; 
Lee's troops at, 352 ; Tyler surrounded at, 
352; besieged, 353; in possession of the 
enemy, 353; escape of troops from, to 
Harper's Ferry, 353 ; reportfrom, concern- 
ing Iinboden's movements, 428, 429 ; cap- 
tured by Confederates, 541. 

Maryland, slavery in, I, 134, 192 ; weight in 
Presidential campaign of 1856, 221 ; pos- 
sibility of action in election of 1860, 575; 
chaucee of Republican votes in, 592 ; Lin- 
coln speaks for Gen. Taylor in, 643; Seward 
looks to, for revival of Union sentiment, 
II, 13 ; the President desires consultation 
with Gov. Hicks, regarding preserva- 
tion of peace of, 36 ; Gov. Hicks's action 
regarding the passage of troops through, 
36, 37 ; patriotism in, 37 ; possible suspen- 
sion of the writ of laabcas corpus in, 38 ; 
probable intention of the legislature to 
arm the people against the United States, 
38; orders to dim. Scott regarding action 
in, 38; difticulty of holding, 81; disaffec- 
tion of, and subsequent loyalty, 103 ; Union 

. sentiment in, 103, 215; troops from, 103; 
the President seeks conference witli rep- 
resentatives fi-om, 132; estimated cost of 
emancipation in, 132, 138 ; number of slaves 
in, 138 ; treasonable resistance to passage 
of U. 8. troops through, 164 ; governor of, 
requests the President to call for volun- 
teers, 194 ; passage of troops through, 215 ; 
probability of Confederate withdrawal 
from, 233 ; victory by McClellan in, 236 ; 
call for troops from, 353; negro popula- 
tion of, 275; threatened inroads of the 
enemy into, 353 ; correspondence with 
Thomas Swann regarding elections in, 
431 ; elections in, 434, 435 ; no just cause of 
offense to. in Federal preservation of order 
at the polls, 435 ; emancipation in, 454, 492 ; 
the PrcHident's views as to emancipation 
in, 498; killiui;- of a rccruiting-offlcer in, 
499, 500; <h'tiniti(in of lilxTty in, 513; Con- 
federate invasion of, 541 ; new Constitu- 
tion, 584, 586, 598, 599, 612; extirpation of 
slavery in, 586 ; visit from Union commit- 
tee of, 598; matter of Waring's property 
in, 601; Presidential election in, 613; rati- 
fication of the Thirteenth Amendment by, 
633; exposure to attack, 655. 

Maryland Union Committee, reply to, Nov. 
17, 1864. II, 598, 599. 

Mason, James M., position leads to na- 
tionalization of slavery, I, 588; declares 
fraiucrs of government were antislavery 
men, 615 ; action in consequence of sec- 
tional warfare, 616; wears homespun in 
Senate, 626. 

Mason and Dixon's line, II, 103. 



Mason County, 111., weight in Congressional 
election, I, 80; position in election of 1846, 
84. 

Mason County, Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proclamation, II, 195. 

Massachusetts, free-negro vote in, I, 230; 
the Whig Party in, 278; constitutional 
provision in regard to naturalized citi- 
zens, 534; movement against foreigners 
in, 534, 535; strike of shoemakers in, 615, 
625, 626 ; Lincoln speaks for Gen. Taylor 
In, 643 ; letter to governor and legislature 
of, 670; declination of invitation to visit, 
670, 671 ; Gen. Butler proposes to raise 
troops in, II, 78 ; manufactui-e of guns in, 
82 ; population of, 273 ; recruiting of colored 
troops in, 484; seeks to obtain colored 
troops in Virginia, 484; question of pro- 
viding a pt-rmanent home in, for negroes, 
484; Presidential election in, 613, 614.' 

" Massachusetts," U. S. steamer, detention 
of the I'erl/ishire by, II, 95. 

Master and slave, relation of, I, 196. 

Matamoras, 1, 121. 

Matheny, C. W^., I, 131 ; letter to, IT, 341, 

Matheny, James H., I, 279, 282; on AVhig 
State Central C'ommittee, 72 ; scathing at- 
tack on Trumbull, 340, 402; charge of bar- 
gain between Trumbull and Lincoln, 348, 
364, 402, 408 ; candidate for Congi-ess, 364, 
402; personal friend of Lincoln, 402. 

Mather, Rufus S., II, 226. 

Matrimonial plans, Lincoln's early. 1, 16-19, 

Matrimony, Lincoln's views on, I, 16. 

Mattapony River, jiroposed movements on 
the, II, 260. 

Matteson, Joel A., I, 354; defeats Lincoln's 
election as U. S. Senator, 214, 215 ; letter to, 
522. 

Matthews, James L., banished from Mis- 
souri, II, 292. 

Maxims of war, II, 246. 

May, William L., reply to Richard Taylor, 
I, 41; in Fisher murder investigation, 49; 
signs call for Whig State Convention, I, 
54. 

Maynard, Horace, member of Congress 
from East Tennessee, II, 112 ; reports 
troubles in East Tennessee, 383 ; telegram 
to, regarding reconstruction, 482. 

Mayo, Z. B., I, 354, 355. 

Meade, Gen. George G., the President's dis- 
satisfaction with directions of, concerning 
military movements, II, 365 ; Halleck com- 
municates a note from the President to, 
366; urged toattaek I>ee's retreating army, 
366, 367; correspondence M'ith, '366-369, 
376, 387, 401, 424, 437, 506; pursuit of Lee, 
367; at Frederick, 367 ; asks to be relieved 
of command, 368 ; loss of a golden oppor- 
tunity, 369; the Piesident's gratitude to, 
for success at Gcttyslmrg, 369; the Presi- 
dent's views as to his course of action 
after Gettysburg, 369, 373, 377; draft of 
letter to, explaining the President's dis- 
satisfaction with, 368, 369; the President's 
confldenco in, 373 ; correspondence with, 
concerning Gen. Hooker, 376, 387; pro- 
posed movements against Lee, 396, 408, 
409, 425; at Waricuton, 401; asks advice 
from Halleck and tlie government, 407- 
408, 409; numerical superiority over Lee, 
409; strength of his army before Rich- 
mond, 409 ; transmission of news from 
Rosecrans to, 424; avoids collision w.ith 
Lee, 425 ; Lee's supposition of weakening 
of his force, 425; Lee's movement 
against, 428; gains at Rappahannock 
Station and Kelly's Ford, 437; congratu- 
lations to, for operations on the Rappa- 
hannock, 437 ; reports Col. Uahlgren's 



INDEX 



727 



deatli, 492; asks court of inctuiry, 506; 
controntiug Richmoud, 535. 

Meade, R. K., member of Congress from 
Virginia, 1, 129. 

Meade, , discharge of, at Louisville, II, 

581. 

Meadville, Pa., Col. Huldeltoper at, II, 570. 

Mechanic arts, act to provide for colleges 
of, II, 313. 

Mechanics, I, 583, 637. 

Mediation, resolution of the Senate regard- 
ing, II, 310. 

Medical department of the army, reorgani- 
zation of tlie, II, 183. 

Medill, Joseph, alarm over Doufflas's posi- 
tion, I, '238; correspoiuU-nce with Lincoln 
rcgardinu: Maine elections, (;50. 

Meditation on the Divine Will. II, 243, 244. 

Meeker, Geo. W., on cuiumittee tor resolu- 
tions on death of Judge Pope, I, 161; 
signs call for Whig convention at Spring- 
tield, 1851, 167. 

Meigs, Maj.-Gen. M. C, suggested for coun- 
cil regarding war at Pen.saeola and in 
Texas, II, 26; his fjualities, 53; desire of 
the President to a^>i)oint him quarter- 
master-general, 53; indorsements on pro- 
posed instructions to McDowell, 153; 
quartermaster-general, 162. 

Memoranda, regarding defeat at Vienna, 
II, 66; to Gen. Buckner, 66; of militai-y 
policy suggested by the Bull Run defeat, 
68, 69 ; about guns, 82 ; for a plan of cam- 
paign, 83, 84; of advice to Mrs. ]>ouglas, 
91, 92; accompanying letter to McClellan, 
120,121; of questions and answers in in- 
terviews between the President and Gen. 
MeClellan and other officers at Harrison's 
Landiug.Va., 201 ; concerning T. J. Carter, 
423; rehitive to the draft, 433; about 
churelies, 491 ; for Mrs. Keenan,' 511 ; for 
INIrs. Hunt, 511; concerning release of a 
religious man, 603. 

Memory, verses on, I, 86, 87. 

Memphis, Tenn., Douglas speaks at, I, 561, 
563,590; projected movement from Cairo 
on, II, 69; advance on, abandoned, 87 ; in- 
quiry as to movements near, 176 ; Capt. 
Charles Henry Davis's services at, 203; 
Grant at. 304 ; Hurlbut at, 318, 339 ; mili- 
tary interference witli church at, 521; 
matter of the Presbyterian Clmrch in, 
543; designated as plaee of purchase of 
products of insurrectionary States, 579, 
580; Gen. AVashburu at, 589; permit to 
James Harrison to trade to and from, 
621. 

Menard County, 111., claim of partizan ap- 
pointment in, I, 51; supports Lincoln, 
79. 80; weight in Congressional election, 
80; opijosition to convention system in, 
83; position in election of 1846, 84; Lin- 
coln's experience in a store and mill in, 
597, 641. 

Menzies, John W., member of Congress 
from Kentucky, at conference at White 
House on emancipation by purchase, II, 
134, 136; defeated for Congress, ;iS2. 

Mercer, Capt. Samuel, order to, II, 31; de- 
taclied from command of the J'mrliatan, 46. 

Mercier, Henri, visit to Richmond, II, 309. 

Meredosia, 111., denial, in speech at, of mem- 
bership in Know-Notliing Party, I, 519. 

" Merrimac," the, telegram to Flag-Oflficer 
Goldsborough regarding encounter with, 
II, 149; fight with the Monitor, 278; ea- 
gagement with the Cii'iilxtitDtd, 279. 

Merriman, H. O., signs call tor Whig con- 
vention at Springflelil, 185], I, 167. 

Merryman, Dr. E. H., in Fislier murder in- 
vestigation, I, 49; Lincoln's second in 



Shields aflfair, 70, 71 ; challenged by Gen. 
AVliitesides, 71. 

Merryman, Lieut., charges against. II, 336. 

"Mersey," the brigantine, services ren- 
dered to, by Capt. Stellwagen, II, 639. 

Messages. See U. 8. CoNGKESS ; U. 8. 
House of Rei'kesentatives ; U. 8. Sen- 
ate. 

Methodist Church, division of the, I, 507; 
order of the War Department relating to, 
II, 481. 

Methodist delegation, reply to a, 11,522. 

Methodist Episcopal Church, the Presi- 
dent's reply to resolutions of the East 
Baltimore Conference, II, 152, 153; pa- 
triotic services of, 522. 

Mexican question, speech on, Jan. 12, 1848, 
in U. 8. House of Representatives, I, 100- 
107 ; interchange of views with Herndon 
on. 111, 112. See also Mexican Wab ; Mex- 
ico. 

Mexican war, expensesof, 1, 106 ; injusticeof, 
106 ; briUiant suecesses of U. 8. arms In, 
107 ; Paredes's part in, 121 ; origin justified 
by Rev. J. M. Peck, 121 ; Lincoln's position 
on, 121, 122, 281, 289, 290, 452, 514, 642, 643,11, 
360 ; embarrassments of U. S. Treasury con- 
sequent on, I, 124 ; origin of, 132 ; national 
debt created by, 134 ; best way to termi- 
nate, 134; losses in, 146; connection of the 
Wilmot Proviso with, 184 ; treaty of peace, 
184 ; Douglas's criticism of Lincoln's posi- 
tion on, 409, 410, 513 ; Ashmun's resolution 
in regard to, 409, 514, 643; charge against 
Henry in regard to, 410; api)ro]iriations 
for, 514; virtually over when Linroln took 
seat in Congi-ess, 642 ; unconstitutionally 
and unnecessarily begun, 643. See also 
Mexico. 

Mexico, resolutions in House of Representa- 
tives, Dec. 22, 1847, I, 97, 9s ; war with, un- 
necessary and unconstitutionally com- 
menced, 100 et seq. ; revolts against Spain, 
105, 183; Texas revolts against, 105, 183; 
question of indemnity from, 106; treaty 
with Texas, 107, 108 : Col. Doniphan's ser- 
vice in. 111 ; treaty of peace with, 184, 642 ; 
slavery the cause of troul)les in acquisi- 
tion of territory from, 407 ; laws as to 
slavery, 440 ; acquisition of territory from, 
449; boimdary dispute with Texas, 643; 
Gen. Taylor's invasion of, 643; Thomas 
Corwin proposed as minister to, II, lO; 
Seward advises sending agents to, 29; 
question of Kuropean intervention in, 107; 
resolntionot the llouseot' liejireseiitatives 
regarding conditio)! of, 144; resolution of 
the House of i;ei)rese7itatives of Alay 22, 
1862, regarding affairs in, ir)7 ; resolution of 
the Senate. M;\\ 22, ]S(;2, relative to att'airs 
in, 161 : relations with, 2t::i, 6()4 : alleged in- 
terference of U. 8. minister to, in favor of 
the French, 292; export at ion of contraband 
of war, for use of French army in, 303; 
atfairs in, 309; action of France in, 538; 
civil war in, 604; important events in, 380, 
381, 384. See also Mexican War. 

" Miami," the, the Pi'csident on, II, 149. 

Michigan, formed from Xortliwestern Ter- 
ritory, 1, 181, 549 ; 8upp(U'ts Cass, 224 ; admis- 
sion as State, 549; intluence of Ordinance 
of 1787 on, 565; early ownership of, 571; 
declination of invitation of State Central 
Committee to visit. 667 : governor of, re- 
quests the President to call for volun- 
teers, 11,194 ; signiature of i>apers for, 220; 
development of, 2<',9; retinest to governor 
of, to send returns of Presidential elec- 
tion, 602; Presiilential election in, 613. 

Michigan Territory, Gen. Cass governor of, 
I, 144. 



728 



INDEX 



Michigan troops for Gen. Anderson, II, 84. 

Middleburg, Va., tirinj? near, II, 356. 

Middle Department, under command of Gen. 
Wallace, II, 546 ; defensive operations of, 
assigned to Halleck, .555, 556. 

Middleport " Press," I, 633. 

Middle States, ariiied neutralitv in the, II, 
59. 

Middletown, Banks at, II, 185. 

Mifflin, Thomas, votes for prohibition of 
slavery iu Northwest Territory, I, 599, 600. 

Miles, Col. Dixon S., court of inquiry re- 
garding, II, 109; telegram to, 158; at Har- 
per's Ferry, 158. 

Miles, Gen. Nelson A., II, 667. 

Military arrests, condemned hy public 
meeting at Albany, II, 345-352 ; advice 
concerning, at Pittsburg, 355 ; their pur- 
pose, 361. 

Military bounties, lands granted for, II, 452. 

Military Division of West Mississippi, com- 
manded by Gen. Cauby, II, 560. 

Military emancipation. See EMANCIPATION. 

Military glory, I, 106. 

Military land warrants, II, 611. 

Military law, II, 81, 82. 

Military matters, Lincoln's knowledge of, I, 
666. 

Military merit, politics disregarded in mat- 
ters of, II, 252. 

Military necessity, II, 81 ; alone excuses the 
assumption of the civil power by a depart- 
ment commander, 620, 621. 

Military officers, the President's deference 
to their kJiowledge of the actual situation 
in the field, II, 351; cannot be detached 
from the ariny for political purposes, and 
then returned, 504. 

Military Order, Nov. 7, 1862, TI, 252. 

Military possession of railroads, II, 161, 
162. See also Railroads. 

Military posts, the possessions of the U. S. 
government, II, 33; treason in, 124. 

Military propriety, II, 364. 

Military seizures, II, 471, 472. 

Military service, negroes to be employed in, 
II, 285, 288. 

Military tail of the great Michigander, the, 
I, 141, 142. 

Militia, proclamation, April 15, 1861, calling 
out 75,000, II, 34 ; reasons for calling out, 
37 ; Tennessee's action in response to the 
call for, 40 ; called out, 75 ; raising forces 
in Missouri, 88, 89 ; scheme for organizing, 
96; sent to Harper's Ferry, 163; to be re- 
lieved, 167 ; question of drafts from, 212 ; 
to be called into service by the U. 8. Gov- 
ernment, 231 ; the draft among the, 239 ; 
call for 100,000 to serve for six months, 
353 ; in Missouri, 417 ; call for 12,000 from 
New York, .541 ; troubles with, iu Missouri, 
422. 

Milledgeville, Ga., dispute on mail route to 
Athens, I, 108, 109. 

Miller, Horace, sisms call for Whig Conven- 
tion at SpriuK-fleld, 1851, 1, 167. 

Miller, Senator J. W., on Cass's position in 
regard to Wllmot Proviso, 1, 142. 

Miller, James, letter to, I, 536. 

Millersburg, Va., action between Stuart's 
cavalry and Col. Dufti^, II, 357. 

Milliken's Bend, La., 11,430. 

Mills, John T., interview with, 11,561, 562. 

Milroy, Maj.-Gen. Robert H., reports Lee's 
losses, II, 334 ; surrouuded ;it Winchester, 
352; outnumbered, 352 ; (icii. Schenck or- 
dered to his relief, 352; private letter to, 
regarding defeat at Winchester, 358; his 
animus against West-Pointers, 359-360; 
letter to, 35'.t, ;«;() ; disaster at Winchester, 
359; protests against order to i-etreat from 



Winchester, 359; dislike for Halleck, 359; 
knowledge of Halleck's fears for his divi- 
sion, 430; arrest of, 430; court of inquiry 
for, 430 ; charged with disobedience of or- 
ders, 430 ; not guilty of disoliedience, 431 ; 
the President's opinion on the loss of his 
division, 430, 431; personal traits, 462; 
seeks to reenter active service, 462. 

Milwaukee, Wis., address at, Sept. 30, 1859, 
before Wiscousiu State Ai,a'i(ultural So- 
ciety, I, 57(i-ri84 ; (4eu. I'tqie at, II, 323. 

Mineral discoveries, rcconuneiMlation of the 
Secretary of the Interior respecting,II,610. 

Mineral lands, proposal to raise revenue 
from, II, 4.52. 

Mineral regions, proposed scientific explora- 
tion of, II, 264. 

Mineral resources of the Territories, II, 264. 

Mines, deticieucy of laborers in, II, 447. 

Mines and miners, policy of the government 
toward, II, 393. 

Mining, I, 524, II, 418. 

Minnesota, formation of Territorv, I, 182, 
183, 187, 192 ; application of Missouri Com- 
I)romise to, 183 ; rule adopted as to State 
Constitution, 346 ; Constitution submitted 
to people before admission as State, 478 ; 
lack of U. 8. circuit court in, II, 98; gov- 
ernor of, requests the President to call 
for volunteers, 194 ; outbreak of the Sioux 
. in, 267 ; development of, 269 ; Indian bar- 
barities in, 279 ; Presidential election in, 
613. 

" Minnesota," the, movements of, II, 136. 

Minnesota Territory, Dred Scott case in, I, 
358. 

Minnesota troops, under Frdmont, II, 84. 

Minority, must yield to majority, II, 5; im- 
possibility of a rule of the, 5; rights of 
the, 63. 

Mints, Confederate seizures of. II, 11 ; ex- 
penses of, fiscal year 1861-62,265. 

Miscegenation, natural disgust at, I, 231; 
Douglas on, 234, 257, 423, '424; Lincoln's 
views on, 273, 369, 370, 432, 438, 457, 470, 
483, 539, 540. 

Misdemeanors, jurisdiction of government 
iu cases of, 1, 180. 

Misrepresentation, I, 286. 

Mississippi, suspected negro insurrection 
in, 1, 10; horrors of mob law in, 10; inter- 
ested in Mississippi River improvements, 
125 ; former ownership of, 181, 601 ; organi- 
zation of Territory of, 601 ; provision as 
to slavery in deed of cession, 601 ; obstruc- 
tion of U. S. laws in, II, 34; insurrection 
in, 35, 55 ; blockade of ports of, proclaimed, 
April 19, 1861, 35, 39,485,670; declared in 
state of insurrection, 75, 195, 285, 288, 321, 
322; order for seizure of property, and 
employment of military "contrabands" 
in, 212 ; Col. Ullman desires to organize 
blacks in, 293 ; provision for reconstruc- 
tion of, 443 ; Clay and Field undertake to 
cultivate plantations in, on fi-ee-labor 
system, 474. 

Mississippi River, improvements on, 1, 125; 
the line of deniarkation between slavery 
and free territory, 204; the seat of the 
real struggle of the war, II, 22; Farra- 
g-ut's operations on, 151; inquiry as to 
movements on, 176; importance of open- 
ing of the. 190, 306 ; Capt. Davis's services 
on, 203; threatened outbreak of Indians be- 
tween Rocky Mountains and, 267 : Banks's 
operations on, 304; Grant's operations on, 
304 ; a negro force on, to end tlie rebellion, 
318 ; inquiries addressed to Kosecrans con- 
cerning operations on, 339 ; raising colored 
troops along, 372 ; opening of, 380. 384, 398, 
454; proposed communication between 



INDEX 



729 



the northeastern sealioard and, 453; 
Craiisc's plantation oii,4r):i; Gtni. t^icklee's 
tdur ot'iiisin'cf ion oil, 4.S7 ; (icii. L. I'lioiiias 
(lircctud to sec to coiitiMliaiid ;iu(l Icasiiii^ 
IjusiucsK ou, 489 ; iiiti'odiictioii of fief-labor 
system on plantatious on, 4y(); massacre 
of colored troops ou, 513 ; i)erniit to James 
Harrison to pass on, 021. 

Mississippi squadron, commanded by Por- 
ter, II, 307. 

Mississippi Territory, proliibition of Afri- 
can slave trade in, I, 202 ; organization of, 
601 ; reLailation of slavery in. 601. 

Mississippi Valley, interest of tlie people of, 
in the mouth of the riv(a-, II, 22; Gen. 
Thomas to raise colored troops in, 384. 

Missouri, interested in Mississiiipi Kiver 
improvements, I, 125; admission of, 173, 
548, 549, 571; attempts to cuter the Union, 
182 ei seq. ; formation of, 182 ; admission 
as a slave State, 188, 191 ; slavery in, 192 ; 
liro-slavery forces of. 200; Ordinance of 
1787 aud, 204, 571 ; Speed's position on 
border warfare, 217 ; trial of Dred Scott 
case in, 241 ; emancipation movement in, 
464, 510, G23; rights in regard to slavery, 
478; Lincoln denies that he claimed .slaves 
should be emaneipated in, 502; French 
settlements iu, 571 ; iuorease of slavery in, 
572; or.iranizatiou of the Territory, 601; 
the Lincoln t:nuily in, 638 ; Seward looks 
to, for revival of Union sentiment, II, 13; 
outrages on loyal citizens in, 52; loyalty 
of State government not to be relied ou, 
52, 53 ; Fremont to give special attention 
to, 69 ; letter from Secretary Cameron to 
the governor, 71, 72; CLuestion of raising 
troops in, 72, 73 ; declaration of the gov- 
ernment as to loyal citizens in, 72; diffi- 
culty of holding, 81 ; Fremont's opera- 
tions in, 84; retreat of the Confederates 
from, 86; protection of, 87; proposal to 
raise State militia, 88, 89; suspension of 
the writ of habeas corpus iu, 93 ; loyalty 
iu, 103, 104 ; effect of the operations of 
Lane and Jennisou in, 113 ; insiu-rection- 
ary spirit in, 113 ; majority against gov- 
ernment in, 113; Price's operations in, 
113 ; precarious position of the Federals 
in, 113, 114 ; troubles with German troops 
in, 113, 117 ; a boundary of rebellion, 131 ; 
estimated cost of emancipation iu, 132, 
138; the President seeks couference with 
representatives from, 132 ; how slavery 
regarded in, 133, 134; Confederate hopes 
of'support from, 134; number of slaves 
iu, 138; call from, for appointment of 
Gen. Schotleld to independent comniaud 
iu, 147 ; local troubles in, 147 ; exposed 
to Coufede'-atc attack, 190; governor of, 
requests the President to call for volun- 
teers, 194; question of railroad construc- 
tion in, 221 ; question between Gov. 
Gamble and the War Department con- 
cerning .status of troops of, 260 ; develop- 
ment of, 269; resolutions regarding, 277; 
order to Gov. Gamble regardlnn troops 
of, 284, 285; trouble with afTairs'iu, 291; 
arrests, banishments, and assessments in, 
291, 292 ; requests for exiles to return 
to, 292; telegram to B. Gratz Brown, 
concerning alFairs in, 294; trouble with 
slaves in, 297 ; suspension of orders of 
provost-marshals in, 298, 299; military 
oiierations iu, .JOS; distress in southwest, 
303; ninnlers iu, 320 ; the postniastership 
at St. Louis, 325; ap)iointment of Gen. 
Schotielil causes trouble in, 337,338; fac- 
tional disputes in, ?37, 340, .345; disturb- 
ances among Union men in, 340; letter to 
Gen. Schofield regarding gradual emanci- 



pation iu, 357; arrests of slaveain, 374; fears 
of outrages ou l)order of Kansas, 402: ne- 
cessity of maintaining military force in, 
416; arrcstsand suppression of newspapers 
and assemblies iu, 416 ; free speech in, 
416; no organized military force in, iu 
avowed opposition to go\ eiiiinent, 410; 
letter of advice to Geu. SchoHcld regard- 
ing affairs in, 416, 417; couliscation of 
ludperty in, 417; enlistment of colored 
troops in, 417 ; militia in, 417 ; restoration 
of peace iu, 417 ; expulsion from, of guer- 
rillas, marauders, and murderers, 417 ; 
wrongs and sufferings of Union men in, 419; 
demands for regulation of (dections in, 416; 
addresses regaiding affairs in, 419; de- 
mand for abolition of enndled militia in, 
419,420,422; (lei>aiture of the r(dicl army 
from, 420; advantage of releasing troops 
from service iu, 422 ; threatened raids 
from Kansas into, 422; question of sub- 
stituting national forces for the enrolled 
militia, 422; troops from, for relief of 
Gen. (iraiit, 422; habeas corpus in, 422; 
the President's course in, 422, 423; in- 
stallation of provisional government in, 
427; domestic violence threatened in, 
427 ; rise of party iu, oj)pose(l to the pro- 
visional government, 427 ; the President's 
attitud(^ toward the provisional govera- 
incnt of, 427 ; letter to Gen. Schofleld re- 
garding affairs in, 431, 432; similitude 
of conditions attending elections in 
Maryland and, 434; tests for voters in, 
434; emancipation iu, 454; method of 
healing difficulties in, 462 ; Gen. Cur- 
tis's standing in, 462; affairs in, 406; 
troubles expected iu, near Kansas City, 
475; moditication of order of War De- 
partment relating to Methodist Church 
in, 481; assassihations in, 507; com- 
plaints about enlistment of negroes in, 
507 ; contested scats from, in Baltimore 
Convention of 1864, 528 ; riglit of soldiers 
to vote at election in, 581, 582; instruc- 
tions to Schofleld concerning elections 
iu, 582 ; request to governor of, to send 
returns of Presidential election, 602; 
formation of new Constitiition in, 612 ; 
crops in, 612; Presidential election in, 
613; violence in northern, 629; abuses by 
provost-marshals in, 651 ; violence in, 
653, 654 ; discharge of rebel prisoners from, 
660; despatch to Gen. Pope regarding 
affairs in, 663. See also Department of 

^IlSSOUKI. ■ 

Missouri Act, eflfectof Kansas-Nebraska bill 
on, I, 476. 

Missouri Compromise, I, 272, 506; Clay's 
part in, 170; its provisious, 183; declared 
inoi^erative and void, 186 : repeal of, 186- 
189, 199, 209, 217, 224, 268, 287, 288, 597, 617, 
618, 021, 644; Douglas's position in regard 
to, 186, 497, 566 ; its restoration advocated, 
200; speecb on, at Peoria, 111., 181-209; 
origin of, 304 ; cause of agitation result- 
ing in, 407 ; disregarded in Kansas in re- 
gard to holding negroes in slavery iu Kan- 
sas, 415; unconstitutionality of, 548, 549; 
hoped to settle slavery qnei*tion, 630; 
course of Chicago Democratic newspapers 
upon the repeal of, II, 344. 

" Missouri Democrat," I, 660. 

Missouri legislature, (|uestion as to Gen. 
SchoHeld's interference with, II, 401. 

Missouri question, I'lay's position on, I, 
171-173; the danirer to the Union in, 173. 

" Missouri Republican," I, 360, 379, 519, 520. 

Missouri restriction, I, 269. 

Missouri River, II, 277 ; construction of 
railroad and telegraph line to the Pacific 



730 



INDEX 



Ocean from, 423; hranch of Union Pacific 
railroad trom, 493. 

Mitchel, Maj.-Gen. O. M., troops for, 11,84; 
at Cincinnati, 84. 

Mitchell, Rev. J., Commissioner of Emigra- 
tion, introduces deputation of colored 
men on colonization, II, 222. 

Mitchell, , bears letter to Gen. Sherman 

respecting Indiana elections, II, 585. 

Mobile, Ala., importance of occupation of, 
II, 187 ; Confederate retreat on line fi-om 
Corinth to, 172 ; Gen. Grant desires to or- 
ganize expedition against, 384; capture 
of. 571-573, salute fired at, 573; Federal 
raid nesir, 593 ; close blockade ordered at, 
593, 594 ; port of, declared closed, 670. 

Mob law, I, 9-12. 

Molina, Don Luis, Minister from Nicaragua, 
reply to, March 16, 18S1, II, 23 ; arrariges 
matters of duties and imposts on Nicara- 
guan vessels, 460. 

Molony, R. S., nominated for Congress, T, 
353; i)osition on slavery question, 353, 
365; elected, 354; appointed to office, 354; 
denounced by Douglas, 365. 

Monarchy, inclinations toward, in the 
South, II, 105 ; as a refuge from the power 
of the people, 502. 

Money, only valuable when in circulation, 
1, 22 ; purchasing power of, 91. 

" Monitor," the, precautions for, II, 136 ; 
Bght with the Mcrrimac, 278. 

Mohocacy, Md., inquiry concerning battle 
at, II, 546 ; defeat of Wallace at, 547 ; the 
Ohio National Guard in the battle of, 575. 

Monongahela River, the, I, 678. 

Monongalia County, Va., excepted from in- 
surrection proclamation, II, 195. 

Monroe, James, views on slavery, I, 624; 
death of, II, 366. 

Monroe County, 111., the Free Democracy 
of, 1, 338, 403, 404, 433 ; Douglas's claim that 
Republican Party dare not use their name 
there, 433, 438 ; Trumbull and Baker speak 
for Lincoln in, 438. 

Monroe Doctrine, indorsed by Union Na- 
tional Convention, II, 531, 538. 

Montana, partial organization of, II, 610. 

Montgomery, Ala., Confederate CongTess 
at, II, 58 ; provisional government organ- 
ized at, 164. 

Montgomery, 'William, introduces bill for 
admission of Kansas, I, 530. 

Moore, , remarks in Illinois legislature 

on Illinois and Michigan canal, I, 44. 

Moore, Thomas P., contested election case, 
1,79. 

Moorefield, W. Va., Fremont at, II, 166-172. 

Moorhead, J. K., instructions to, regarding 
military aflfairs at Pittsburg, II, 355. 

Morality, importance of, I, 3 ; not to be in- 
troduced into politics, 622. 

Moral reforms, how eflected, I, 57-59. 

Moral sense of people, effect on enforcement 
of laws, II, 6. 

Morel, , sues out habeas corpus for 

Louaillier in New Orleans, and is arrest- 
ed, II, 351. 

Morgan, E. D., governor of New York, let- 
ters to, I, 668, 669 ; reply to, Feb. 18, 1861, 
at Albany, 683 ; empowered to act for the 
Secretary of War in the public defense, 
II, 164 ; requests the President to call for 
volunteers, 194 ; telegram to, 196 ; position 
on appointment of Assistant Treasurer at 
New York, 538, 539. 

Morgan, George D., empowered to act for 
the Secretary of the Navy in the public 
defense, II, 164. 

Morgan, Brig. -Gen. George W., force near 
Cumberland Gap, II, 177; leaves Cumber- 



land Gap, 244 ; i^equest that he be ordered 
to Kentucky, 244; movements in defense 
of the Ohio River, 244 ; question of mov- 
ing his command, 251. 

Morgan, Brig. -Gen. John H., inquiry ad- 
dressed to Gen. Burnside regarding, II, 
375 ; raids of, 421 ; raids into Kentucky, 
511. 

" Morgan " candidates, I. 80. 

Morgan County, 111., oiiposition bv, to for- 
mation of new county, 1, k; Whig defeats 
in, 77 ; position in election of 1846, 84. 

" Morning Light," the, seizure of the Jargen 
Lorentzen by, II, 138. 

Morocco, relations with, II, 263; consular 
service in, II, 447. 

Morrill, Senator L. M., to consider the mat- 
ter of organization of House of Represen- 
tatives, II, 433. 

Morrill tariff bill, I, 679. 

Morris, E. Joy, recommended as Minister to 
Constantmople, II, 43. 

Morris, Lt.-Comdr. George U., defense of 
the Cumberland by, II, 279 ; recommended 
for thanks of Congi-ess, 279. 

Morris, Gouverneur, an autislavery man, I, 
603. 

Morris, Capt. Henry 'W., recommended for 
thanks of Ctmgress, II, 151. 

Morris, I. N., letters, II, 400,408. 

Morris, James R., letter to, June 29, 1863, II, 
360-353. 

Morris, Martin M., letters to, I, 79-81, 

Morris, Robert, I, 600. 

Morris, W. M., letter to, I. 532. 

Morris Island, S. C, batteries on, II, 22; 
hopes of capturing batteries on, 324 ; or- 
ders to Admiral Du Pont concerning, 324, 

Morrison, Col. J. L. D., service in Mexican 
war, 1, 146; candidate for General Land 
OlMce, 151, 154, 157, 160; vote for U. S. 
Senatorship, 214. 

Morrison, Col. W. R., letter to, II, 251, 252. 

Morristown, Tenn., Burnside at, II, 413. 

Morrow, R., letter to, Aug. 9, 1863, II, 383; 
bearer of petition to the President regard- 
ing trou)>les in East Tennessee, 383. 

Morton, Mrs. Mary E., seizure of her prop- 
erty by provost-marshal, II, 471, 472. 

Morton, Oliver P., governor of Indiana, asks 
for gunboat, II, 80; correspondence with, 
74, 82, 83, 524, 585; asks for reinforcements for 
Halleck, 159; requests the President to 
call for volunteers, 194 ; offers one-hun- 
dred-day troops, 515 ; introduces Dr. Wins- 
ton to Gen. (Trant, 523 ; telegram to respect- 
ing one-hundred-day troops, 524 ; despatch 
to, concerning elections, 585. 

Mosquera government of New Granada, II, 
299. 

Mott, Maj.-Gen. Gershom, recommended for 
promotion, II, 561. 

Moulton, , consplnints against, in the 

Provost-Marshal-cieiierars Department, 
II, 378 ; letter to, .luh' 31, 1863, 378, 379. 

Mound City, 111., Federal forces at, II, 84. 

Mountain Department, creation of, II, 137; 
assignment of Fremont to, 182 ; troops of, 
to constitute First Army Corps of Army of 
Virginia, 188. 

Mount Jackson, Va., despatch to Fremont 
regarding position at, II, 178, 181, 184; 
Fremont's pret'ercncc for, over Harrison- 
burg, 179; Fremont at, 182, 184; Schurz at, 
183 

" Mudsill " theory, the, I, 581, 582. 

Mulattos, 1, 234 ; slavery the principal cause 
of their existence. 235. 

Muldraugh's Hill, Federal force at, II, 84. 

Mules, order concerning exportation of, II, 
403, 



INDEX 



731 



Munfordville, Ky., orders for movement of 
troopH ue;ir, II, liy. 

Munitions of war, trausportation of, II, 162, 
1()4 ; order coiiceiiiini; exportation of, 403. 

Murderers, expulisiou of, from Missoiu'i, II, 
417. 

Murders in Missouri, II. 420. 

Murfreesboro, Tenn., battle of, II, 293 ; Rose- 
craus at, 293, 310, 328, 339, 341 ; Inquiry of 
Gov. Johnson as to effect of battle on 
prospects of Tennessee, 297 ; bravery at, 
398. 

Murillo, Seflor Manuel, question as to his 
reco<?nition as representative of New 
Granada, II, 299. 

Murphy, Isaac, governor of Arkansas, tele- 
grams, etc., to, concerning reconstruction, 
II, 479, 487, 495 ; telegrams to, respecting 
elections, 498, 501; congratulated on results 
of election, 51.5. 

Murray, Bronson, proposal to nominate him 
iis collector tor the Fourth District, Conn., 
II, 213. 

Musick's Ferry, I, 6. 

Naked claims, I, 10.3, 104. 

Naperville, 111., convention at, I, 354. 

Napier, , debate in Illinois legislature on 

Illinois and Michigan canal, I, 44. 

Nashville, Tenn., I, 639, II, 39; railroad be- 
tween Louisville and, in Federal hands, 
84; contemplated movement of Buell to- 
ward, 111 ; strategical importance of, 112; 
Confederate ileteuse of, 126 ; Buell's posi- 
tion in regard to, 126 ; Buell to reopen com- 
munications with, 248 ; report from, of 
tiiuling of body of Capt. Todd, 297 ; com- 
plaints against police force at, 32R; Grant 
at, 497 ; citizens of Tennessee eompelled to 
go north of, 519; designated as place of 
purchase of products of insurrectionary 
States, 579, 580 ; Gen. Thomas at, 589, 
617. 

" Nashville Press," II, 487. 

Natchez, Miss., port of, declared closed, II, 

670. 

Nation, what constitutes a, II, 268. 

National bank, contractions and expansions 
of, 1, 25 ; safety of, as depositary of public 
moneys, 26-30 ; relative economy of, com- 
pared with su))treasury, as tlscal agent of 
government, 2.5-27 : constitutionality of, 
30, 31 ; Whig demands for, 72 ; its nece'ssity 
and propriety claimed by Whig Party, 74 ; 
a sound currency and, 78; Gen. Taylor's 
supposed position on subject of, 134; Gen. 
Taylor on establishment of, 137 ; Douglas's 
position on power of Congress to charter 
a, 421 ; the Ciiu'innati platform on power 
of Congress to estalilish a, 447; Douglas's 
action in regard to, 481. See also Bank op 
THE United Siates. 

National banks, influence on currency, 1,25; 
proposed system of, II, 264. 301, 609. 

National conventions, dangers of local is- 
sues in, I, 535. 

National debt, remarks on, I, 20 ; creation 
of, 73, 74; Gen. Taylor's supposed position 
on subject of. 134 ; time as a reducer of, II, 
274 ; incurred by the war, 533. 

National Democracy, the, I, 438. 

National Democrats, convention at Bpring- 
fleld. 111., 1,351; Doufilas's charge of com- 
bination 1 letween Ucpublicans and, 442, 443. 

National Fast-Day, Aug. 12, 1861, II, 73, 74 ; 
March 30, 1863, 319, 320. 

National forces, what constitutes the, II, 
333; enrolling and calliiit;- out the, 449. 

National freedom, prescr\ation of, I, 12-15 

National government, duty in regard to cur- 
rency, I, 25. 



National honor, due to the prc^iervatioa of 
the Union, I, 635. 

National housekeeping, I, 616, 617, 630. 

National independence, I, 637. 

" National Intelligencer," quotes sale of ne- 
groes at Louisville, II, 329. 

Nationalization of slavery. See SLAVERY. 

National loan, the, II, 96. 

National political religion, the, I, 12. 

National prosperity, I, 637. 

National resources, abundance of, II, 534, 614. 

National suicide, I, 9. 

National troubles, hope of allaying, II, 4. 

National Union League, reply to a delega- 
tion from the, II, 531, 532. 

Native Americans, support Gen. Taylor, I, 
122. 

Naturalization, Lincoln's \iews on Massa- 
chusetts' constitutional provision in re- 
gard to, 1, 534 ; abuses of, II. 446 : inchoate, 
446 ; proof of, 446 ; proposed records of, 446. 

Naturalization laws, position of Keimliliean 
National Convention of 1860 in regard to, 

I, 637. 

Natural theology, pronounces slavery a 

wrong, I, 613. 
Naval service, negroes to be employed in, 

II, 285, 288. 

Naval warfare, change in, II, 450. 

Navigable streams, clearing of, I, 1. 

Navy. See \J. S. Navy. 

Navy yard, necessity for a new, II, 610. 

Navy yards, treason in, II, 124; changes 
needed in, 450: importance of establish- 
ment of, on Western rivers, 450. 

Nebraska, formation of, I, 182 ; question of 
slavery in, 182, 192-198, 200, 271, 287, 364; 
application of Missouri Compromise to, 
183, 186 ; opening up of, 185 ; unsuccessful 
ettbrts to give her a Territorial govern- 
ment, 186; needs of Territorial govern- 
ment, 187 ; provisions of act of admis.sion, 
208; Democratic need of securing Senator 
from, 211 ; Douglas's bill for organization 
of, 278; plans of liepuliliean Party in re- 
gard to, 280 ; Douglas's question to Lincoln 
on admission of, 489; veto of act pro- 
hibiting slavery in, condemned by Repub- 
lican National Convention of 1860, 636; 
Gen. Ciirtis's standing in, II, 462. 

Nebraska bill, Lincoln's position on, I, 217; 
anecdote of Douglas and, 218; its strength 
in Illinois, 224; not a measure of self-gov- 
ernment for the Territory, 226 ; purpose of, 
243, 244, 503; argument of a Buchanan 
man about, 248; Douglas's claims as to 
position of Illinois legislature on, 256; 
intent and meaning of, 279, 294, 295 ; Doug- 
las's princiides for its introduction, 292; 
Chase's amendment to, 303. 304, 311-313, 315, 
316. 460; a eon^i)ira<y to make slavery per- 
petual and national, 310, 313, 396 ; rights 
of people to have slavery or not, under, 
315, 316, 364, 419, 420, 436; introduced by- 
Douglas to settle slavery questions, 407 ; 
eftect of, on slavei-y in Territories, 421, 
475-478; did not follow New Mexico and 
Utah bills, 441 ; Crittenden on, 503. 

Nebraska doctrine, I, 240-245, 426. 

Nebraskaism, I, 425, 427. 

Nebraska policy, professed reason for its 
adoption, I, 425. 

Nebraska question in Illinois, I, 212, 214. 

Nebraska Territory, development of, II, 269. 

Negroes, burning one to death, I, 10; lynch 
law for, 10 ; their temperament a paradox, 
52, 53; trade in Washington in, 185; de- 
portation and colonization of, 187, 235, 288, 
II, 102, 205. 237, 262, 263, 271, 274, 275.495; 
illegal reasons for increase of, 1, 193 ; mun- 
ber of free, in United States, 194; human- 



732 



INDEX 



ity of, 194, 621, 630; social and political 
equality between whites and, 195, 196, 272, 
273, 284, 285, 288, 289, 291-293. 301, 318-320, 
355, 369, 370, 405, 432, 434, 438, 451, 457-459, 
469, 470, 483, 486, 495, 498-501, 508, 539, 540, 
620-622, II, 223; Douglas's views i-egard- 
Ing, I, 208 ; status under the Bred Scott de- 
cision, 228-235, 242, 343-345, 426, 486 ; Judge 
Taney's opinion of condition of, 230; com- 
bination against, 231 ; Lincoln's position 
on th(i status of, 232, 257 ; rights and status 
of, under the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, 233, 272, 273, 289, 300, 301, 320, 458, 486, 
499-501, 539, 556, 557, 562, 589, 614, 619, 621, 
630 ; the only perfect preventive of arual- 
gaiiiatiou of whites and, 234; power of 
nia.stdH over female, 234, 235; position of 
the Democratic and Republican parties 
on their status, 235; relations of whites 
with, 257; freedom of will of, as decided 
by Supreme Court of Virginia, 268; ques- 
tion of citizenship of, 2S3, 284, 406, 407, 434, 
435, 473, 495, 497, 498; what shall be done 
with free, 285; status in vai'ious States, 
344, 345, 435 ; as voters, 285, 355 ; dictum of 
U. S. Supreme Court judge as to status of 
Imported negro slave, 405; property in, 
408, 423, 435, 502, 621 ; injustice of the whites 
to, 413; held in slavery in Kansas, 415; 
how excluded from benefits of art. 4, sec. 
2, of U. S. Constitution, 426 ; not citizens 
in Illinois, 478; deprived, under Dred 
Scott decision, of benefits of U. S. Con- 
stitution, art. 4, sec. 2, 486 ; not necessarily 
slaves, 495; dehumanizing the, 502; how 
reckoned in basis of representation, 504; 
the word evaded in the U. 8. Constitution, 
504; on their invention and the present 
mode of using them, 526; degradation of, 
657, 563, 621, 622 ; Douglas's position as be- 
tween crocodiles and, 563, 564, 590, 614, 620- 
622 ; no conflict between whites and, 563, 
564, 614, 621, 622; indentured in Illinois, 
572; Lincoln's position as between whites 
and, 614 ; entitled to chance to better their 
condition, 625 ; imposition of a strange 
"necessity" on us by, 649; Southern belief 
regarding policy of the North about, II, 
20 ; efl'ect of emigration of, on immigration 
of whites, 102; liberation of, 102; Gen. 
Phelps's report concerning fugitive, 198, 
199; military employment of, 212, 285, 288, 
298; fed by Gen. Butler in New Orleans, 
234,235; capture and sale of, 235; objec- 
tions to the presence of free. 274, 275 ; de- 
clared free by proclamation of Jan. l, 1863, 
285, 287, 288; Col. Ullman desires to or- 
ganize, in Mississippi and Louisiana, 293 ; 
apprenticeship for, 290; Gov. Johnson 
proposes to raise an army of, 318 ; fugitive, 
declared captives of war, 329; sale of, at 
Louisville, 329 ; relations of whites and, in 
Louisiana, 380; education for, 380; ques- 
tion of arming the, 235, 398. 479 ; camps 
for, ai'ound Washington, 477; as hired 
laborers, 483 ; as soldiers, 483 ; Gen. Sickles 
commissioned to make investigation tour 
concerning, 483; inquiry as to status 
■within rebel lines, 483; enfranchisement 
of, 496, 674, 675 ; complaints about enlist- 
ment of, in Missouri, 507 ; Secretary Cam- 
eron advises arming of, 508 ; laying strong 
hands on, 508; of Baltimore, present a 
Bible to the President, 574; liberality of 
the new Constitution in Louisiana toward, 
597; alleged torture of, to force them into 
military service, 637 ; proposed armament 
of, by Confederates, 662 ; intermarriage 
with whites, see Miscegenation. See also 
Colored Troops; Freedmen; Slavery; 
Slaves, etc. 



" Negro Democracy," the, I, 575. 

Negro regiments, telegram to Gen. Schenck 
regarding, II, 365. 

Negro suffrage, Lincoln charged with favor- 
ing, I, 538 ; Lincoln's views on, 539, 540. 

Negro troops. See Colored Troops. 

Nelson, David, seeks situation under Fed- 
eral government, II, 251. 

Nelson, Judge Samuel, opinion on power of 
State to admit or exclude slavery, I, 244, 
460. 

Nelson, Thomas A. R., member of Con- 
gress from Teimessee, II, 251; defection 
of, 251 ; letter to, 588, 589. 

Nelson, Maj.-Gen. William, inquiry of Gen. 
Boyle concerning force of, li, 229. 

Nervous debility, I, 54. 

Netherlands, the King of, proposed as arbi- 
trator between Great Britain and the 
United States, II, 23; relations with, 203. 

Neutral rights, violations of, II, 262. 

Nevada, mineral resources of, 11,447; ad- 
mission of, 592, 610 ; Presidential election 
in, 614. 

Nevada Territory, organization of, II, 101 ; 
needed legislation for, 140. 

New Albany, Ind., Gov. Morton asks for 

■ troops and guns for, II, 83 ; Federal forces 
at, 84; the President declines invitation 
to attend ratilication meeting at, 582. 

" New Almaden " mine, case of, II, 393. 

Newbern, N. C, question of operations 
near, II, 153; Bm-nside at, 189; Comdr. 
Eowan's services in capture of, 203; 
difficulties of E. J. Westcott at, 318 ; salute 
tired at, 573; port of, declared closed, 670. 

New England, mob law in, I, 9,10; sup- 
ports Pierce, 224; the Lincolns of, 596; 
blamed for John Brown's raid, 609; condi- 
tion of labor in, 625 ; soil of, 625 ; poverty 
in. 625; wealth of, 625; search for Cabinet 
minister from, 661; Gen. Butler proposes 
to raise troops in, II, 78 ; share in opening 
the Mississippi River, 398. 

New England Society, the President de- 
clines the invitation of the, II, 619. 

New England States, position on public- 
land question, I, 150. 

New Granada, convention with, II, 263 ; rev- 
olution in, 239, 300; remodeling of the 
Constitution, 209 : relations with, 299, 300. 

New Hampshire, fi'ee-ucgro vote in, I, 230; 
mulattos in, 234; conditions contrasted 
with those of South Carolina, 283 ; aboli- 
tion of slavery in, 488 ; movement to make 
obedience to fugitive-slave law punisha- 
ble as crime, 535 ; woolen and cotton in- 
dustries of, 616; Gen. Butler proposes to 
raise troops in, II, 78; governor of, re- 
quests the President to call for volun- 
teers, 194; signature of papers for, 220; 
Presidential election in, 613; supposed 
case relating to, presented to Gov. Smith 
of Vermont, concerning Vermont's com- 
plaints about the draft, 638, 639. 

New Haven, Conn., speech at, March 6, 1860, 
I, 616-629. 

New Jersey, contested election case in, I, 
79; free-negTO vote In, 230; abolition of 
slavery in, 488; invitation to visit legisla- 
ture of, 668 ; acceptance of invitation, 670 ; 
place in history, 688; addresses, Feb. 21, 
1861, to the Senate and Assembly of, 688, 
689; opposition to Republican ju-iuciples 
In, 689; govei'norof, refiuests the President 
to call for volunteers, II, 194 ; tax commis- 
sions for, 226; population of, 273; back- 
wardness in raising troops, 371 ; Joel Par- 
ker governor of, 371 ; raising of troops in, 
375 ; proposed use for ne\v regiments from, 
377; share in opening the Mississippi 



INDEX 



733 



River, 398 ; J. E. Freese in, 578 ; Presiden- 
tial election in, 613, 614. 

New Kent Court House, Dix'8 pickets at, II, 
192. 

Newland, contested election case, I, 79. 

New Mexico, question of slavery in, 1,173, 
185, 189, 206-208, 355, 669; acquisition 
of, 184; demand for Territorial gov- 
ernment, 185; the Coinpvoniise of 1850, 
and the organization of Territory of, 
440, 441 ; Douglas's interrogatory to Lin- 
coln on admission of, 468, 489 ; Douglas 
reports hill for Ten-itorial government 
for, 476 ; ettect of the civil war ou the rela- 
tions with tlieliHliiiiisof, IF, 100 ; Col. Bar- 
rett oidcieil to, 141 ; a<'cciitsl)eiietitsof act 
jirovidiiig for colleges of agriculture and 
mechanic arts, 3i;i; Indian diKturbanccs 
in, 447 ; mineral resources in, 447 ; troulilcs 
exi>ected on route between Kansas City 
and, 47r) ; pioposed api)oiutment of Judge 
8eatcs as chief justice at, 664. 

New Orleans, La., sugartransportedto Buf- 
falo from, \ ia canal, I, 125, 126; slavery in, 
182, 601 ; Douglas (leiKiuuccs a " fatal her- 
esy" at, 590; tlatl)oat trip to, 640, 641 ; rais- 
ing the blockade of, II, 1.50, 670; capture 
of, 151, 192; Gen. Butler at, 198; Comdr. 
Porter's services at, 203; proposed ap- 
pointment of Bouliguy as siu-veyor at, 
208 ; complaints from, 217; feeding of slaves 
In, 234, 235 ; tendency to famine at, 
235; port of, 269; Gen. Twiggs's swords 
sent from, 280; the President desires 
to nominate Cuthbert Bnllitt as collec- 
tor of customs at, 284 ; excepted from 
declaration of Louisiana's state of rebel- 
lion, 288, 322 ; Gen. Butler to return to, 305, 
306; J. PI Bouligny's mission to, 324; proc- 
laTnation of martial law in, by Gen. Jack- 
son, 350, 351; Dennison collector at, 469; 
reconnnendations from, for C. 8. Hawkes, 
476; Gen. Sickles commissioned to make 
tour of observation via, 482, 497 ; Gen. Can- 
by at, 560, 593; salute fired at, 573; desig- 
nated as place of purchase of products of 
insuiTcctionary States, 579, 580; Constitu- 
tional edUNcntiou ill, 597; arrest of an edi- 
tor at the Constitutional convention, 597; 
military interference in, .597, 598; Banks 
ordered to, 602 ; permit to James Harrison 
to trade to and from, 621. 

New Orleans " Picayune," II, 2.52. 

Newport, Ky., salute lired at, II, 573. 

Newport, Vt., regulations regarding ship- 
ment of goods in bond to British North 
America from, II, 565, 566. 

Newport News, Va., suggestion as to Sigel's 
having command at, II, 174 ; Burnside at, 
207. 

New Salem, 111 ., Li ncoln' s interest in mill at , 
I, 2 ; aunounconieiit of political views at, 
7; Lincoln's mill and store experience in, 
597, 641 ; Lincoln appointed postmaster at, 
641. 

Newspaper criticisms, Douglas on, I, 296, 
297; the President's views of, II, 435, 538. 

Newspapers, subseriptiims for, to be paid 
tlirougli post-oiliee, I, 113-115; probable 
erroneous reiKiiting in, 644 ; suppression 
of, in Missouri, II, 416. 

New York city, proposed Subtreasnry sta- 
tion at, I, 28; Douglas's work in, 262, 266; 
letter in regard to si)eaking in, 585 ; ad- 
dress, Feb. 27, 1860, at Cooiier Union, 
599-612,633; address at, Feb. 19, 1861, 686, 
687 ; reply, Feb. 20, 1861, to the mayor of, 
687, 688 ; naval preparations at, IT, 25 ; 
Bates advocates line of fast vessels be- 
tween Key West and, 27, 28; Lieut. Porter 
ordered to, 28 ; Lt.-Col. Keyes ordered to, 



31 ; movements of troops to ancl from, 42; 
question of appointing David Welib ap- 
l)raiser at, 46; ([uestion of appointing 
George Dennison na\al otiicer at, 46, 47; 
military line lietween Wasliiiigton and, 
54; meeting in, for relief of loyal sutt'erers 
of Hatteras, 90; the President's gratitude 
to journals of, 132 ; niovennnts of vessels 
to Hamilton Koadsfroiii, 136; orders to the 
comniaudaut of the n;i\ >-yar(l at, to arm 
steamships fonlefense, 164 ; i'stal>lishment 
of coniiiiuuieatioii between Washington 
and, k;-) ; Seward at, 191, r.i2 ; invitation to 
attend mass-iiieetiiig at, 'Jos; reeinitiiigin, 
217; port of, 'J(;9 ; iiileniatioiial arbitration 
commissi (1 11 at, couce ruing the San .huinto 
SMAJulcset Alaiic,Ttl; assistant-collector- 
shipat,313; anxiety aboutthedr.aft in, 380; 
Mrs. A. Lincoln in, 413, 517, 540 ; iiroposed 
mayoralty of Gen. Dix, 436, 437 ; meeting 
at Cooper Institute to i)roniote raising of 
volunteers, 441 ; I'reednieu's Aid Society, 
461 ; retirement of Hiram Barney from 
custom-house at, 469 ; letter to Secretary 
Chase concerning the custom-house at, 
481 ; propo.sed appointment of new col- 
lector at, 481 ; the draft in, 488; replj" to a 
committee from tlie Wdikingmen's As.so- 
ciation of, 501-503; riots in, .503; spurious 
proclamation circulated in, 523, 524 ; mass- 
meeting in, to honor Gen. Grant, 527 ; San- 
itary fairs in, 534; question of appoint- 
merit of Assistant Treasurer at, 538, 539 ; 
movement in, against Barney, 539; salute 
fired at, 573 ; N. P. Banks at, 668. 

New York " Day-book," I, 413. 

New York " Evening Post," II, 538. 

New York " Herald," I, 633, II, 317, .506 ; cor- 
respondent of, excluded from Gen. Grant's 
headquarters, 317. 

New York "Journal of Commerce," impris- 
onment of publisher, and seizure of office 
of, II, 523, 524. 

New York legislature, address to, Feb. 18, 
1861, .at Albany, I, (!84. 

New York Relief Committee, address from 
di.stressed operatives of Blackburn, Eng., 
to, II, 312. 

New York " Senate Journal," I, 39. 

New York State, Democratic victory in, in 
1842, I, 78; probable vote for Clay, 118; 
condition of the Democratic Party in, 
147 ; position on public-land question, 150; 
free-negro vote in, 230; qualities uegro 
voters, 285; Abolition convention held in, 
336; status of negi-o in, 344; abolition 
of slavery in, 488; Democratic hope 
for advantage in, 625; Douglas's strength 
in, 648; Douglas's electioneering tac- 
tics in, 648, 649 ; Hunt movement in, 
648, 649 ; acceptance of invitation to visit 
legislature^ at Albany, 66S-670; population 
of, 683; (ieriiian troops raised in, II, 46; 
memorial from, regarding tlie Erie and 
Oswego canals, ISO; governor of, requests 
the President to call for volunteers, 194 ; 
proposed enlargement of canals in, 267; 
population of, 273; necessity of its coop- 
eration with the government, 317; Gov. 
Seymour asks suspension of the draft iu, 
379; the draft in, 381, 382, 386, 387, 488; 
share in ojiening the Mississippi River, 
398; correspondence with (iov. Seymour, 
regarding the draft in, 399, 400; resolution 
of the legislature in regard to canal sur- 
veys, 423 ; troops from, for defense of 
Washington, 547; Presidential election in, 
613. 

New York "Times," reports Douglas's 
speech at Columbus, O., I, 599; states 
Lincoln's reasons for not coming before 



734 



INDEX 



tlic public, f)56 ; the President's gratitude 
to, II, 132; true to tlie Union, 525. 

New York " Tribune," error in, in relation 
to Texas boundary, I, 133; circulation in 
Illinois, 238 ; I'avorsDoiisias for t he i^cuaTe, 
530; favors emancipation by purchase, II, 
134 ; letter to the President from Horace 
Greeley in, 227. 

New York " World," imprisonment of pub- 
lisher, and seizure of office of, II, 523, 524. 

Niagara Falls, fraKuienliuy notes for a lec- 
ture on, 1, 1<>1, 1G2; Confederate commis- 
sioners at, 553; proposed publication of 
correspondence relating to meeting at, 
563. 

Nicaragua, reply to Minister fiom, II, 23; 
relations with, 2C3 ; interoeeimic transit 
through, 44(!, 604 ; arrangement with, re- 
garding (hities and imposts, 4C0, 461; re- 
quests survey of the river Ban Juan, 604. 

Nicholas County, Va., excepted from iusur- 
rectiou proclamation, II, 195. 

Nicholasville, Ky., proposed railroad con- 
ncctiiuis with, II, 95. 

Nichols, Lieut. -Comdg. Edward T., recom- 
mended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. 

Nicholson, Senator A. O. P., letter from 
Cass to, on Wilmot Proviso, 1, 143. 

Nicolay, John G., private secretary to the 
President, I, 638, 645, 666-668, 670, II, 40; 
telegram toOen. Fr('-mont, 72; letterfrom, 
to Judge-Advoeat(> ]>ee,175; letter to Sec- 
retary 8tanton, i'.n ; letter to \Vm. Denni- 
son, 511 ; letter to John Hay, 527, 528 ; 
note to D. S. D. Baldwin, 566, 567 ; at St. 
Louis, 588; inquiry addressed to, concern- 
ing whereabouts of Rosecrans, 588; de- 
spatch to II. A. Swift resi>ecting petition 
of Gen. Barnes, 628 ; telegraphs Gov. An- 
drew concerning the Thirteenth Amend- 
ment, 634. 

" Niles's Register," I, 103, 143. 

Ninth Army Corps, II, 641, 642. 

Ninth Corps, should have been sent by 
Grant to Bimiside, II, 376. 

Noble, Warren P., letter to, Juue 29, 1863, 
II, 360-363. 

Noell, , member of Congress from Mis- 
souri, views on emancipation by pur- 
chase, II, 133, 134. 

Noggle, Charles L., cashiering of, II, 221. 

Nolin Creek, I, 644. 

Non-intercourse, proclamation of, II, 75. 

Norfolk, Va., naval preparations at, II, 25; 
Atty.-Gen. Bates advocates line of fast ves- 
sels between Key West and, 27, 28; seizure 
of the navy-yard at, by Virginia, 58 ; the 
Monitor's passage to, 136; suggestion of 
Sigel's having comniand at, 174; capture 
of, 192; order regarding blockade at, 253; 
excepted from declaration of Virginia's 
state of rebellion, 2sk; destitution in, 383; 
trial of Dr. Wright at, 404; execution of 
Chas. Crnmpton at, 512; desigi>ated as 
place of purchase of products of insurrec- 
tionary States, 580; the l>lockade raised 
in, 599 ; reopening of port of, 606 ; letter to 
Gen. Butler regarding affairs of , 620; ne- 
cessity of military occupancy of, 620; re- 
laxation of blockade of, 670. 

Norfolk County, Va., excepted from declara- 
tion of Virginia's state of rebellion, II, 
288. 

North, domination of moral principle in, I, 
223; Presidential greed in, 224; allega- 
tions of sectionalism against, 224; at- 
tempts to array against the Soiith, 286; 
position on slave-trade, 288; no natural 
antagonism against the South, 291, 292; 
electoral strength of the, 488; numerical 
superiority of, to South, 570; loss of 



Southern trade in, 626; views on slavery 
in, 630; danger of a divided sentiment in, 
II, 19 ; Southern opinion of courage in, 
20; courage of, 21; Southern expectations 
of help from, 103; invited to declare for 
the Union as it was, 217 ; effect of eman- 
cipation in, 235 ; effect of the prelimin- 
ary Emancipation Proclamation in, 242; 
shares in the responsibility for slavery, 
272; reason for negro immigration to, 275; 
raising of colored troops in, 342, 343. 

" North American Review," article in, on 
" The President's Policy," II, 470. 

Northampton County, Va., renewal of alle- 
giance in, II, 104 ; excepted from decla- 
ration of Vimiuia's state of rebellion, 288; 
question of exemption of, in E;niancipa- 
tion Proclamation, 327 ; rebels i)aroled in, 
by Gen. Dix, 394, 395. 

North Anna, inquiries concerning condi- 
tion of railroads crossing the, II, 335 ; 
Grant on, 525. 

North Atlantic blockading squadron, ser- 
vices on North Carolina coast, II, 125. 

North Carolina, contested election cases in, 
I, 79; the formation of Tennessee from, 
181 ; free-negro vote in, 230 ; cedes to Fed- 
eral government the territory now Ten- 
nessee, 600, 601 ; Seward looks to, for 
revival of Uniou sentiment, II, 13; acts 
of rebellion in, 39; blockade of iiorts of, 
39, 412, 670; repression of Union senti- 
ment in, 58 ; declared in state of insurrec- 
tion, 75, 195, 285, 288, 321, 322 ; raising troops 
in, 80; meeting in New York, to relieve 
loyal sufferers of, 90; proposed railroad 
connections between Kentneky and loyal 
regions of, 94, 95; Federal sentiment in, 
104; the blockading squadron on the 
coast of, 125; Stanley's governorship of, 
175, 243; Comdr. Rowan's services in 
waters of, 203; order for seizure of prop- 
erty and military employment of " con- 
trabands" in, 212; Congressional elections 
to be held in, 243; hope that she may re- 
sume self-government, 243; provision for 
reconstruction of, 444. 

Northern Central Railroad, arrangements 
for trip to Gettysburg, II, 439. 

Northwest, effect of The civil war on the 
settlement of the, II, 100 ; outbreak of 
Indians in, 310; share in opening the' Mis- 
sissippi River, 398. 

Northwestern Fair, Sanitary Commission, 
transmission of original draft of Emanci- 
pation Proclamation to, II, 429. 

Northwestern frontier, defense of, I, 5. 

Northwest Territory, slavery and the, I, 
172 ; Jefferson's opposition to slavery 
in, 181 ; States formed from, 181 ; prohibi- 
tion of slavery in, 202, 324, 599, 600, 603, 
604, 606, 627; freedom from slavery, 204; 
slavery in, 253 ; Ordinance of 1787 for gov- 
ernment of, 549; Jefferson's Ordinance 
for government of, 549 ; part of Virginia, 
571 ; early ownership of, 571. 

Norton, J. C, signs call for Whig Conven- 
tion at Springfield, 1851, 1, 167. 

Norton, • , alleged fraud upon, by T. L. 

Harris, I, 444, 484. 

Norway. See SWKDEN and Norway. 

Norwich, Conn., abstract of speech, March 
9, 1860, at, I, 630, 631. 

Nueces, Taylor's march across the desert 
of, 1, 121. 

Nueces River, boundary question, I, 101- 
105, 133. 

Nullification question, T, 493; Clay's part 
in, 170, 173; slavery at bottom 'of, 506; 
disturbing element in the Union, 515, 516. 

Nullification rebellion, how checked, II, 20. 



INDEX 



735 



Oaks, Col., report of Coles County riots, II, 

552. 

Oath, the Presidential, II, 1, 2. 

Oath of allegiance, the, II, 4i3, 454. 458, 486- 
488, 499, 50(1, 505, 507, 511, 570, 571, 625, 659. 

Oaths, the Pi'csideut's views of, II, 478. 

Observation, habits of, I, 524. 

Occoquan River, proposed movements on 
the, II, 92, 93, 120. 

Ocracoke, N. C, i)ort of, declared closed, 
II, (170. 

Office-holders, effect of collection of reve- 
nue in specie on, I, 23. 

Officers, dismissal of, II, 499. 

Office-seeking, I, 261, 506. 

Offutt, Denton, hires Lincoln for flathoat 
trip to New Orleans, I, 640, 641 ; emjiloys 
Lincoln to run a store and mill, 641 ; fails 
in husiness, 641. 

Oglesby, Maj.-Gen. R. J., inquiries after con- 
dition of, II, 245. 

Ohio, public-land system comjwred with 
that of Illinois, I, 2(); interested in Missis- 
sippi Riveriraproveiuents, 125 ; position on 
public-land <iuestion, 150; Connecticut's 
former ownership of part of, 181; partly 
formed from Northwest Territory, 181, 
549; sentiment on the Kn^lish bill in, 429; 
attitude toward fu,s;itive-slave law, 535; 
Ropul)lic:in convention in 1859, 537; Lin- 
coln's first speech in, 538-557 ; admission 
to the Union, 549; antislavery laws of, 
562 ; sugar in, 562 ; inflU(Mic(> of ( )i-(linance 
of 1787 on, 565, 570, 571; antislavery clause 
in Constitution, 570; earl,\ ownership of, 
571; publication of speeches in joint de- 
bates in, 597; Democratic defeat in, 1859, 
615; Lincoln's political supporters in, 
632; Lincoln invited to \isit lejj;islature, 
668; acceptance of invitation, 671; use 
of private messengers through, II, 165; 
governor of, requests the President 
to call for volunteers, 194; develop- 
ment of, 269; piipulatiou of, 273; threat- 
ened inroads of the enemy into, 353 ; call 
for troops from, :i."i:S ; her military contri- 
butions to tlu' liOveriiHient, 362 ; no insult 
to, in arrest of V^illaudigliain, 362; Val- 
landighaui noiiiiuated ior governor of, 
362, 363; offer of troops from, 514, 515; re- 
ply to a serenading delegation from, 531 ; 
remarks to a regiment from, 532 ; watch- 
ing Vallandigliam in, 535; order of thanks 
to hundred day troops from, 575; services 
of National (iuard of, 575; favorable elec- 
tion ill, .'>«,'); ie(iuest to governor of, to 
send returns of Presidential election, 602; 
Presidential eh'ctiou in, 613. 

Ohio County, Va., exce])ted from insurrec- 
tion proclamation, II, 195. 

Ohio Democratic State Convention, resolu- 
tions of, presented to the President, II, 
3(;0-363. 

Ohio Regiments, address to the 148th, II, 
570 ; address to the 164th, 566 ; address to 
the 166th, 567. 

Ohio River, the boundary line of the Ordi- 
nance of 1787, I, 189, 204, 549 : botindary be- 
tween slav<'aiid free States, ,")(;!, 570; to be 
vigilantly guarded, II, s(t; Federal gun- 
lioats on. Hi; Ilalleck's troops ordered to 
Rieliiuoiid by way of, 1m9; Morgan's move- 
ments ill defense of. 244. 

" Ohio Statesman," the, I, 538. 

Ohio troops for West Viiiiinia, II, 84. 

Okolona, -, Confederate retreat to, II, 172. 

Olden, Charles S., letter to, I, 670; governor 
of New Jersey, re(iuests the President to 
call for volunteers, II, 194. 

*' Old Hickory," the Democratic standard- 
bearer, 1, 140, 141. 



Old horses and military coat-tails, 1, 139-141. 

" Old Rough and Ready," I, 122. 

Oldroyd, O. H., I, 5. 

Old Sangamon, 111., building a boat at, I, 641. 

" Old Soldier," the, I, 40. 

Old Whig Party, Douglas's affection for, I, 
271. 

Oligarchy, Jefferson's forebodings of, 1, 270, 

Olive-branch ? — or sword ? II, 14. 

Olustee, Fla., <'olored troops at, II, 562. 

Omaha, the Union Pacitic Railroad and, II, 
493, 611. 

O'Neill, John, letter to, II, .360-363. 

Opdyke, George, recommends George Den- 
nisou as naval officer at New York, 11.47; 
money advanced to, for public defense, 
165; mayor of New York, 404; on com- 
mittee of meeting at Cooper Institute to 
promote raising of volunteers, 441 ; let- 
ter to, 441, 442. 

Oporto, Portugal, International Exhibition 
at, II, 652. 

Ord, Maj.-Gen. E. O. C, instructions to, 
cotrespondenee, and transactions respect- 
ing the meeting of the President with 
Confederate commissioners in Hamp- 
ton Roads, II, 632, 641-644; in action, 
667. 

Order of Retaliation, July 30, 1863, II, 378. 

Ordinance of 1787, restraint of slavery by, I, 
182, 196, 204, 549, 550, 555, 587; the Missouri 
line an extension of the line of the, 189; 
not i-epealed by Washington Territorial 
law of 1853, 207 ; importance of, 549 ; Ran- 
dolph reports against violation of, 550; 
influence on Northwest Territory, 565; 
Douglas's views on, 570; passage of, 600; 
passage of act enforcing, 603, 604. 

Ordinance of secession, the President's 
opinion of, II, 437 : recommendation that 
it be repealed in Louisiana, 437. 

Ordinances of secession, II, 55. 

Ordnance, Comdr. John A. Dahlgren's im- 
provements in, II, 203 ; report of chief of, 
449. 

Oregon, offer of governorship to Lincoln, J, 
159 ; Ordinance of 1787 in, 207 ; question of 
admission to the Union, 314, 315, 468; 
boundarv question, 643; the election of 
1860 in, 644, (!5o ; lack of U. S. circuit court 
in, II, 98 ; request to governor of, to send 
returns of Presidential election, 602 ; Presi- 
dential election in, 613. 

Organic laws, limitations in framing, II, 4. 

Orleans, Va., Confederate strength near, II, 
163. 

Orleans Parish, La., excepted from declara- 
tion of Louisiana's state of rebellion, Jan. 
1, 1863, II, 288. 

Orr, James L., view.s on rights of slave- 
owners in Territoi'ies, I, 436, 474 ; Speaker 
of House of Representatives in 18.56, 474 ; 
construction of Kansas-Nebraska bill, 494, 
495. 

Orsini, Felice, attempt on Louis Napoleon's 
life, I, 609. 

Orton, William, proposed as collector, II, 
228. 

Osgood, , vote for U. 8. senatorship, I, 

214. 

Ospina, Manuel, relation with, as President 
of New Granada, II, 299. 

Osterhaus, P. J., Gen. Sherman complains of 
his appointment, II, 555. 

Oswego canal, memorial regarding locks 
on, II, 180. 

Ottawa, 111., Douglas's attack on Lincoln at, 
in regard to Siu'inglield convention, I, 443- 
445, 4.52; Douglas's interrogatories to Lin- 
coln at, 467, 468 ; joint debate at, see Joint 
Debates. 



736 



INDEX 



Overflowed lands, granted to tLe States, II, 

45'J. 
Overland mail, necessity for a dally, I, 637. 
Overland telegraph. Bee Telegraph. 

Owen, , surgeon, dismissal of, II, 499. 

Owens, Mary, letters to, I, 8, 15-17. 
Owens, Samuel A., question of release of, 

II. 602. 
Owensborough, Ky., in possession of seces- 

siouists, II, SO. 

Pacific Ocean, necessity of a railroad to the, 

I, 637 ; exportation of live-stock from 
ports on, II, 403 ; construction of railroad 
and telegi-apli line from the Missouri 
River to, 423. 

Pacific Railroad, construction of, 11,267,453, 
611; question of soveriiment supplying 
iron for, 494 ; supported l>y Union National 
Convention, 531 ; recouinnudations of the 
Secretary of the Interior resjiecting, 610. 
See also Union Pacific Railkoad. 

Pacific Railroad of California, location of, 

II, 611. 

Pacific slope, wealth of, II, 269. 

Paddock, Orville, recommendation of, for 
pension asent, I, 155. 

Paducah, Ky., Gov. Morton asks for gun- 
boat from, II, 80; Federal force at, 84; 
Halleck's strength at, 113 ; possible move- 
ments of Buell's troops fi-om, 114; simi- 
larity of the position of the troops at, to 
Patterson's at Bull Run, 114. 

Paine, E. A., I, 521. 

Palmer, Maj. -Gen. John M., opposes the Ne- 
• braska bill, I, 214; passed over for Lin- 

coln as nominee for the Senate, 341, 403 ; 
at Lomsville, II, 654 ; despatch to, respect- 
ing John C. Breckinridge, 654. 

Pamunkey River, proposed movements 
near, II, 154; brids^es over, 158; proposal 
to accumulate troops on, 260 ; gunboats 
on the, 260. 

Panic, danger of, II, 191. 

Panizzi, Antonio, principal librarian of the 
British Museum, II, 281. 

Paraguay, relations with, II, 605. 

Pardoning power, exercise of the, II, 442, 
443, 615. 

Pardon to deserters, proclamation olfering, 
March 11, 1865, II, 660, 661. 

Paredes, Mariano, part in the Mexican 
war, I, 121. 

Paredes, Victoriano de Diego, representa- 
tive of New Granada, II, 299. 

Paris, France, international postal confer- 
ence at, II, 451. 

Parke, Maj. -Gen. John G., correspondence, 
etc., relating to meeting of the President 
with Confederate commissioners at 
Hampton Roads, II, 641, 642 ; breaks the 
enemy's lines, 667. 

Parker, Gov. Joel, letter to, II, 371, 372; let- 
ter to, regarding raising troops in New 
Jersey, 37.5, 376. 

Parks, , I, 213. 

Parrott, , I, 632. 

Parrott guns, call for, fi'om Gen. McClellan, 
II, 147. 

Parsons, George M., letter to, 1, 595 ; under- 
takes publication of speeches in joint de- 
bates, 597. 

Partizanship, 1, 45-48, 152-154, 156 ; complaint 
atjaiust Henry Wilton for, 51, 52 ; corrupt, 

636. 

Partridge, James R., secretary to executive 
committee of ludustrial Exhibition, II, 
111. 

Party, must be sacrificed to country and hu- 
manity, II. 12 ; cainiot be held responsible 
for utterances of individ iial members, 427. 



Party divisions, I, 226. 

Party platform, a step higher than, II, 350. 

Party lines, transformed into geographical 
lines, I, 335 vt seq. 

Party questions, Seward's views on, II, 29. 

Party spirit, dominance of, I, 45-47. 

Paschall, N. P., letter to, I, 654. 

Passes, system of, in Department of Mis- 
souri, II, 421. 

Passports, new regulations, II, 124. 

Patent controversies, II, 494. 

Patent laws, I, 526-.528, 577. 

Patent Office, eliect of the civil war on the 
business of, II, loo. 

Patents, reports of the Secretary of the In- 
terior regarding, I, 451, 610. 

Paterson, William, a framer of the Consti- 
tution, I, 600. 

Patrick, Gen., II, £67. 

Patriotism, I, 14, II, 65, 96 ; importance of 
substituting, for party questions, 29 ; the 
President's esteem for, 3,51, 352 ; want of, 
not implied by dislike of draft, 388 ; real, 
459; unexhausted, 534. 

Patriots of 1776, their example, 1, 12-15. 

Patronage, Lincoln's principles in regard 
to, I, 657, 659, 669 ; applications for, II, 29 ; 
distribution of, to soldiers or their fam- 
ilies, 374, 375 ; demoralization in struggles 
for, 522. 

Patterson, Maj. -Gen. Robert, his forces to 
be streiifitliened, 11,69; similarity of his 
position at Bull Run to that of Buell's 
troops at Paducah, 114; the President's 
feelings toward, 116. 

Patuxent River, trouble with colored troops 
on the, II, 428. 

Paul, E. A., note to, respecting loyalty of 
the New York " Times," II, 525. 

" Pawnee," steamer, put under sailing or- 
ders, II, 25. 

Paxton, Gen. E. F., killed, II, 332. 

Paymaster, complaint of Gen. Rosecrans 
regarding appointment of a, II, 315, 316. 

Paymaster-General, report of, II, 449; letter 
to the, June 25, 1864, 537 ; suggestion to, 
respecting service in unhealthy climates, 
537. 

Paymasters, temptations of, II, 315, 316. 

Pay-system, the, II, 315. 

Peabody, Charles A., apjiointed judge of 
provisional court in Louisiana, II, 249. 

Peace, prospects of, II, 398; with foreign 
nations, 418 ; announcement concerning 
terms of, July 18, 1864, 550 ; the President's 
desire for, 575 ; the President's inflexible 
conditions for, 615, 633, 645. 668 ; intimation 
to Jefferson Davis regarding negotiations 
for, 629,631,6.32; abortive scheme of pe- 
cuniary tenns of, 636; Jefl'erson Davis's 
willintrness to treat for, 640 ; the Confeder- 
ate scheme for, 650. 

Peace Commissioners, safe-conduct guar- 
anteed to, II, 550. 

Pearce, Senator J. A., II, 133 ; appeal of, in 
behalf of Judge Ciirmichael, 188, 189. 

" Pearl," the, services rendered to by 
schooner Jli(jfil(iii<ler, II, 487. 

Pearl River, Miss., port of, declared closed, 
II, 670. 

Pearson, Judge, I, 46. 

Peay, Mrs., I, 53. 

Peck, Ebenezer, I, 403, .520. 

Peck, Rev. J. M., letter to, 1, 120-122. 

Peculators, detection of, T, 28. 

Pecuniary greed, the benefit of, II, 616. 

Peekskill,N.Y., address at, Feb. 19, 1861, 1,686. 

Peirpoint, Francis H., .iio\'<'rn<)r of Virginia, 
introdiieed to (Jen. FosttT, II, 383; seeks 
to adjust dithculties at Norfolk and Ports- 
mouth, 383. 



INDEX 



737 



Pekin, ,1,82,83. 

Pemberton, Lt.-Gen. John C, rtofeated by 
Grant near Edw iirds .stiitioii, II, 339. 

Pendleton, ,l'fi)U<li:ilfsi;iii;lislihill,I,429. 

Pendleton, George H., letter to, II, 360-363. 

Peninsula, reawiikeiiiiii;- of loyalty in, II, 
104 ; MeClellan's streuutli on the, 206 ; cav- 
alry service on, 250 ; question of operations 
on, 283 ; services of National Guard of Ohio 
on, 575. 

Pennsylvania, interested in Mississippi 
Kiver imi>rovenieiits. I, 125; weiiilit in 
Presidential eanipaiun of isrn;, 221 : sup- 
ports Bueliaiian, 221 ; abolition of slavery 
in, 488; iniporlaiiee to i;ei>ul)licaii Party 
in contest of isiio, 5si, 585; tlie Lincoln 
family in, 596, Ciii.s, (i5ii; l)eniocr;itic defeat 
in, 615 ; fears reyardin?;- folate •■leeti<in in, 
649; influence favoring- Simon t'anieron's 
ai)pointuieut to Cabinet, 655; letter to 
Cameron on Cabinet appointment for, 
665, 666 ; tender of services of militia of, 
to maintain the Constitution and Union, 
666 ; invitation to visit tlio leuislatnre of, 
668; acceptance of invitation, 672; the 
tariir of ](e(iili;ir interest in, 678, 694; 
militia of, i;;i2-(;'.)4 ; address, Feb. 22,1861, 
to lei,'islature at Hairisburff, 693, 694; 
recognized for ])atronai,^e, II, 43; use of 
private inessenucrs through, 165; gover- 
nor of, re(iuests the President to call for 
volunteers, 194 ; application of adjutant- 
general of, to call out militia, 231 ; Con- 
federate invasion of, 232; the best de- 
fense of, 232; request from, for 80,000 
troops, 232 ; Halleck makes provision 
for generals in, 233; dauger of invasion 
of, 233, 246, 330, 331, 353; population of, 
273 ; assurances to, of safety of the State, 
329; Capt. Schaadt's services in, 330; 
question of calling out the militia, 331; 
defense of, 331; call tor troops from, 353; 
battles in, 366; the repulse of Lee's army 
from, 396; share in opening the IMissis- 
sippi River, 398 ; recruiting in, 457 ; troops 
from, for defense of Washington, 547; 
recruits from prison depot in Illinois, 571, 
579 ; close electicm in, 585 ; no danger of 
raid into, 586; question of exemptions 
from draft in, 592, 593; citizens of, sere- 
nade the President, 594, 595 ; request to 
governor of, to send returns of Presiden- 
tial election, 602 ; Presidential election in, 
613 ; exposure to attack, 655. 

Pensacola, Fla., Sewara advises to prepare 
for war at, II, 20 ; Confederate seizure of 
supplies for the navy at, 27 ; Lieut. Porter 
ordered to, 2«; salute tired at, 57:!; desig- 
nateil as plaee of purchase of ju'oducts of 
insui-reetioiiary (States, 580; the bloek-ade 
raised in, 599 ; relaxation of blockade of, 
670. 

Pension Office, eflfectof the civil war on the, 
II, 100. 

Pensions, suspension of, to disloyal citi- 
zens, II, 100 ; reports of the Secretary of 
the Interh)r regarding, 451, 610; provis- 
ions for, and administration of, 611 ; num- 
bers carried on the rolls, 611; i-evolution- 
ary, 611, 612 ; amount expended, 612. 

People, the, the attachment of, the strong- 
est bulwark of government, I, 11 ; alone 
have the power to re\-erse their decisions 
at elections, II, 60 ; the control of, in gov- 
ernment, the source of all political evil, 
502. 

Peoria, 111., disputed election case, T, 42; 
speech at, Oct. 16, 18.54, in reply to Senator 
Douglas, 180-209, 287, 288. 

" Peoria Register," the, suppcrts John T, 
Stuart, I, 44. 

Vol. II.— 47. 



Permits, system of, in Department of Mis- 
souri, II, 421. 

Perpetuation of political institutions, I, 
9-15. 

" Perry," gunboat, orders relating to, II, 
178. 

Perrymans, John D., letter to, II, 588, 589. 

Personal courage, a motive for enlistment, 
II, 388. 

Personal distinction, the thirst for, 1, 13, 14. 

Personal opinion, right of, I, 3, 4. 

" Perthshire," the, the <'ase of, II, 95. 

Peru, mission uulilled, II, 24; relations with, 
263; seizure of treasure in, by Chilian of- 
ficers, 445; c(uiventiou with, regarding 
claims, 446, 465; re(|nestor ;;ppropri:ition 
by Congress of amount of allowed claims 
by citizens of, 465; mntnr.l setth'meiit of 
claims ))et\veen the United States and, 
604, 605; threatened war with Spain 
averted, 005. 

Petersburg, 111., proposed Whig Convention 
at, I, 83, 85. 

Petersburg, Va., inquiry of Gen. Dix as to 
enemy's force at. II, 2.54; services of the 
National Guard of Ohio before, 575; sur- 
rounded, (;r.7 ; (A acuation of, 667, 672 ; port 
of, declared closed, 670. 

Pettit, Senator John, declares the equality 
clause of the l)eelarati<m of Independence 
"a self-evident lie," I, 203, 413, 499, 500. 

Peyton, Bailie, letter to, II, 588, 589. 

Phelps, , disputed election case of, I, 42. 

Phelps, John S., desires to raise troops in 
Missouri, II, 72, 73. 

Phelps, Brig. -Gen. J. W., report concerning 
fugitive negroes, II, 198,199; complaints 
as to his actions in Louisiana, 214 ; letter 
to, regarding election of representatives 
to Congress from Arkansas, 248. 

Philadelphia, Pa., nomination of Gen. Tay- 
lor iit, 1, 122; national convention of Re- 
publican Party at, June, 1856,456; Whig 
convention in, 1847, 515: reply to the 
mayor of, Feb. 21, 1861,689,690; address in 
Independence Hall, 690, 691; flag-raising 
over Independence Hall, and address, 691, 
692; military lino between Washington 
and, II, 39; arrest of Simon Cameron in, 
145; orders to the commandant of the 
navy yard at, to prepare steamships for 
defense, 164; qiiestion of capture of, 230; 
the President's confidence in the safety 
of, 233; the President elected honorary 
member of Union League of, 429; Freed- 
meu's Aid Society, 461 ; Sanitary Fairs in, 
526, 5.34; speech at a Sanit.iry Fair in, 
June 16, 1864, 533-535 ; complaints that 
postmaster is using ofiicial power to de- 
feat Kelley's renomination, 536, 558 ; salute 
tired at, 573. 

Philadelphia Convention, I, 219. 

Phillips, Deacon John, thanks to, for devo- 
tion to civic duties, II, 601. 

Phillips, Dr. , question of reappointment 

of, II, 370. 

Phillips, T. A., letter to, I, 671. 

Phillips, Wendell, I, 470. 

Phoenix, John, anecdote of, I, 332, 333. 

Phonetic writing, on, I, 526. 

Phrases, quaint conceits, etc. : 
Digging al)stracti(nis. 1, 126. 
"]Ma)or-irenei'alslii]is . . . ai'e not as 

plenty as blackberries," II, 144. 
"We shall liive thi' enemy vet," 11,200. 
" Preath ahuie kills no rebels," II, 242. 
Wai- "do(\s not adnut of holidays," 11,244. 
"ICgypt of the West," II, 270. 
" Proken egis cannot be mended," II, 296. 
" ' Puts,' and ' ifs,' and ' ands,' " II, 316, 348. 
" The skewhorn principle," II, 329. 



738 



INDEX 



•'Entangled upon the river, like an ox 
jumped balf over a t'euce. and liable to 
be torn by dogs front and rear, without 
a chance to gore one way or kick the 
other," II, 344. 

"A jury too frequently has at least one 
member more ready to hang the panel 
than to hang the traitor," II, 347. 

[I cannot] " believe that a man could con- 
tract so strong an appetite for emetics 
during temjiorary ihness a.s to persist 
In feeding upon them <luring the re- 
mainder of his healthful life," 11, 350. 

"The hea<l of Ia'c's army . . . at Martins- 
burg, and the tail . . . between Freder- 
icksburg and Chancellorsville, the ani- 
mal must be very slim somewhere," II, 
352. 

"As likely to capture the man in the moon 
as any part of Lee's army," II, 367. 

"I V)elieve that General "Meade and his 
noble army li;i(l oxix'udcd . . . skill, and 
toil, :nHl l>l(io(l, up to the ripe harvest, 
and then let the crop go to waste," 11,373. 

"Uncle Sam's web-feet," II, 398. 

"A short and feeble existence, as an ani- 
mal . . . with a thorn in its vitals," II, 
410. 

" You could board at home and menace or 
attack fthi^ enemy] any day," II, 419. 

"Every foul bird comes abroad and every 
diity reptile rises up," II, 420. 

"A grandson of Milliken's Bend," 11,430. 

Knowledge of color of Julius Csesar's hair 
immaterial as qualifleation for colonelcy 
of colored regiment, II, 438. 

" A new nation, conceived in liberty, . . . 
Those who here gave their lives that 
that nation might live. . . . From these 
honored dead we take increased devo- 
tion to that cause for which the.v gave 
the last full measure of devotion. . . . 
That these dead shall not have died in 
vain; tliat this nation, under God, shall 
have a new birth of freedom; and that 
governmeiitof the peojile, by the people, 
for the peojile, shall not perish from the 
earth," II, 439. 

" Our last shriek on the retreat," II, 479. 

" It is best not to swap horses while cross- 
ing the river, ... I am not so poor 
a horse that they might not make a 
botch of it in trying to swap," II, 532. 

"No man knows so well where the shoe 
pinches as he who wears it," II, 539. 

" Hold on with a bulldog grip, and chew 
and choke as nuu'li ;is possilile," II, 563. 

"Holding these smoky localities respon- 
sible foi- the eontlagrations within them 
has a very siilntary etlect," II, 591. 

"The witnesses m;iy commit perjury, but 
the smoker cannot," II, 591. 

"We all know where he [Sherman] went 
in, but I can't teU where he will come 
out," II, 615. 

"Until all tlie wealth piled by the bond- 
man's two hundred and fifty years of 
unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until 
every drop of blood drawn with the 
lash shall be paid by another drawn 
with the sword, . . . With malice 
toward none ; with charity for all ; with 
firmness in the right, as God gives us 
to see the right, ... To bind up the 
nation's wounds, to eai'c for him who 
shall have borne the battle, and for his 
widow, and liis orphan," II, 657. 

"Bad promises are better broken than 
kept," II, 673. 

" We shall sooner have the fowl by hatch- 
ing the egg than by smashing it,'"' II, 675. 



Piatt, John J., recommended for consulate, 
II, 658. 

" Picayune," New Orleans paper, II, 252. 

Pickens, Gov. Francis W., R. 8. Chew sent 
with message to, II, 32. 

Pickett, Maj.-Gen. George E., troops sent to 
Tennessee, II, 411. 

Pickett, Thomas J., letter to, I, 533 ; quarter- 
master's agent at Rock Island, II, 326; 
charges against, 326. 

Pierce, Franklin, Presidency of, I, 220; no 
sectionalism in election of, 222, 223 ; sup- 
ported by New England, 224; annual mes- 
sage of 1856, 225 ; Lincoln's charge of con- 
spiracy against, 303, 313, 328, 396, 397, 466, 
467; nominated for Presidency, 399. 

Pierce, H. L., letter to, I, 532. 

Pierce, Gen., commanding troops in pursuit 
of Lee, II, 367. 

Pierpoint, F. H., governor of "Virginia, re- 
quests the President to call for volun- 
teers, II, 194 ; the President's reliance on, 
620 ; invited to Washington, 670. 

Pierrepont, Edwards, on commission re- 
gardmg State prisoners, II, 127. 

Pike, J. S., U. 8. Minister at The Hague, 11, 
141. 

Pilcher, Moses, I, 41. 

Pinckney, Prof., supports Lincoln for U. 8. 
Senatorship, I, 213, 326. 

Pinckney, Charles, a franier of the Consti- 
tutiou, I, 601, 602 ; votes against slavery 
prohibition and against compromises in 
Missouri, 602. 

Piqua, Ohio, Cass's superintendence of In- 
dian agency at, I, 144. 

Piracy, supi)ression of, compared with in- 
ternal improvements, 1,125; interference 
with U. S. vessels to be deemed, II, 35 ; pri- 
vateering is, 50. 

Pirates, action against, in the Eastern seas, 
II, 95. 

Pittsburg, Pa., address, Feb. 15, 1861, at, I, 
677-679; remarks at, 694; shipment of mor- 
tars, etc., to Cairo from, II, 118; Gen. 
Brooks in command at, 355; Sanitary 
fairs in, .534 ; salute fired at, 573. 

Pittsburg Landing, Tenn., battle of, II, 146 ; 
Halleck at, 146, 147. 

Plantations, cultivation of, on free-labor 
system, II, 473, 474. 

Plaquemines Parish, La., excepted from 
declaration of Louisiana's state of rebel- 
lion, Jan. 1, 1863, 11,288. 

Platform of Republican National Conven- 
tion of 1860, I, 035-637. 

Platforms, the kind on which the early Pres- 
idents were elected, I, 592. 

Piatt, P. W., I, 354. 

Piatt County, Mo., disturbances in, II, 520; 
banishments from, 651. 

Pleasants County, Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proclamation, II, 195. 

Plunder, spirit of, among the troops, II, 
113. 

Plymouth, N. C, ev.acuation of, II, 593; de- 
struction of the Albemarle at, 604; i)ortof, 
declared closed, 670. 

Plymouth emigrants, the work of the, II, 
619. 

" Pocahontas," steamer, put under sailing 
orders, II, 25. 

Poetry, difference between poetical feeling 
and poetical expression, I, 86 ; reminis- 
cences of early life in Indiana, 86, 87 ; on 
Matthew Gentry, 87, 88 ; publication of, 
89. 

Point Isabel, Tex., port of, declared closed, 
II, 670. 

Point Lookout, discharge of prisoners from, 
II, 290. 



INDEX 



739 



Police regulations, how to exclude slavery 
from Territories by, I, 512 ; iu armies, II, 

155. 

Political prisoners, proclamation of am- 
nesty for, II, 125 

Politicians, tampcriiia: with troops, II, 113. 

Politics, iniitortaiicc of young men iu, 1, 131, 
134, 1:h5 ; slavery dissonslous in, 507; not 
to be brought into leli'ziDU, 622; morality 
not to be iTitroduccd into, 622; use of 
money in, 631 ; diMrc.Lfardccl in matters of 
military merit, II, 252; mixture of, with 
profession of arms, 307. 

Polk, James K., President of United States, 
message of May 11, 1846, I, 97, 101; mes- 
sage of Dec. 8, 1846, <i7, 101-107; mes- 
sage of Dec. 7, 1847, 07 ; attitude, actions, 
etc., on the MrxicaTi war, I()(i-107, 110, 112, 
121, 184, 643; pcsitidu on pulilic improve- 
ments, 123. 129, 138, 13:> ; inexpedient 
c[uotation of Jeffei-son by, 127 ; vetoes of 
improvement measures indorsed by Gen. 
Cass, 139. 

Polygamy question in Utah, I, 227. 

Pomeroy, Senator S. C, complaint to, re- 
garding arrests of slaves in Missouri, II, 
374; iiaper iswued by, 487, 491 ; letter from, 
489; committee of , and secret issues and 
agents, 489; letter to, 520; matter of ap- 
pointment of assessor iu Kansas, 520; 
peculiar dispositiduof, 520. 

Pope, Alexander, quoted. I, 576. 

Pope, Maj.-Gen. John, achievements of, II, 
144; assigned to command Army of Vir- 
ginia, 188; in charge at tlie capital, 188; 
views as to !>r<'( lellan's jxisition, 188; 
Inquiry concerning King's division, 221; 
McClellau to open communication with, 
229; correspoudence with, 252, 323, 651, 
652, 658, 663 ; at 8t. Paul, 252, 279 ; re- 
ports as to Indian exeeutions, 279; at 
Milwaukee, 323; iustructions to, regard- 
ing crossing Into Itritish territory, 323; 
social influences of Ht. Louis ui the way 
of, 463; disaster at BuU Run, 480; at 
St. Louis, 651, 658, 663; complaint to, 
about provost-marshal abuses in Mis- 
souri, 651, 652 ; inquiry addressed to, con- 
cerning Gen. Fisk's administration, 652; 
despatches to, concerning affairs in Mis- 
souri, 658, 663. 

Pope, Nathaniel, letter to, I, 158; resolu- 
tions of Illinois bar on death of, 161. 

Popular government, II, 7 ; question of its 
stability, 65 ; the first principle of, 502 ; 
strength of, 595. 

Popular sovereignty, Douglas's doctrine of, 
I, 248, 249, 294, 428-430, 482, 541, 542, 544-548, 
555-557, 564, 570, 573, 586-589, 592, 607, 620, 
627, 657, 660; its origin in Declaration of 
Independence, 250; war-cry of Douglas's 
campaign against Lincoln, 262-264; de- 
scent of the genius of, 271, 272; rights of, 
285, 286; wliat is, •I'.n, 292; Lincolu's views 
on, 537 ; definition of a genuine, 541 ; Doug- 
las's doctrine of, cariied to logical cori- 
clusiou, revives African slave trade, 564; 
Douglas's tluorv of, in reiiard to abolition 
of slavery in Illinois. r.VJ : the real, 673,586; 
the sugar roated name for policy oif in- 
differeiu'c regarding slavery, 620, 631 ; 
road t() nationalization of slavery, 622; 
Eli Tliayer's doctrine of, (;58, 660. 

Population of United States, increase of, I, 
583, If, 106, 269, 272, 2*^3, 418, 610; propor- 
tion of slaves in, 613, 618, 630 ; increase due 
to the preservation of the Union, 635 ; aug- 
mented l>y iiniuigi-ation, II, 587. 

Porter, , in Fislier nuirder case, I, 51. 

Porter, Adm. D. D., confidential instruc- 
tions to, April 1, 1861, II, 28 ; orders, April 



1, 1861, to proceed to Pensacola, 28; cre- 
ated captain, 46 ; relieved from special 
service, 46; recommended for tlianks 
of Congress, 152, 203, 307; services at New 
Orleans, 203 ; services at Arkansas Post, 
307. 

Porter, Gen. Fitz-John, relations with Mc- 
Clellan, II, 149; inquiry conccruinghis ex- 
pedition, 167 ; question of makingjniiction 
with McDowell, 167; defeats Kranch at 
Hanover Court House, 167, 168; opposed 
to Gen. Branch, 169; in action, 191 ; mem- 
orandum of questions and answers be- 
tween the President and, at Han-ison's 
Landing, Va., 201; strength of, 202, 232; 
ordered to Join McClellan, 232 ; Ellet or- 
dered to report to, 252 ; relieved from com- 
mand in Army of Potomac, 252; instruc- 
tions to the judge-advocate general, to 
revise i)roceediugs of the court-martial, 
298; indorsement on ])roeeedings and sen- 
tence of the court -martial on, 303, 304. 

Port Gibson, Miss., capture of, II, 368. 

Port Hudson, La., lianks's operations at, II, 
304; colored troojis at, ',(;>. 

Portland, Me., collectorship at, tendered to 
(iov. Washburne, II, 430. 

Port Leon, Fla., port of, declared closed, II, 
670. 

Port Royal, N. C, proposal to accumulate 
troops at, II, 259 ; excepted from declara- 
tion of .'States in state of rebellion, 322. 

Port Royal, S. C, Federal possession of, II, 
104; capture of forts at, 122 ; " contrabands" 
at, 126; raisini,'- t lie blockade of. 150; Gen. 
Hunter's heail(|uarteis at, 155; C apt. John 
L. Lardner's services at, 203; designated 
as place of jjurchase of itroducts of insur- 
rectionary States, 580 ; relaxation of block- 
ado of, 670. 

Portsmouth, Va., excepted from declara- 
tion of Virginia's state of rebellion, II, 
288 ; destitution in, 383. 

Portugal, correspondence with, regarding 
cotton culture iu Africa, II, 128 ; relations 
with, 263 ; Hiram Barney projjosed as Min- 
ister to, 481 ; invites co(">))cration in Inter- 
national Exhibition at Oporto, 6.52. 

Portuguese, status under the Declaration 
of Independence, I, 272. 

Postal convention, proposal for a, II, 266. 

Postal revenue, international postal confer- 
ence, II, 451. 

Postal service, treason in the, II, 124 ; im- 
provement of, 266. 

Postmasterships, distribution of, to soldiers 
and their families, II, 374, 375. 

Post-Office, Douglas's claims of payments 
for, in 1838, I, 34; extravagant expendi- 
tures for, by Van Bureii administration, 
34; transmission of free mail-matter, II, 
100; regulations to prevent treasonable 
correspondence through the, 124. 

Post-Office Department, suliscriptiims for 
newspapers, etc., through agencv of, I, 
113-115; statistics of, II, 99, ino; linancial 
cundition, 1S61-62, 265, 266 ; prosperity of, 
451; resignati(m of Mr. Blair, 579, 581; re- 
ceipts and exi>endituies of, c.IO. 

Potomac campaign, iu(iuiries from Gen. Mc- 
Clellau regarding, II, 92, 93. 

Potomac River, justification of a possible 
military crossing of the, II, 38; camps on, 
69; (piestion of extending the Di.sfrict of 
Columbia across, 100; no insurrection 
north of, 104; to be cleared from the en- 
emy's l)atteries, 131; defense of, 142, 181, 
187, 295; pro])osed movements on, 1.54; the 
Federal line l)roken on the upper, 15?; 
danger of the Confederates crossing, at 
Harper's Ferry, 163; forts on, 187; d;in- 



740 



INDEX 



gers on, 193 ; Jackson crosses, at Williams- 
port, 233; McClclliiii ordered to cross, 244; 
McClellau's crossiim' of the, 24G, 250; Mc- 
Clellan's movemeuts by way of, 247 ; use 
of ^mboats ou, to remove loyal refugees 
from Virsiiiia, 291 ; advice to Hooker con- 
cerning Lee's movements toward the up- 
per, 345 ; the enemy crossing, at Williams- 
port, 353 ; Confederate retreat across, 365, 
367, 369, 373 ; Lee's inability to cross, 367 ; 
floods in, after Gettysburg, 369 ; the Pres- 
ident's belief that Lee could not escape 
from north of, 373 ; the President's desire 
that Meade should pursue Lee across, 377; 
Gen. Stone commanding division on, 510; 
Confederate crossing of, 547. 

Potter, Howard, letter to, II, 655, 656. 

Poughkeepsie, N. Y., Fred Douglass speaks 
at, in support of Lincoln, I, 401 ; address 
at, 685. 

Powell, E. N., on committee for resolutions 
on death of Judge Pope, I, 161. 

Powell, Senator, Lazarus W^., letter to, 
Feb. 4, 1862, II, 121; matter referred to 
Gen. Boyle, 308. 

" Powhatan," steamer, Lieut. Porter or- 
dered to command, II, 28. 

Prall, J. A., matter of release of G. W. Bow- 
en referred to, II, 592. 

Prayer, a day of, recommended by Con- 
gress, and proclaimed by the President, 
Aug. 12, 1861, II, 73, 74; the President's 
faith in, 148; appointment of day of, 543, 
544. 

Preble, Lieut. -Comdg. George H., recom- 
mended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. 

Precedents, limitati(m of, II, 287. 

Precious metals, the yield of, II, 418. 

Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, 
Sept. 22, 1862, II, 237, 238. 

Prentice, George D., letter to, I, 652; sup- 
ports Douglas, 652. 

Prentiss, — -, represents Herman Koppel, 
in blockade case at Charleston, II, 305. 

Presbyterian church, slavery dissensions in, 

I, 507. 

Presbyterian General Assembly, reply to 
memliers of the, II, 342. 

Presidency, alleged "burden to the many, 
and benetit to the few," 1, 126 ; suggestion 
of Lincoln's name for, from Rock Island, 
533; Lincoln's opinion of his fitness for, 
533,538; nominatiou to, 634 ; responsibili- 
ties of the, 672, 676, 677, 681, 684-695 ; a sec- 
ond term suggested by E. B. Washburne, 

II, 430 ; the President'.s policy of non-inter- 
ference respecting his renomination for, 
528, 536. 

Presidential campaign of 1840, labor in, 1, 642. 

Presidential election of 1856, Pierce's opin- 
ion of, I, 225. 

Presidential elections, how far representa- 
tive of the people's wishes, 1, 138; should 
be distinct from general country legis- 
lation, 139; Liuei tin's policy of non-inter- 
ference with, II, 589; tiie President's 
opinion, 589, 599; evidence of the popu- 
lar voice, 612, 613; national strength ex- 
hibited in results of, 613, 614. See also 
Elections. 

Presidential nomination, convention for, I, 
72. 

Presidential oath, the, II, 7 ; limitations of, 
60, 508. 

Presidential office, a public iTUSt, II, 66; 
limitations on the powers of, 81; rights, 
duties, and liabilities of. 361 ; the Presi- 
dent's views of the rc(|uirenients of, 508. 

President of United States, Tiiilitary powers 
of, I, 111, 112; iiolicy of, in regard to legis- 
lation, 134; a representative of the peo- 



ple, 137 ; no power to levy war, 643 ; 
source of his authority, II, 6 ; no author- 
ity to provide for sei)aratiou of the 
States, 6, 7 ; duty of, 7 ; wisdom of short 
tenn of, 7. 
Presidents, former, II, 2. 
Press, encouragement of the, 1, 113 ; misrep- 
resentations by, 656. 

Preston, , 1, 157. 

Preston, Maj.-Gen., wounded at Chleka- 

mauga, II. 412. 
Preston, William Ballard, member of com- 
mittee from Virginia Convention, II, 32; 
treason of, 348. 
Preston County, excepted from insurrec- 
tion proclamiition, II, 195 

Price, , defakation of, I, 26, 35. 

Price, Margaret C, asks release of her son, 

II, 591. 
Price, Philemon B., application for his re- 
lease, II, 591. 
Price, Maj.-Gen. Sterling, retreat to Arkan- 
sas, II, 86, 87 ; Halleck's operations 
against, 113; fighting Curtis, 588; pur- 
sued by Curtis, 593. 
Price, Mrs. 'Winifred E., proposed banish- 
ment of, II, 630. 
Princess Ann County, Va., excepted from 
declaration of Virginia's state of rebellion, 
Jan. 1, 1863, II, 288. 
Printing, on the invention of, I, 526, 527. 
Prison depots, recruiting in, II, 579. 
Prisoners of war, II, 407 ; discharge of, 
from Point Lookout, 290; exchange of, 
478, 499, .501; question of dealing with 
those desii-ing to take the oath, 499. not 
entitled to amnesty under proclamation of 
Dec. 8, 1863, 505. 
Privateering, abolished by the Congress of 
Paris, II, 51 ; Confederates announce in- 
tention to resort to, 59 ; resolution of the 
House respecting, 107. 
Privateers, to be tTeated as pirates, II, 50 ; 
report of Secretary of State regarding 
those of insurgents in foreign ports, 146. 
Private messengers, use of, at outbreak of 

the insurrection, II, 165. 
Private property, destruction of, II, .561. 
Prize courts, question of jurisdiction over 
government mail of neutral power cap- 
tured on vessel breaking blockade, II, 326, 
327 ; adjudications of, 445. 
Proclamations : 
1861, 
Apr. 15, calling out 75,000 militia, and 
convening Congress in extra session, 
II, 34. 
Apr. 19, declaring blockade, II, 35. 
Apr. 27, proclaiming blockade of South- 
ern ports, II, 38, 39. 
May 3, calling for volunteers, II, 41,42. 
May 10, suspending habeas corpus in 

Florida, II, 45. 
Aug. 12, of national fast-day, II, 73, 74. 
Aug. 16, forbidding intercourse witli 
rebel States, II, 75. 
1862, 
Feb. 19, for celebration of W^ashington's 

birthday, II, 126. 
Apr. 10, recommending thanksgiving, 

II, 143, 144. 
May 12, raising the blockade of certain 

ports, II, 150. 
May 19, revoking Gen. Hunter's order 
of military emancipation, II, 155, 156. 
July 1, concerning taxes in rebellious 

States, II, 195, 196. 
July 25, warning against rebellion, II, 

214. 
Sept. 24, suspending habeas corpus, II, 
239, 



INDEX 



741 



Proclamations — continued. 

Dec. 30, clratt of the Emancipation 
Proclamation as .submitted to the 
Cabinet for Hnal revision, II, 28&. 
1863, 
Jan. 1, Emancipation, II, 287, 288. 
Feb. 28, convening the Senate, 11, 312, 

313. 
Mar. 10, granting amnesty to soldiers 

absent without leave, II, 314, 31.5. 
Mar. 30, appointing national fast-day 

II, 319, 320. 
Apr. 2, about commercial intercourse, 

II, 321, 322. 
Apr. 20, admitting West Virginia into 

the Union, II, 320. 
May 8, concerning aliens, II, 333, 334. 
June 15, calling for 100,000 militia for 

six montlis, II, 353. 
July 15, for Thanksgiving, II, 370. 
Sept. 15, suspending habeas corpus, II, 

406, 407. 
Sept. 24, opening the port of Alexan- 
dria, Va., II, 412. 
Oct. 3, for Thanksgiving, II, 417, 418. 
Dec. 8, of amnesty and reconstruction, 

II, 442-444. 
Dec. 16, concerning discriminating du- 
ties, II, 460, 401. 
1864, 
Feb. 18, concerning blockade, II, 484- 

486. 
Mar. 26, about amnesty, II, 504, 505. 
May 18, (Howard's bogus), II, 523, 524, 

567. 
July 5, suspending habeas corpus, II, 

541-543. 
July 7, for a day of prayer, II, 543, 544. 
July 8, concerning bill to guarantee re- 
publican form of govt ruiiu'ut, and 
concerning reconstruction, II, 545. 
July 18, calling lor 500,000 volunteers, 

II, 550, 551. 
Aug. 18, conccruiug commercial regu- 
lations, II, 505, 500. 
Sept. 3, of Thanksgiving, II, 571, 572. 
Oct. 20, of Thanksgiving, II, 587. 
Oct. 31, admitting Nevada into the 

Union, II, 592. 
Nov. 19, concerning blockade, II, 599. 
Dec. 19, calling for 300,000 volunteers, 
II, 617. 
1865, 
Jan. 10, concerning commerce, II, 626, 

627. 
Feb. 17, convening the Senate in extra 

session, II, 652, 0.53. 
Mar. 11, offering pardon to deserters, 

II, 660, 661. 
Mar. 17, concerning Indians, II, 662, 663. 
Apr. 11, respecting opening of poi-ts, II, 

670, 671. 
Apr. 11, concerning U. 8. vessels of war 
in foreign ports, II, 671, 672. 
Production, share of burden of tariflf, I, 90. 
Property, love of, conlli(^ts with conscious- 
ness of right and wrong, I, 013 ; its quality 
and relation to laltor, II, 503. 
Property idea of slavery. See Slavert. 
Pro-slavery theology, I, 413, 414. 
Prosperity, signs of, I, 680 ; the national, II, 

319. 
Protection, I, 678, 679 ; Lincoln's views on, 

584, 651. 
Protection of American industry, I, 72, 73, 
89-95, 134; compared with fi-ee trade, 90- 
95 ; supposititious cases of ett'ect of, 90, 
91, 93-95 ; Congressional power in, 127 ; po- 
sition of Republican National Convention 
in regard to, 637. 
Protection of commerce on high seas, 1, 125. 



Protective War Claim Association, II, 656. 

Providence, tlie President's anxiety to know 
the will of, 11, 234; an cvir-watchful, 418. 

Providence, R. I., postniastirsliip at, 11,45; 
meeting of Society of Friends at, 139. 

" Providencia," the Spanish bark, award to, 
for seizure by blockading scpiadron, II, 
118. 

Provost guards, their use in Maryland elec- 
tions, II, 434. 

Provost-marshal, not the judge as to confis- 
cated property, II, 471, 472. 

Provost-Marshal-General, the, complaints 
against Moulton, II, 378; report of, con- 
cerning the draft in New York State, 380; 
direction of the draft by, 40ii; jurisdic- 
tion in matter of the draft, 400, 401 ; report 
of, 449 ; to assign quotas on call for volun- 
teer.s, 618 ; orders to, concerning the draft, 
637. 

Provost-marshals, suspension of, in Mis- 
souri, II, 299 ; limitations on their duties, 
471, 472, 625 ; abuses by, in Missouri, 651. 

Prussia, correspondence with, regarding 
the Trent affair, II, 117; proposition to, 
for international convention to settle dis- 
putcil (juestious, 202 ; relations with, 263; 
arraiii;(iiient for equalizing duties on ves- 
sels of. 400. 

Pryor, Roger A., author of phrase "irre- 
prtssilile conflict," T, 568, 624; editor of the 
Kichniond "Enriuircr," 590; statement by, 
that go\-ernnient cannot endure half slave 
and iialf free, 5iio ; editor of the " States," 
590; question of exchange of, II, 654. 

Public credit, the, II, 204, 265; support of 
the, 301. 

Public debt, interest on, fiscal year 1861-62, 
II, 205; payment of. fiscal year 1861-62, 
265; national laith to ))e, kept inviolate 
for ri'iloiii|ilioii of, 5:!i ; advantage of gen- 
eral distriliiilioii of, (;(18; amount of, 60S; 
proposed exemption of securities of, from 
taxation, oos. 

Public discussion, the right of, not affected 
1)V military arrests in time of rebellion, 
li, 350, 351. 

Public domain, the question of disposition 
of, overshadowed by the slavery question, 
I, 617. 

Public dues, necessity of a currency in 
which they may be paid, II, 301. 

Public improvements, not local in char- 
acter, I, 125, 126; Kent on powers of Con- 
gress, 127, 128 ; Jett'erson on, 127, 128; per- 
sonal or local interests hindrances to, 130; 
suggestion of rational way of i)rovidiug 
for, 130; joint action of States and Federal 
go\ernment in prosecution of, 131; Gen. 
Ta\lor'si)<isitionoii, 136-139; particularity 
the greatest objection to, 139. 

Public lands, views on sale of, I, 7; en- 
hancement of value by contraction of 
currency, 24; Whin' declaration in regard 
to, 72; Whigs indoise Clay's bill, 75, 76; 
graduation and cession bills, 75, 76; re- 
marks in U. S. House of Representatives 
on bounty lands, March 29, 1S4S. lio ; Col- 
lamer's amendment relating to lands in 
AVisconsin,119; question of enhancedvalue 
of reserved sections, 119, 120; si>eech on 
railroad and canal grants of, 149-151; 
status of trespassers upon, 546, 547 ; i)osi- 
tion of Republican National Con^■l>ntion 
of 1860 in regard to, 037 ; receipts from sale 
of, II, 100; proposed conference between 
the Secretary of the Treasury and the 
Secretary of the Interior regarding, 259 ; 
report of the Secretary of the Interior re- 
garding, 1801-62, 266; Treasury receipts 
from, fiscal year 1861-62, 206 ; claims of 



742 



INDEX 



IlUnois on sales of, 395: report of the Sec- 
retary of the Interior as to, 1863, 451, 452; 
increase in sale of, 452 ; settlement of, 452 ; 
recommendations of the Secretary of the 
Interior in regard to, 610 ; disposition of, 
611 ; surveys, 611 ; sales of, 611. 

Public moneys, collection, keeping, and dis- 
bursement of, in foreign countries, I, 23. 

Public officers, dangers of intrigues among, 
II, 504. 

Public opinion, T, 225, 298, 422, 557, 560, 613, 
619, II, 5. 

Public safety, powers of the executive to 
preserve tlie, II, 361. 

Public schools, opened equally to blaclr and 
white in Louisiana, II, 674. 

Public servants, misunderstandings be- 
tween the public and, to be avoided, II, 
388. 

Puget Sound, appointment of L. C. Gium as 
collector at, II, 335; removal of collector 
of customs at, 335. 

Puget's Sound Agricultural Co., treaty with 
Great Britain conccrniug claims of, II, 
496, 497; adjustment of claims of, 607. 

Punishment, failure to prevent crime, I, 29. 

Purple, Norman H., disputed election case 
of, I, 42 ; on committee for resolutions on 
death of Judge Pope, 161 ; indorses Lin- 
coln's fee-bUr against Illinois Central R. 
K. Co., 219. 

Putnam County, 111., weightin Congression- 
al election, I, 80. 

Putnam County, Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proclamation, II, 195. 

Quaker ancestry, I, 117, 596. 

Quartermaster-General, report of, II, 449. 

Queen, Lieut. -Comdg. Walter 'W., recom- 
mended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. 

Quincy, 111., arrangements for Joint debate 
with Douglas in, I, 275-277 ; Douglas's at- 
tack on the administration at, 496, 497 ; Lin- 
coln's statement in regard to Know-no- 
thing lodges at, 646 ; joint debate at, see 
Joint Dehates. 

Quincy, Josiah, letter of counsel from, II, 
406 ; letter to, 400. 

Quito, Ecuador, convention signed at, con- 
cerning claims between the United States 
and Ecuador, II, 497. 

Race prejudice, I, 257-260. 

Raids, Confederate, II, 310, 311, 421. 

Railroad corporations, legislation in regard 
to, I, 239. 

Railroads, opinion of, I, 1. 2; views on con- 
structing, 7 ; State aid for, 8 ; speech on 
grants of public lands to, 149-151; Con- 
gressional provision for, invited, II, 94 ; 
destruction of, in Maryland, 103; taking 
military possession of, 161, 162 ; question 
of repairing, 244; construction of, con- 
centrating Upon Washington, 303; com- 
pletion of that to Springfield, Mo., urged, 
303; construction of line from Missouri 
River to Pacific Ocean, 423 ; lands granted 
for, 452; agricultural scrip certified to 
States for, 611; transcontinental, 611. 

Railway systems in Europe, resolution of 
the Senate respecting, II, 137. 

Raleigh County, Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proclamation, II, 195. 

Ralston, Judge, I, 46. 

Ramsey, Alexander, governor of Minne- 
sota, requests the President to call for 
volunteers, II, 194; telegram to, 228. 

Randall, Gov. A.W., suggests that the Pres- 
ident take a vacation, II, 561; tran.smits 
letter from C. D. Robinson to the Presi- 
dent, 563. 



Randolph, Edmund, on constitutionality of 
United States Bank, 1, 136. 

Randolph, George W., member of commit- 
tee from Virginia State Convention, II, 32. 

Randolph, John, reports against violation 
of Ordinance of 1787, 1, 550. 

Randolph, , pardon of, II, 501. 

Randolph County, Va., excepted from insirr- 
rection proclamation, II, 195. 

Rank, military jealousy of, II, 316. 

Ranney, Nathan, letter from, concerning 
Dr. McPheeters, II, 464. 

Ransdell, Capt., witness in Fisher murder 
trial, I, 49. 

Ransom, Lieut. -Comdg. George M., recom- 
mended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. 

Rapidan River, II, a25. 

Rapides Parish, La., starvation,in 11,578,579. 

Rappahannock River, Gen. McClellan's 
plans for movements by way of, II, 120; 
the Confederates on, 142; McDowell's 
movements on, 145; transportation on, 
176; Gen. Franklin's opinion as to line of 
operations, 202; proposal to accumulate 
troops on, 259 ; gunboats on, 259, 260 ; Bum- 
side desires to cross, 288, 289, 294 ; Halleck 
favors Burnside's crossing, 295; chances 
of victory on, 295 ; contest about n mte into 
Richmond by, 322 ; report of Hooker's re- 
treat across, 332; advice to Hooker con- 
cerning movements on, 336, 337, 344, 345 ; 
engagement near, Oct. 14, 1863, 427, 428; 
Meade's successes on, 437. 

Rappahannock Station, Va., Meade's suc- 
cess at, II, 437. 

Rawlins, Gen., II, 554. 

Ray, Dr., I, 236; elected clerk of Illinois 
Senate, 212. 

Raymond, Henry J., letters to, I, 656, II, 
132; communication to, resjiecting pub- 
lication of correspondence with Greeley, 
563 ; draft of instructions to, 568 ; proposed 
conference with Jefferson Davis, 568. 

Read, George, I, 600-602. 

"Rebecca," Lincoln's pseudonym in "San- 
gamon Journal," I, 69. 

" Rebellion," or " secession," II, 61. 

Rebellion, the root of, II, 271; a gigantic 
case of, 347 ; inadequacy of coiu'ts of jus- 
tice in times of, 347, 348 ; the existence of 
a, 362, 363 ; the army and navy constitu- 
tional means for suppressing, 363; the 
strength of the, 396. 

Rebel prisoners, question of release of, II, 
177. 

Receipt for arms, I, 4. 

Receivers-general, proposed appointment 
of, under subtreasury scheme, I, 28. 

Reciprocity with the Sandwich Islands, II, 
478. See also Canada. 

Recognition of the Confeder.ate States, 
what constitutes, II, 50 ; of the insurgents' 
belligerent rights, 261. 

Recommendations for office, I, 151-158. 

Reconstruction, proclamations of, II, 442- 
444, 454-456, 545 ; in Arkansas, 479, 545, 612 ; 
in Tennessee, 482, 631 ; Gen. Sickles com- 
missioned to make tour of investigation 
concerning, 483; in Louisiana, 545, 560, 
597, 598, 603, 612, 616, 617, 625,626,673-675; 
diflBculties of, 672, 673. 

Rectortown, Va., McDowell at, II, 171, 172. 

Reddick, William, I, 354. 

Red River, Banks's expedition up, II, 578 ; 
permit to James Harrison to trade on, 621. 

Reed, Rev. Alexander, invites the Presi- 
dent to preside at meeting of the U. S. 
Christian Commission, II, 311 ; letter to, 
311. 

Reed, J. H., letter to, I, 651. 

Reeder, A. H., I, 217. 



INDEX 



743 



Reese, Rev. A. A., representative of the 
East Baltimore Metliodist Oouference, II, 
152, 153. 

Reeside, James, mail-contract frauds, I, 34, 

lO'J. 

Reformation, on the, I, 526. 

Refugees from Virginia, II, 291. 

Regiments : 
3tt Delaware, II, 226. 
32d Illinois, II, 598. 
6th Kentucky, II, 297. 
4th Michigan Volunteers, II, 73. 
78th New York Infantry, II, 293. 
189th New York, II, 590. 
12tli Ohio, II, 510. 
14:8th Ohio, II, 570. 
164th Ohio, II, 566. 
166th Ohio, II, 567. 

72d Pennsylvania Volunteers, II, 222. 
76th PenuBvlvania Volunteers, II, 585. 
18th U. 8. Infantrv, II, 501. 
6th Wisconsin, II, 501. 

Regiments, recruiting old, with drafted 
men, II, 251. See also TKt)OPS. 

Reid, Whitelaw, at Baltimore Convention, 
II. 528. 

Religion, the national political, I, 12; sla- 
very dissensions in, 507; politics not to 
be introduced into, 622. 

Religious denominations of Chicago, reply 
to committee from, asking the issuance 
of emancipation proclamation, II, 234- 
236. 

Reno, Maj.-Gen. J. L., patriotism of, II, 
258. 

Renomination, letter accepting the, June 
27, 1864, II, 538. 

Renshaw, Comdr. William B., recommended 
for thanks of ConsiTess, II, 152. 

Renwick, G. W., I, 354. 

Representation, slaves as a basis of, I, 623. 

Representative government, its great living 
principh^, I, 140. 

Representatives, their duties, 1, 1, 7. 

Reprieves, power of President to grant, II, 
442. 

Reprisal, Gov. Johnson's measures of, II, 
176. 

Republican Party, points of difference with, 
1,210; position on the Dred Scott case, 234, 
285,463; position on the status of the ne- 
gro, 235; dangers of secession to Douglas, 
238; prospects for Convention of 18.58, 239; 
struggle against Leeomptoii Constitution, 
242, 250, 2.51; strength of, 245, 529; alleged 
combination against Douglas, 247, 248; po- 
sition on popular sovereignty, 250, 530; 
Douglas's position in regard to, 256, 257 ; 
its inception, formation, etc., 256, 279, 287, 
322, 423 ; position on slaverv, 257, 302, 363, 
423, 467, 468, 488, 508, 509, S.^i, 569, 588, 591, 
599, 605, 608-616, 619, 020, 623, 630, 675 ; dis- 
advantages in Illinois, 260-262; the stan- 
dard-bearer of, 261 ; princii)les of, 279, 280, 
530, 532, 533, 541; Douglas's iirojiheey of 
resultsof its success, 280; alleged platform 
of, 286, 287; position as to acciuirenient of 
additiounl territory, 317, 318; foiinationof 
platform in Illinois, 331 ; formed from the 
Whig Party, 336; demand for reiteal of fugi- 
tive-slave law, 337 ; demands of their plat- 
form, 337, 339; names Lincoln as ■' first, last, 
and only choice" for U. S. Seimtor, 341, 
403; Douglas's statement as to why it nom- 
inated Lincoln for the U. S. Senate. 402; 
policy of, 424; making energetic ti:;ht in 
niinoig, 431; charged with sectionalism, 
431, 439, 440, 471,60.5,606,626,64.'. ; iiriuciples 
of. do not obtain in the South, 43'.t ; differ- 
ence between Douglas and, 442; Douglas's 
charge of combination between JJational 



Democrats and, 442, 443 ; State convention 
atBloomington, 111., May, 1856, 4.56 ; nation- 
al convention at Philadelphia, .lune, 1856, 
456: Illinois State convention at Spring- 
field, June, 1K.">8, 451;; nominates Lincoln 
for Senator, 4.'ii; ; platform of Congression- 
al convention at liockford, 111., in 1854, 
465; platfin'm of Congressional convention 
at Blooujington, 111., in 1854, 465; pledges 
of, 465; platform of Congi'essional conven- 
tion at Aurora. 111., Sept., 1854, 465, 466; 
bounded bv i^^eograpliical lines, 470; nom- 
ination of' Lincoln for U. S. Senator, 485; 
vote in Illinois, 1858, 520; danger to, 531 ; 
Lincoln's views on fusion with opposition 
elements, for I860, 534, 535; must guard 
against divisions, 535 ; the standard must 
be kept up, 535; dan,ger to national con- 
vention from local issues, 537 ; chief dan- 
ger to the, 541; deterniimitiou of, 569; 
needs of, for the election of I860, 575; im- 
portance of Pennsvhauia to, in contest 
of 1860, 584, .585 ; Lincoln's zeal for, 585; im- 
portance of Illinois to, in election of 1860, 
5H."); purpose of organization, 585, 586; the 
cement of the party, 591 ; mistaken ideas 
about, 591 ; resiUts of the tight against 
Douglas in, 592; possibility of a Union 
ticket with the South, in 1860, 591, 592; ul- 
timate triumph of the principles of, 593, 
594 ; loyalty of N. B. Judd to, 595 ; debating 
ground between Douglas Democrats and, 
599 ; Southern opinion of, 605 ; charged with 
being revolutiimarj^, 606, 6'27 ; position of 
non-interference with slavery where it 
exists, 607, 608, 611, 612, 619, 620, 628-631 ; 
charged with stirrin.g up insurrections, 
607-609, 624, 625, 628 ; charged with connec- 
tion with .Tohu Browii's raid, 607-609,615, 
616, 624, 625; propose no violation of the 
Constitution, 60;»; what the South demands 
of, 611, 612; duty to i)reserve peace, 611, 
6'28; duties before, 616,617; the most im- 
portant question in the organization of, 
616, 617 ; charged with hostility to the 
Union, 619 ; claims to be the only true 
Union party, 619 ; signs of approaching tri- 
umph of, 624; charged with invading the 
South, 624, 625, 6'28; charged with being de- 
structive, 627; conservatism of, 627; must 
conciliate the South if possible, 628; vindi- 
cation of principles of, 631; nomuiates 
Lincoln for President. 6:14 : indorses the 
Declaration of Indepindence, 635; raison 
d' ctre, 635; adheres to the Constitution, 
635; po.9ition on State rights, 635, 636; ad- 
heres to the Union. 635, 636; position on 
lawless invasion of States and Territo- 
ries, 636; Cassius M. Clay labors for, 645; 
prospects of success in l.s60, 64.5,650; po- 
sition of, in Jannaiv, 1861, 664; the tariff 
plank in the Chicago platform, 678, 679; 
apprehensions in the South regarding its 
accession to jiower, II, 1; clause in plat- 
form regardiiiic state riglits, 1 ; effect of a 
policy of conciliation on, 12: responsibility 
of maintaining the Union on, 12; temper 
manifested by, regarding Fort Sumter, 29. 
Republican institutions, the preservation. 

of, I, 635. 
Republicanism, a principle of, I, 1. 
Republican National Convention at Chicago, 
i860, letter of acceptance of nomination 
to, I, 635 ; platf(U-ni, 635-6:i7 ; condemns the 
Democratic administration, 636. 
Republican platform of 1854, Lincoln ques- 
tioned by Douglas as to approval of, 1, 300 
et scq. 
Republican platform, against admission of 
more slave States, I, 453 ; principles must 
be kept up, 534. 



744 



INDEX 



Republican platform of i860, Lincoln's ap- 
proval of, I, 651, 659. 

Republican State (111.) Convention of 1854, 1, 
300, 301, 319, 320. 

Republican ticket of i860, I, 534. 

Republics, is there au inherent weakness 
in •'. II, 58. 

Restriction of 1820, I, 220. 

Retaliation, II, 77, 420; order of, July 30, 
1863, 378; execution in, 600. 

Revenue, means of collection and deposit 
of, I, 21-31 ; Whig doctrine of a national 
hank for handlinu' the public, 72; tariff 
for, 72-74; exces.s of expenditure over, 73, 
74; position of Repulilicau National Con- 
vention of 1860, in regard to raising. 637 ; 
use of force in collection of, II, 14; in- 
quiry of the Secretary of the Treasury as 
to importations of goods contrary to rev- 
enue laws, 24; incpiiry of the Attorney- 
General as to collection of duties and reg- 
ulating importations, 25; Caleb Smith 
advocates collection with all the power of 
the government, 27 ; impossibility of col- 
lecting in Southern States, 35; obstruc- 
tion of collection of, in Southern States, 
39 ; Confederate seizures of the public, 55 ; 
statistics of, 96; ((uestiou of providing, 
264; licucticial legislation affecting, 607. 

Revenue and finance systems of foreign 
countries, II, 141, 142. 

Revenue service, inquiry as to using naval 
ships to aid the, II, 24, 25 ; treason in the, 
124. 

Revolution, the right of, 1, 105 ; what would 
justify a, II, 4. 

Revolution of 1775, influence of the scenes 
of the, 1,14, 15 ; battle-fields of the, in New 
Jersey, 688 ; the di-aft in the, II, 391. 

Reynolds, Dr., I, 537, 538. 

Reynolds, John, governor of Illinois, I, 76 ; 
opposition to Whig measures, 76; sup- 
ports Truiubull, 338; iu convention at 
Springlicld, 351; Abolitionist worker, 403 ; 
stumps Illinois against Douglas, 401. 

Reynolds, Gen. J. J., instructions to, regard- 
ing seizure of property by military au- 
thorities, II, 471, 472. 

Rhett, R. B., objection to census statistics, 
I, 130. 

Rhode Island, abolition of slavery iu, I, 488; 
political situation in, in 1860, 033; Gen. 
Butler proposes to raise troops in, II, 78; 
letter from the Society of Friends in, 139 ; 
Gov. Sprague of, 200; formation of dis- 
tricts in, 220; population of, 273; Presi- 
dential election in, 613, 614. 

Rice, A. H., despatch to, giving ox to sail- 
ors' fair, II, 594. 

Richardson, \Villiam A., I, 231 ; resolutions 
iu regard to Mexican war, 101, 104, 110. 

Richardson, , author of story of Lin- 
coln's connection with Know-nothing 
Party, I, 646. 

Richardson, Maj.-Gen. Israel B., patriotism 
of, II, 258. 

Richmond, Dr., candidate for Speakership 
of Illinois House of Representatives, I, 
212. 

Richmond, Va., Convention of the State of 
Virginia, at, II. 33, 58 ; establishment of the 
Confederate eai)ital at, 58, 59; Washing- 
ton thrfatciicd from, 142, 190; the road to, 
open to Wool and Bumside, 152; question 
of Frem(mt's advance on, 1.53; proposed 
movement on, 154; McDowell ordered 
to march on, 1.54; suspension of Mc- 
Dowell's movement on, 160 ; McClellan be- 
fore, plans for movements and his opera- 
tions, 161, 163, 166, 184, 189, 192, 197, 206, 246, 
409; concentration of enemy at, 168, 189, 



190, 192 ; reinforcements for Jackson from, 
179, 181, 184, 185; pendency of battle at, 
180; Jackson's schem(>8to assist, 181 ; Gen. 
b'cott's views on availability of troops for 
attack on, 187 ; importance of capture of, 
187, 192-194; the Army of Virginia to oper- 
ate against, 188 ; Halieck ordered to send 
25,000 troops to, 189; ConfcdcrMtc move- 
ment from, 190; no forniiilabk' insurgent 
force except at, 193; Confederate strength 
at, 198; Confederate troops from Corinth 
in front of, 200; moral efl'cctof battle, 218; 
counsel to McClellan in regard to advance 
on, 246, 247 ; inquiry of Gen. Dix as to en- 
emj''8 force at, 254 ; scheme of march to, 
260 ; not the main object of the Army of 
the Potomac, 295, 322, 409 ; visit of M. Mer- 
cier to, 309; plan of campaign against, 
322; no eligible route into, 322; Federal 
cavalry raid to within five miles of, 332 ; 
condition of, as reported by Gen. Willich, 
334; inquiries concerning condition of 
railroads between Fredericksburg and, 
335 ; inquiry addressed to Hooker for 
news from, 340; advice to Hooker on the 
investment of, 345 ; defense of, 409 ; the 
President repudiates the idea of lighting 
the enemy back to, and then capturing 
him, 409 ; Ewell's avoidance of, 428; Capt. 
Ten Eyck a prisoner at, 501 ; Grant's de- 
termination regarding, 535; services of 
the national guard of Ohio before, 575; 
Lt.-Gov. Jacob in, 624 ; attempted escape 
of ex-Senator Foote to Washington fi'om, 
628; F. P. Blair seeks to visit, 640; Single- 
ton and Hughes in, 659 ; evacuation of, 
667, 672; the President at, 668, 669; Gen. 
Weitzel at, 669, 675, 676 ; port of, declared 
closed, 670. 

Richmond and Fredericksburg railroad, in- 
quiry about seizure of, II, 168; Federal 
seizi'ire of. 170. 

" Richmond Enquirer," I, 225, 413, 568, 590, 
624; inventor of phrase " State equality," 
225. 

Richmond newspapers, war news from, II, 
332, 339 ; accounts in, of Confederate losses 
at Chickamauga, 412 ; report Federal raid 
at Hilton, Ala., 593; confirm destruction 
of the Albemarle and evacuation of Ply- 
mouth. N. C. 593. 

Richmond " Sentinel," the, II, 492. 

Rickard, John, I, 41. 

Rickard, Noah, I, 41. 

Ricketts, Maj.-Gen. James B., at Alexan- 
dria, II, 166 ; ordered to move to Manassas, 
166. 

Ridgely, , I, 654, 655. 

Right, eternal conflict between wrong and, 
I, 511 ; makes might, 612 ; love of property 
conflicts with consciousness of wrong or, 
613. 

Rights of the people, the first principle of 
popular government, II, 502. 

Right to trial by jury, II, 346. 

Riney, Zachariah, Lincoln's first schoolmas- 
ter, I, 639. 

Rio Grande, disputed boundary of Texas, I, 
101-105, 108, 133, 643 ; march of U. S. troops 
to, 121 ; outbreak of hostilities on, 132. 

Rionese, , appeal for mercy, II. 401. 

Risley, H. D., .signs call for Whig Conven- 
tion at Springfield, 1851, 1, 167. 

Ritchie County, Va., excepted from insur- 
x'ection proclamation, II, 195. 

Rivas, Don Rafael, relations with, as repre- 
seut.ative of New Granada, II, 299. 

River and harbor improvements, appropri- 
ations for, I, 124; position of Republican 
National Convention of 1860 in regard to, 
637. 



INDEX 



r45 



River defenses, II, 94. 

River patrolling, II, 310. 

"River Queen," the, iiit'otiu.a: between the 
PrcHideiitaDdCoiitcilfratc coiiiniissioiiers 
on board of, in Hauiptou Koadn. II, C50. 

Rivers, clcaiiuK of, I, 1; Jefferson's pro- 
poHed apidiciition of Treasury surplus to 
improveniint of, 127 ; Gen. Taylor ou im- 
provemeut of, 137. 

Rives, W. C, opiniou of subtreasury 
sclienie. I, 25. 

Roads, utility of, I, 1 ; tlefferson's i)ro])osed 
application of Treasury sui])lus to iiublic, 
127; construction of, in new States, 149, 
150. 

Roane County, Va., excepted from insurrec- 
tion proelanaation, II, 195. 

Robbery, spirit of, anaonj? the troops, II, 
113. 

Roberts, J. J., president of Liberia, II, 224. 

Robertson, George, letters to, I, 215, 216, II, 
255, 259. 

Robinson, Charles D., letterto, on preserva- 
tion of the Union and terms of peace, II, 
563-565. 

Robinson, Dick, possible movements around 
Cumberland Gap, II, 83. 

Robinson, H. R., I, 131. 

Robinson, Rev. John M., exiled from Mis- 
souri, II, 292. 

Rochester, N. Y., address, Feb. 18, 1861, at, 
I, 682. 

Rockford, III., resolutions adopted by Con- 
vention at, I, 320, 321 ; platform of Repub- 
lican Congressional convention at, 1854, 
465. 

Rockingham, Va., birthplace of Thomas 
Lincoln, I, 116; Mrs. Keenan desires to 
pass to, II, 511. 

Rockingham County, Va., Lincoln family in, 
I, 177, 596, 638, 650. 

Rock Island, invitation to lecture at, de- 
clined, I, 533; Calvin Truesdale, postmas- 
ter at, II. 326; charges of fraud at, 326; 
ease of \V. M. Bell at, 507 ; proposed enlist- 
ment in the Union service of rebel pris- 
oners of war at, 570, 571. 

Rockport, 111., I, 646. 

Rockville, Md., McCleUan at, II, 230, 231; 
firing near, 547. 

Rocky Mountains, threatened outbreak of 
Indians lietween the Mississippi and, II, 
267 ; boundary of the great interior region 
of the United States, 269; mining in, 611. 

Rogers, Capt. John, recommended for 
thanks of Congress, for services in engage- 
ment between the Fingal and the Wce- 
Jtdwh-cii, II, 456. 

Rogersville,Tenn.,Burn8ide'slossat, II, 437. 

Rolla, Mo., Federal force at, II, 87; Pacific 
railroad at, 494. 

Rolling Fork, the, I, 639. 

Rollins, James S., member of Congress from 
Missouri. II, 292 ; requests permission for 
exiles from Missouri to return, 292. 

Roman Catholic chaplains, appointment of , 
to hospitals, II, 85. 

Rome, mission unfilled, II, 24; relations 
with, 263. 

Romney, W. Va., instructions to Fremont 
regarding the enemy's movements at, II, 
167. 

Roosevelt, R. B., letter to, regarding pro- 
posed mayoralty of Gen. Dix, II, 436, 437. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, letter to, II, 655, 656. 

Rosecrans, Maj.-Gen. W. S., hopes for his 
action coneeriiing Tennessee, II, 251 ; con- 
gratulations to, after Murfreesboro, 293; 
correspoiideiiee with, 293, 3li), 311, 315, 316, 
328, 338, 339, 341, 384, 385, 402, 410-412, 414, 
415, 419, 424, 427, 428, 438, 494, 507, 514, 520, 



529, 532, 537, 581, 582, 600 ; at Murfreesboro, 
293, 310, 328, 339, 341 ; suggestion to, to or- 
ganize eounter-raiding corps, 3(t9, 310; de- 
spateli from, regaraiiig liver-patiolling, 
310; eoniidains of non-fiiltihiieut of j)rom- 
ises by the Secretary of ^\ ar, 315 ; letter to, 
regarding military and personal matters, 
315, 316; matter of antedating his commis- 
sion, 316; jealousy of Grant m matter of 
rank, 316; alleged complaints of, 328; C. 
L. Vallandigham turned over letter to, 
put beyond military lines. 338; to, to bi; 
correetuii; misunderstanding about Col. 
Haggard's ease, 33K, 339 ; inquiry of, con- 
cerning news from (4rant, or from the 
Missis.sippi, 339; inquiry addressed to, 
concerninff Forrest's headquarters, 339 ; 
communications to, eoneeruing Dr. 
Jaquess, 339, 341; asked to keep Bragg 
from helping .lohnston against Grant, 
341 ; engaged in effort to relieve ICast Ten- 
nessee, 383; correspondence with Gen. 
Halleck, 384, 385 ; the President disclaims 
dissatisfaction with, 384, 385 ; the Presi- 
dent's views as to his duty to attack 
Bragsr. 385; opportunity for attacking 
Bragi;- ai>pari'utly lost, 385 ; the President's 
inquiries aliout his strength, etc., 385; the 
President's appreciation of, 385, 402; Hal- 
leck gives idea to, of the President's dis- 
satisfaction with, 402; correspondence 
with, regarding alleged dissatisfaction of 
the President with, 402 ; Gov. Johnston 
urged to forsvard troops to, 404; at Chat- 
tanooga, 410, 411, 412, 415, 419, 424, 427 ; rein- 
forcements for, 410-414 ; importance of his 
holding position at Chattanooga, 410; 
cheering telegram to, at Chattanooga, 410 ; 
ignorance of his whereabouts, 411 ; tele- 
gram to, giving Bragg's account of Chick- 
araauga, 411 ; telegr'ain to, giving list of 
Confederate losses at Cliickamauga, 412; 
position at Chattanooga, 413; leVter to, 
regarding reinforcements for, and the 
relations of Gens. Hooker and Slocum, 
414 ; method of communication with Burn- 
side, 415 ; advice to, concerning East Ten- 
nessee, 419; question of withdrawing 
troops from, for service in Missouri, 422 ; 
reports Ewell at Dalton, 424; advice to, 
as to position at Chattanooga and situa- 
tion in East Tennessee, 424; Sherman go- 
ing to his relief, 424; communication to, 
regarding engagement at Bristow Station, 
Va., 427, 428 ; court of inquiry for, 438 ; at 
Cincinnati, 438 ; proposed for connnand of 
Department of ^Missouri, 4(;2; to give at- 
tention to expected tioul)les near Kansas 
City,475; question of supplying iron for Pa- 
cific railroad referred to, 494 ; success in 
conduct of affairs in Department of Mis- 
souri, 507; suggestions to, regarding Spe- 
cial Order No'. 61, 507 ; case of Mrs. Ward 
referred to, 514; communication to, regard- 
ing disturbances in Department of Mis- 
souri, 520; suggestion to, regarding secret 
messages, .529; Maj. Ilay sent on mission 
to, 532: instructions to, respecting papers 
of the Belgian Consulate, r.iij : at St, Louis, 
514, .520, 529,532, .537; complaint to, respect- 
ing bushwhackers, 537 ; instructions to, 
regarding the voting of soldiers, 581, 582; 
inquiry as to his whereabouts, 588; satis- 
factory news from, 594 ; the case of Major 
Wolf referred to, 600. 

Ross, John, letter to, II, 240; exiled in 
Washington, 245; desires to rooccnpy the 
Cherokee country, 245; complaints of 
treatment of the Cherokees by the United 
States 267. 

Rough and Ready Clubs, 1, 131. 



746 



INDEX 



Rowan, Comdr. Stephen C, services in wa- 
ters of North Carolina, II, 203; recom- 
luended lor tbauks of Coii}i:res8, 203. 

Rowley, George A., cashiering of, II, 221. 

Rules and Articles ofWar, II, 188. 

Rush, Richard, candidacy of, I, 222. 

Rusk, Gen. T. J., commander of army of 
Texas Republic, I, 108. 

Russell, Lord John, iuterview with Mr. Dal- 
las, II. 48 et scq. ; correspondence regard- 
ing the Trent affair, 120. 

Russell, Lieut. -Comdg. John H., recom- 
mended lor thanks of Congres.'s, II, 152. 

Russia, Seward advises demanding expla- 
nation from, II, 29 ; revocation of exequa- 
tur of consul enlisting with insm-gents, 
50 ; jiost of Minister to, offered to Secre- 
tary Cameron, 114, 115; correspondence 
with, regarding the Trent affair, 127 ; ques- 
tion of reappointment of Clay as Minister 
to, 221, 222; question of resignation of 8. 
Cameron as Minister to, 222 ; relations 
with, 263; proposed overland telegraph 
through, 263, 447, 605. 

Russians, status under the Declaration of 
Independence, I, 272. 

Rutledge, John, I, 603. 

S , complains of misconduct of military 

otHcers at elections, II, 438. 

Sabbath observance, order for, II, 254. 

"Sabine," the, receives troops from the 
Brooldyn to transfer to Fort Pickens, II, 
56, 57 ; movements of, 136. 

Sabine River, boundary in Spanish treaty 
of 1819, I, 102. 

Sac Indians, invasion of, I, 5. 

Sacramento, Cal., location of Pacific rail- 
road eastward from, II, 611. 

Safe-conduct, II, 580. 

Said Mohammed, Viceroy of Egypt, II, 85. 

Sailors and soldiers, patriotism among, II, 
65. 

Sailors' Fair at Boston, congratulations to, 
II, 594 ; presentation of an ox to, 594. 

St. Albans, Vt., pi-ivileges of port of, in re- 
gard to exportation of merchandise in 
bond to British North America, II, 627. 

St. Augustine, Fla., capture of, II, 140; port 
of, declared closed, 670. 

St. Bernard Parish, La., excepted from dec- 
laration of Louisiana's state of rebellion, 
II, 288. 

St. Charles Parish, La., excepted from dec- 
laration of Louisiana's state of rebellion, 
II, 288. 

St. Domingo, relations with, II, 30. 

St. Genevieve, Mo., slavery in, I, 571. 

St. James Parish, La., excepted from dec- 
laration of Louisiana's state of rebellion, 
II, 288. 

St. John Parish, La., excepted from decla- 
ration of Louisiana's state of rebellion, 
II, 288. 

St. John's, Fla., port of, declared closed, II, 
670. ■ 

St. Joseph, Mo., letters from, concerning 
troubles in Missouri, II, 432. 

St. Louis, Mo., horrors of mob law in, 1, 10; 
proposed sulitreasury station at, 28; Lin- 
coln at, 52; Col. Doniphan condemns Polk's 
administration at. 111; slavery in, 182; 
Douglas denounces a "fatal heresy" at, 
590; anxiety about situation at, II, 47; 
Gen. Harney in command at, 52 ; Indiana 
troops despatched to, 74; Montgomery 
Blair at, 79 ; Gen. Halleck at, 110, 113, 126, 
140, 141; insurrectionar.v feeling in, 113; 
Gen. Curtis at, 221, 245, 278, 297, 298; order 
of Gen. Curtis's provost-marshal in, sus- 
pended, 298; appointment of postmaster 



at, 325; arrest of editor of the "Dem- 
ocrat," 368; Schotield at, 368. 401, 419; tele- 
gram to H. T. Blow, regarding arrest at, 
368; condemnation of MoGuire and Bell 
at, 392 ; social iulluence on affairs in De- 
l)artment of Missouri, 463 ; petition from 
citizens of, regarding Dr. McPheeters, 463, 
464; aiTcst of Dr. McPheeters in, 464, 465 ; 
action of the provost-marshal I'egarding 
church matters at, 480; Rosecrans at, 514, 
520, 529, 532, 537 ; banishment of Mrs. Ward 
from, 514; Sauitary fairs in, 524, 534; sa- 
lute fired at, 573; J. G. Nicolay at, 588; 
exercise in, of policy of holding smoky 
localities responsible for conflagTations, 
591 ; Gen. Dodge at, 617, 629, 630. 

St. Louis County, Mo., suspension of assess- 
ments in, II, 292; assessments in, 652, 658. 

St. Louis " Democrat," editor of, appointed 
postmaster at St. Louis, II, 325 ; arrest of 
editor of, 368, 372 ; letter to Gen. Schotield 
published in the, 374. 

St. Mark's, Fla., port of, declared closed, II, 
670. 

St. Martin Parish, La., excepted from dec- 
laration of Louisiana's state of rebellion, 
II, 288. 

St. Mary Parish, excepted from declaration 
of Louisiana's state of rebellion, II, 288. 

St. Mary's, Fla., capture of, II, 140. 

St. Mary's, Ga., port of, declared closed, II, 
670. 

St. Paul, Gen. Pope at, II, 252, 279, 651, 658, 
663 ; memorial from citizens of, regarding 
Indian massacres, 280. 

"St. Voltaire," I, 174. 

Salem, 111., Lincoln's early life in, I, 281. 

Salem, N. C, question of operations near, 
II, 153. 

Salomon, Edward, (governor of Wisconsin, 
requests the President to call for volun- 
teers, II, 194. 

Salt Creek, I, 6. 

Saltmarsh and Fuller, disputed mail con- 
tracts of, I, 108, 109. 

Salt works, Federal destruction of, at Hil- 
ton, II, 593. See also Gocjse Creek. 

Sanders, Geo. N., Peace Commissioner from 
Confederate States, II, 549. 

Sanderson, , I, C65. 

San Domingo, question of its incorporation 
with the Si)anish monarchy, II, 66 ; civil 
war in Spanish part of, C05. 

Sands, , charges against, II, 384. 

Sands, Nathaniel, letter to, regarding pro- 
posed mayoralty of (4en. Dix, II, 436, 437. 

Sandwich Islands, question of appointment 
of commissioner for, II, 130; reciprocity 
with, 478. 

Sandy Hook, N. J., reestablishment of tel- 
egraphic communiiation with, 11, 541. 

San Francisco, i>r()posed eduuecticm with 
Pacific and Russian telegraph lines, II, 
263 ; port of, 269. 

Sangamon County, 111., address to, I, 1-4; 
needs of, 1 ; report on new road in, 6 ; con- 
stituents in, 7 ; protest from members for, 
on subject of slavery, 15; act for benefit 
of clerk of circiut court of, 20; nominat- 
ing convention in, 1840, 41 ; Lincoln cast 
off by people of, 79 ; weight in Congression- 
al election, 80 ; residence of Abraham Lin- 
coln, 117 ; Whig losses in, 131 ; Lincoln's 
representation of, in Illinois legislature, 
212, 281 ; Democratic 8Ui)port for Lincoln 
for U. 8. Senate, 521 ; the President's ex- 
perience in a store in, 597, 641 ; Lincoln's 
first entrance into, 640; surveyor's work 
in, 641. 

" Sangamon Journal," letter to, I, 7 ; its ed- 
itor attacked by Douglas, 40 ; quoted, 41, 



INDEX 



747 



83, 85, 132 ; supports John T. Stuart, 44 ; re- 
ports a temperam-e speech l>y Liucoln, 66; 
article otfeiisivc to (icu. Shields iu, 69, 70. 

Sangamon River, iiuproveiiiciit of, I, 2, 3; 
boat-buildiugoii, 2, G41 ; settlenicut of Lin- 
colu family ou, 640; cauoe trip dowu, 640. 

Sanitary Commission, the, II, 656; North- 
^Yestern Fair at Chicago, 429; benevolent 
labors of, 534. 

Sanitary Fairs, remarks on closing one in 
Washington, II, 500, 501 ; address at fair iu 
Baltimore, 512-514 ; speech at one in Phil- 
adelphia, 533-535 ; inception of, 534 ; benev- 
olent labors of, 534. 

" San Jacinto," the, stoppage of the Trent 
by, II, 110, 120, 127, 128; movements of, 
136 ; collision with the Jules et Marie, 277. 
See also "Trent " ; Wilkes. 

San Juan, survey of the river and port of, 
II, 604. 

San Salvador, relations with, II, 605. 

Santa Anna, Antonio Lopez de, treaty with 
Texas, I, 102, 103, 107, 108. 

Santa Rosa, Fla., order regarding suspen- 
sion of habeas corpus at, II, 45 ; Lieut. D. 
D. Porter ordered to prevent seizure of, 28. 

Santiago, Chili, destruction of church by 
tire at, II, 473. 

Sardinia, G. P. Marsh proposed as Minister 
to, II, 24. 

Sargent, Horace Binney, I, 671. 

Sargent, Nathan, nominated for sergeant- 
at-arms, U. S. House of Representatives, 

I, 96 ; candidate for coramissionership of 
customs, II, 44. 

Saunders, P. A., signs invitation to Henry 
Clay, I, 68. 

Savannah, Ga., Federal foothold near, II, 
104; captured by Sherman, 622; port of, 
declared closed,"670. 

Saxton, Gen. Rufus, telegram to, II, 158; 
guns sent to, at Harper's Ferry, 162; at 
Harper's Ferry, 162, 168; inquiry as to 
troops, 162, 163; reports his advance 
forced from Charlestown, 168 ; advices for, 
170; despatch from, at Hai-per'sFerry, 172. 

Scates, Walter B., bearer of communication 
from Gen. McClcrnand, II, 206; proposed 
appointment of, as chief justice in New 
Mexico, 664. 

Schaadt, Capt., indorsement in the case of, 

II, 330 ; character and services of, 330. 
Schaefer, Louis, letter to, Juno 29, 1863, II, 

360-363. 

Scheldt dues, liquidation of, II, 445; extin- 
guishment of, 625. 

Schenck, Maj.-Gen. Robert C, movements 
at Vienna, Va., II, 66; commanding Ohio 
brigade, 67 ; facts regarding his disaster at 
Vienna, 67; qiU'stion of transfer of, 182; 
reports movement of troops for i>rotfction 
of Penusylvauiii, :i3l ; ordered to get Mil- 
roy from Wincliester to Harper's Ferry, 
352 ; acting at Wiuchcster under Gen. Hal- 
leck, 359 ; orders Gen. Milroj' to retreat 
from Winchester to Harper's Ferry, 359; 
Milroy acting under orders of, 359, 360; no 
West Point prejudice against Milroy, 360; 
telegram to, regarding negro regiments, 
365; at P.altiiiiore, 365, 369, 428; telegi'am 
to, regiirding Mr. .laquess, 369 ; letter to, 
374; the President disclaims discourtesy 
toward, 374 ; orders to, regarding colored 
troops on the Patuxent River, 428; de- 
partment-commander at Baltimore, 430; 
knowledge of Halleck's fears for Milroy's 
division, 430 ; opinion on Milroy's position 
at Winchester, 431 ; opinion as to violence 
in Maryland elections, 434, 435; revocation 
of part of his orders relating to elections 
in Maryland, 435 ; resignation of commis- 



sion by, 516; seat in the House of Rep- 
resentatives, 516. 

Schermerhorn, L M., untiuished draft of 
letter to, II, 575, 576; iii\ itis the President 
to attend Union mass-meeting at Buffalo, 
575; letter to, decIiTiiug to write a general 
letter to political meetings, 576. 

Schley, , appeal from, concerning order 

of Gen. Hunter, II, 557. 

Schofield, Maj.-Gen. John M., call from Mis- 
souri for his appointment to independent 
command therein, II, 147 ; at St. Louis, 
368, 401, 419; assesses secessionists, 278; 
possible successor to Gen. Curtis, 335 ; his 
appoiutmcTit causes trouble in Missouri, 
337, 338; correspondence with, 340, 357,368, 
372-374, 401, 416, 417, 41'.), i?,\, 432; counsel 
to, concerning his appointment to the De- 
partment of the INIissoiui, 340: letter to, 
explanatory of motives in apj)ointmentto 
Department of the Missouri, 344, 345 ; let- 
ter to, regarding gi-adual emancipation in 
Missouri, 357 : communication to, regard- 
ing arrest of editor of the St. Louis 
"Democrat," 368; conuimnication to, re- 
garding proceedings against McKee, 372; 
telegram to, regarding arrests of slaves 
in Missouri, 373, 374 ; publication of letter 
to, from President, in the St. Louis " Demo- 
crat," 374; despatch to, regarding feeling 
in Kansas, 401 ; demands for removal of, 
401, 419 et set/. ; matter of suggestion to, 
concerning outrages in Kansas, 4(t2 ; letter 
of advice to, regarding affairs in Missouri, 
416, 417 ; advice to, regarding Gen. Blunt's 
case, 417 ; despatch to Gen. Halleck from, 
regarding Gen. Blunt, 417; supersedes 
Gen. Curtis, 420; not responsible for 
wrongs in Missouri, 420 ; charges against, 
420-422; publication of private letter of 
advice from the President to, 421 ; sends 
trooiis to relieve Grant, 422; charges 
against, of shielding the Lawrence mur- 
derers, 422; the President declines to re- 
move, 422; instructions to, regarding 
matters in Missouri, 427; letter to, con- 
cerning affairs in Missouri, 431, 432; to be 
relievexl from conunand in Missouri, 461, 
462 ; proposed nomination of, as major- 
general, 462,463 ; ditlicnlty about retaimng, 
temporarily, in Department of Missoivri, 
463; instructions to, concerning elections 
in Missouri, 582. 

Schooler, , letter to, 1, 149. 

Schools, reverence for laws to be taught in, 

I, 12. 

Schurz, Maj.-Gen. Carl, representative of 
German element, II, 24; desires to go to 
Fortress Monroe as brigadier-genei'al of 
German t roops, 46 ; at Mount .laekson, 183 ; 
correspondence with, ]s:i, -i:,!, 258, 323, 496, 
603,561; letter to, regarding ele<'tions, 257, 
258; requests separation of his division 
from Ai-my of Potomac. :i'S.',; tlie Presi- 
dent's estimate of, 496; desire foi' service 
in a civil capacity, 496, 503, r.oi; ditliculty 
of finding a place for, 556; letter to, from 
Major Hay, 561; at Bethlehem, 561; or- 
dered to report at Washington, 561. 

Schuyler County, 111., residence of Dorsey 
family, I, 639. 

Science, I, 583. 

Scott, Dred. See Dred SCOTT. 

Scott, Thomas A., Assistant Secretary of 
War, asks for reinforcements for Halleck, 

II, 159. 

Scott, Gen. Winfield, in disfavor with 
Pres. Polk, I, 107 ; Presidential possi- 
bilities, 118 ; Presidential campaign, 643 ; 
correspondence with, 653, 664, II, 9, 10, 30, 
38,39, 53, 54, 80, 186, 187, 655, 656; instruc- 



748 



INDEX 



tions to, to prepai'e for the inauguration, 

I, 6G0, 664; cout'erence witli President Bu- 
cliiiuan as to preservation of order, 664 ; 
reliance on, 666; note on message from 
War Department, II, 8; order to, regard- 
ing mainteuauce of places in military de- 
partment, y ; opinion on provif^ioniiii;' Fort 
Sumter, 15, 16, 18, 21 ; Blair's opinioii ol liis 
patriotism, 27 ; asked by the President for 
daily reports, 80 ; orders to, to maintain 
forts, 30; orders for marching troops 
around Baltimore, 36; militar.y move- 
ments couhded to, 37 ; empowered to sus- 
pend the writ of habeas < oipns, as, 39, 54, 
85; question of s'iviug t'ol. JoKiph Hooker 
a (•(immand, relVrred to, ">:! ; consulted re- 
sardiui,' (ieii. Kn'jiiont, r,.') ; concurs with 
Major Anderson ;is to the situation at Fort 
Sumter, 56 ; relieves Fremont from com- 
mand, 86 ; retired from active command, 
87, 88; retirement of, 104; opinion as to 
movements of troops, 186 ; president of 
Bureau lor Employment of Disabled and 
Disoharii^ed fSoldiers, 655. 

Scott County, 111., position in election of 
1846, I, 84. 

Scott electoral ticket, Lincoln on the, I, 643. 

Scrip. See CONFEDERATE SlRIP. 

Scripps, John L., letter to, II, 540, 541 ; com- 
plaints airainst, of using otHcial power to 
defeat Arnold's nomination to Congress, 
540, 541 ; complaint by, 552 ; letter to, 552. 

Scroggins, John, I, 41. 

Scroggins, T. J., I, 41. 

Sea-coast, fortitication of. II, 109. 

Seamen, enlistment of, II, 42; number in 
the public service, 450. 

Searches, system of, in Department of Mis- 
souri, II, 421. 

Sebastian, William K., senator from Ar- 
kansas, oflers to resume his seat, II, 379; 
emamnpation aud, 379. 

Sebastopol, Charleston likened to, II, 16. 

Seceding States, apprehensions of military 
(H>ercion in, II, 13. See also Confederate 
States. 

Secession, threatened in event of election 
of a Republican President, I, 569; views 
on, 660, 674; invalidity of ordinances of, 

II, 3; the central idea of, 5 ; logical conse- 
queuces of, 5 ; not to be compared to di- 
vorce, 6 ; passage of ordinances of, 11 ; 
Southern determination on, 11 ; apprehen- 
sions of possible evil the excuse for, 12 ; 
connivance of Buchanan's administration 
at, 20; dangers of recognition from 
abroad, 20 ; ordinances of, 55 ; is it consis- 
tent with the Constitution ? 63 ; its prin- 
ciple one of disintegration, 63; injurious 
effects of, 274; grounds of, 346; right of, 
346, 347; a gash through the heart of, 454; 
does not absidve States or people from 
their obligations, 470. 

" Secession ? " — or " driving out? " II, 63. 
" Secession? " — or "rebellion ? " II, 61. 
Secretary of the Interior, letters to, I, 152- 

156; report of, 1861-62, II, 266; question 

as to jurisdiction of, 400. 
Secretairy of the Navy, report of, 1861-62, 

II, 265. See also Welles. 
Secretary of State, letter to, I, 151. See also 

Seward. 
Secretary of the Treasury, letter to, I, 151 ; 

report of, fiscal year 1861-62, II, 265. See 

also Chase. 
Secretary of War, conference with Gen. 

Scott as to preservation of order, I, 664; 

report of, liscal year 1861-62, II, 265. See 

also Stamton. 
Secret societies, formation of treasonable, 

II, 124. 



Sectionalism, fragment On, 1, 221-224 ; Doug- 
las on, 424, 493, 496, 516, 518 ; Lincoln's re- 
ply to Douglas's charge of, 439, 440; 
charged against Repubbcan Party, 471, 
605, 606, 626, 645; what constitutes, 606; 
Washington's warning against, 606, 627; 
what is, 627; Repuljlicah National Con- 
vention of 1860 charges the Democratic 
administration with, 636. 

Sectional prejudices, I, 431. 

Sectional warfare, Douglas attributes shoe- 
nuikers' strike in JNIiissat'husettsto, I, 615; 
Senator Mason's action in consequence 
of, 616. 

Sedalia, Mo., Federal force at, II, 87. 

Sedgwick, Maj. -Gen. John, in(iiiiry of Gen. 
Buttertield for iuformiitioii of, II, 331 ; re- 
ports successes on the K;ij)i)aliauuock,437. 

Sedition law, Douglas's, I, 611, 628. 

Segar, Joseph, communication to, regarding 
the Eastern Shore of Virginia, and the 
emancipation proclamation, II, 327. 

Seizures, system of, in Department of Mis- 
souri, II," 421. 

Self-evident truth a self-evident lie, I, 215, 
216. 

Self-government, the experiment of, 1,13; 
the sacred right of, l!i5, 241 ; what is, 425 ; 
Douglas on, 427 ; a deceitful cloak, 427. 

Self-interest a governing piinciple, I, 186, 
II, 225. 

Senate of the United States. See U. S. Sen- 
ate. 

Senter, George B., letter to, I. 671. 

Serenades, responses to, Sept. 24, 1862, II, 
240; July 7, 1863, 366 ; May 9, 1864, 519,520; 
Oct. 19, 1864, 586, 587 ; Nov. 9, 1864, .594, 595 ; 
Nov. 10, 1864, 595, 596; Dec. 6, 1864, 615; 
Jan. 31, 1805, 033, 634. 

Servile war, the horrors of, II, 22. 

Seward, Clarence A., desires a commission 
in North Carolina troops, II, 80. 

Seward, F. W., Acting Secretary of State, 
II, 196. 

Seward, W^. H., 1,317, 515, .592, 598; position 
in regard to reelection of Douglas, 239; 
on slavery as element of discord in the 
Union, 542, 544, 586; opinion on spread or 
extinction of slavery, 558; use of phrase 
" irrepressible couflict," 567, 613, 615, 619, 
624, 631 ; belief of, that government can- 
not endure half slave aud half tree, 590; 
political prospects of, in 1800, 633; sup- 
ported in Kansas, in i860, 633 ; offer of Sec- 
retaryship of State to, 656, 657; correspon- 
dence with, 657, 663, 664, 668, 695, II, 7, 8, 10, 
24, 43, 54, 130, 139, 190-192, 282, 326, 327, 440, 
441, 593, 594. 635, 658 ; selected for the State 
Department, I, 665 ; Lincoln requests re- 
consideration of his propo.sed withdrawal 
from the State Department, II, 7, 8 ; opin- 
ion on Fort Sumter, 11-14; advises con- 
ciliation, 12; advises against provoking 
war, 14 ; opinion on relief of Fort Sumter, 
26; thoughts for the President's consid- 
eration, 29; scheme of domestic policy, 
29; advises vigorous policy, 29, 30; Lin- 
coln's reply to his memorandum, 30; let- 
ter to Gov. Hicks, April 22, 1861, 36, 37; 
diplomatic despatch to Minister Adams, 
May 21, 1861, with the President's correc- 
tions, 48-51 ; correspondence with Arch- 
bishop Hughes, 85 ; at New York, 191, 192 ; 
appoiutment of James Bowen as briga- 
dier-general referred to, 229; attempted 
resigTiation of office by, 282; report of 
Burnside's position seiit to, 440 ; position 
on emancipation proelaniatiou, 479; posi- 
tion on nomination of Uoscoe Conkling, 
563; estimate of McClellan, 568; speech 
at Auburn, 586; at Auburn, 586, 593, 594; 



INDEX 



749 



communication of news to, 593, 594; In- 
structions to, correspondence of, and 
trausactioue relating to the meeting of 
tlie President and Confederate commis- 
sioners at Hampton Koads, 633-035, 614- 
647, 649-051 ; at Fortress Monroe, 035 ; 
thrown from his carriage .and iiyurcd, 608. 

Seymour, Gov. Horatio, letter to, for tlie 
puriiose of becoming better acquainted, 
11,317; correspondence with, concerning 
the draft, 379-382, 380, 387, 392, 399, 400, 404, 
488; invites the President to nominate 
surveyor in canal matters, 423 ; letter to, 
from the Provost-Marshal-Generiil, 433; 
letter from Secretary Stanton to, 541; 
called upon for ij.ooii militia, 541. 

Seymour, Captain Truman, opinion on 
provisioning Fort Sumter, II, 15, 16. 

Shaffer, ."complaints of, in regard to 

seizures of cotton, II, 554. 

Shakspere, the President's acquaintance 
with, II, 393. 

Shaler, Lt.-Col. Alexander, of the 7th New 
Yorl£, II, 107. 

Sharp, Surgeon Solomon, presentation of 
plate to, l)y British government, II, 514. 

Sharpe, Brig. -Gen. Jacob, statements of his 
men regarding Ewell's movements, II, 
428. 

Sharpsburg, Md., McClellan overtakes the 
enemy at, II, 237 ; matter of dismissal of 
Major John J. Key for utterances regard- 
ing battle of, 241, 242. 

Sheahan, James W., letter to, I, 597; first 
editor of the "Chicago Times," II, 344; 
leaves the " Times," 344. 

Shenandoah Department, troops of, to con- 
stitute Second Army Corps, Army of Vir- 
ginia, II, 188. 

Shenandoah River, McDowell ordered to 
move troops to the, II, 100 ; crossed by the 
Confederates at Front Royal, 163 ; Banks 
ordered to, 177 ; Jackson's position on the, 
179, 180 ; McClellan's crossing the Poto- 
mac in relation to, 240. 

Shenandoah Valley, jilan of campaign in, 
II, 177 ; protection for, 183 ; inquiry cou- 
ceruiug Bragg's presence in, 230; pros-, 
pects of McClellan's movement up, 244 ; 
services of the national guard of Ohio in, 
575; Sheridan's operations in, 589; danger 
of exposure of, 6.55. 

Shepley, Gov. George P., II, 214; letter to, 
Oct. 14, isii2, 247 ; letter to, regarding Lou- 
isiana elections, 235 ; gives information 
relating to election of Constitutional con- 
ventioii in Louisiana, 380; conduct of 
affairs in Louisiana, 435, 436 ; conflict of 
authority between Gen. Banks and, 465, 
466 ; his status in Louisiana defined, 485, 
486. 

Sheridan, Lt.-Gen. Philip H., Grant's de- 
sire for his movement to the south of the 
enemy, II, 557, 558; at deadlock with 
Early, 577; telegrams to, 578. 589; victory 
at Winchester. 578 ; the President's fears 
of his being outnumbered, 583 ; reported 
diminution of his force, 586; national 
thanks to, for operations in Shenandoah 
Valley, 589; notifies (irant of his move- 
ments, 054 ; despatch from, 655 ; hot fight- 
ing by, 666 ; success of, 666, 667 ; removes 
his lieadquarters, 667." 

Sherman, F. C, I, 354; mayor of Chicago, 
II, 401 ; correspondence with, concerning 
the draft, 401, 404. 

Sherman, Roger, votes for prohibition of 
.slavery in Northwest Territory, I, 599, 600 ; 
a framer of the Constitution, 'ooo, 602. 

Sherman, Gen. W. T., joint expedition of 
army and navy under, II, 80; reinforce- 



ments for, 83; force at Muldraugh's Hill, 
84 ; to watch ZoUicoffer and Buckner. 84 ; 
plan of action during movement on Cum- 
bei'land Gap, 84; matter of nominating 
Charles E. Ho vey brigadier-general of vol- 
unteers, 373; ordered to liosccrans's as- 
sistance, 412, 424 ; appoints Frank Ulairto 
command a corps, 434; provides eoujmaud 
for Gen. Blair, 517; at Chattanooga, 519; 
suggestion to, regarding Order No. 8, 519 ; 
correspondence with, 519, 551, 555. 561, ,577, 
578, .582, 622 ; su.staining his lines with hun- 
dred-day troops, 524; at Chattahoochee 
River, 551; despatch to, respecting North- 
ern agents recruiting near his camps, 551 ; 
complains of appointment of Hovey and 
Osterliaus, 555 ; near Atlanta. 555, 501 ; 
thanked by the President lor the Atlanta 
campaign, 5.55; desx^atch to, repardin.g 
shipment of cotton by railroad, 561 ; 
achievements of, in Georgia, 571, 572 ; na- 
tional thanks to, for achievements in 
Georgia, 572; despatch from, concerning 
corn "and sorghum, 577 ; suggestions to, 
concerning Indiana election, 577, 578; at 
Atlanta, 577, 582 ; services of hundred-day 
troops with, 583 ; instructions to, respect- 
ing Indiana election, 585; satisfactory 
news from, 594 ; uiatter of granting leave 
of absence to Gen. I^ogan, 590, 597 ; march 
to the sea, 612 ; " We all know where ho 
went in, but I can't tell where he will 
come out," 615 ; .good news from, 619 ; con- 
gratulations to, for capture of Savannah, 
622. 

Shields, Gen. James, correspondence about 
hostile meeting with, I. 68-70; vote for 
U. S. Senatorship, 214; expiration of 
Senatorial terra, 279. 282 ; alleged deal to 
fill the place of, 286, 287, 400 ; election of 
his successor in U. S. Senate, 324; career, 
3:J9; his division to be formed into the 
Fifth Army Corps, Army of Potomac, II, 
131 ; with Gen. McDowell, 1.58 ; withdrawn 
from Banks's command, 163; assigned to 
McDowell's command, 163; recapture of 
Front Royal by, 173; engagement near 
Front Royal, 174; inquiry regarding his 
liosition, 175; deplorable condition of his 
command, 181; question of Jackson's de- 
feat of. 183. 

Shieldsborough, Miss., port of, declared 
closed, II, 670. 

Ship Island, Miss., Federal possession of, 
II, 104. 

Shipyards, strikes in, IT, 403. 

Shoemakers' strike in .Alassachusetts, I, 615, 
asserted by Douglas to lie caused by with- 
drawal of "Southern votes, 025, 626. 

Shoe trade, relations with the South, I, 626. 

Short, James, I, 80, 81. 

Shufeldt, R. W., consul-general at Havana, 
correspondence of, concerning collision of 
.S'«/( Jacinto and Jules el Marir, II, 277. 

Siam, gifts from, and coiTespondeuce with, 
the major King of, II, 127. 

Siberia, proposed overland telegraph 
through, II. 005. See also Russi.v; Tele- 
graphs. 

Sibley, Gen. H. H., order to, for execution 
of Imlians, II. 280. 

Sickles, Maj.-Gen. Daniel E., correspon- 
dence with, regarding a California land 
claim, II, 395; commissioned to make a 
tour of ol)servation and information, 482, 
483, 487, 497. 

Sierra Nevada, mining in, II, 611. 

Sigel, Maj.-Gen. Franz, ordered to report to 
McClellan, IT, 174; ordered to report to 
Banks, 174; ordered to Harper's Ferry 
174; suggestions as to his command, 174.' 



750 



INDEX 



iuqiiiry from, as to reinforcements for 
Jackson, 179 ; at Winchester, 179, 183 ; pro- 
posal to send him to Fremont, 180 : acting 
with Banlvs, 182 ; tele.urani from .Secretary 
Stanton to, 183; information from, con- 
cerning reinforcements for Jackson, 185; 
question of sending him to McClellan's 
relief, 232 ; question of forming liis cavalry 
into reserve corps for the Army of Poto- 
mac 2'.):!; \V. C. Bryant requests his reap- 
pointnicnt, 337; pressure on the President 
to liive command to, 388; asks for inquiry, 
569. 

Sign-language, I, 525. 

Sill, , (luestiou of appointment of, II, 533. 

Silliman letter, I, 242. 

Silver mines, discoveries of, II, 611. 

Simmons. Walter C, recommended for post- 
mastership at I'rovidence, R. I., II, 45. 

Singleton, Jas. W., signs cull for Whig Con- 
vention at Springfield, 1H51, I. 167. 

Singleton, Gen., proposes to bring Sonthem 
produce through Grant's lines, II, 637,638, 
659. 

Sioux, outbreak of, in Miunesota, II, 267. 
See also India>'S. 

Sitana, Peru, seizure of treasure at, by 
Chilian oflicers, II, 445. 

Slave-breeders, an abhorred class, I, 218. 

Slave children, petition praying for free- 
dom of, II, 509. 

Slave code, Lincoln's question to Douglas 
as to voting for a Territorial, I, 475; 
strength of its advocates, 590. 

Slave-dealer, the, I, 194. 

Slave-holders, Northern recruits among, I, 
186, 288 ; their position in regard to slavery, 
478. 

Slave insurrections, frequency of, I, 608; 
hindrance to, 608 ; at Southampton, 608 ; in 
Hayti, 608. 

Slave labor, an injury to whites, I, 564, 619. 

Slave-owner, rights of, in Territories, I, 474. 

Slavers, capture and condemnation of, II, 
101. 

Slavery, protest on subject to Illinois legis- 
lature, 1, 15 ; chains and fetters, 52 ; negro 
temperament a paradox, 52, 53 ; extension 
of, 134, 216, 224, 231, 271, 273, 528, 531, 574, 
588, 593, 605, 612, 616, 619, 629, 659 ; how af- 
fected by possible election of Cass, 138; 
Liuctdn's views on, 138, 210, 442, 467. 468, 
471, 472, 488, 489, 518, 652, 659 ; Cass on the 
Wilmot Proviso, 142, 143 ; Cass on local 
right to regulate, within newly acquired 
territory, 143 ; bill to abolish, in District 
of Colnhibia, 147-149; Clay's position on 
the Missouri question, 171-173; provisions 
rcgardini,'- Northwest Territory, 172; Jef- 
ferson's views on, 173, 437, 545, 546, 624; 
gradual emancipation, 174-176, 510; Clay's 
views on, 174-176, 500-502. 510; fragments 
on. 178,179; Jetl'erson's opposition to, in 
Northwestern Territory, 181; speech on 
Missouri Compromise and, at Peoria, 181- 
209; excluded by California, 185; boun- 
dary question of Texas and, 185, 190; self- 
intt'rested position of both North and 
Soutli in regard to, 186; Lincoln's expres- 
sion of hatred toward its extension, 186; 
the South not wholly responsible for, 187 ; 
climate as a factor in, 192; in Delaware, 
192; in District of Columbia, 192; in Ken- 
tucky, 192 ; in Marvland, 192 ; in Missouri, 
192; "in Virginia. ]i)'2; anticiuity of, 192, 193; 
perpetuated by opcninii of new countries 
sanctioning. 193 ; Southern sympathies for 
wrongs of, 194; representation of slaves 
in the national lesislatui-e, 197; its moral 
aspect. 202, 2.54, 508-511, 528, 560, 619,620; 
the moral principle of, 202 ; the argument 



of "necessity," 202; world-wide warnings 
against, 203 ; a rigllt, 203, 619, 620, 629, 631, 
659, 661; argument of the slave-holder's 
responsibility, 205; popular view of, 208; 
Lincoln's opposition to, 210 ; idtimate ex- 
tinction of, 215, 216, 2.52-254, 267, 268, 341, 
342, 408, 421, 471, 472, 502, 503, 511, 531, 543, 
558, 560, 587, 615 ; its influence on the sta- 
bility of the Union, 216; hatred of, 216; 
restriction of 1820, 220 ; restriction of, 220, 
543, 620, 631 ; extension of, the iiiiestion lie- 
tween Buchanan and Frt^mont parties, 
222; value of Southern slaves, 223; the 
election of 1856 a struggle to extend and 
perpetuate, 225 ; doctrine of self-govern- 
ment for Territories but a benefit to, 226; 
the Dred Scott decision, 228-235: power 
of masters over female slaves, 234, 235; 
source of amalgamation of whites and ne- 
groes, 234, 235 ; opposititm of Kopublican 
Party to its extension, 235,257, 541, 585, 612, 
614 ; a wrong, 235, 530, 531, 574, 589, 593, 608, 
611-613, 616, 620, 622, 626, 628-631, 659, 661; 
Increase of agitation against, 240, 544 ; Con- 
gressional prohibition of, in the Territo- 
ries, 240-245 ; constitutionality of, in Terri- 
tories, 241-245 ; in tlie Territories, 242, 277, 
294, 629, 631 ; a matter of property, 245. 408, 
415, 416, 442, 552-554. 557, 566, 567, 631 ; influ- 
ence of Dred Scott decision on power of 
Congress to legislate for Territorial, 246 ; 
effect of formation of State Constitution 
for Territory in which it already exists, 249, 
250 ; right of Territory to legislate for, 249, 
250 ; Lincoln's hatred of, 252 ; its future 
predicted, 252 ; right of fi-ee States to in- 
terfere in slave States, 253, 254; a moral 
wrong, 254, 528, 560, 619, 620; Lincoln's po- 
sition on influence of Dred Scott deci- 
sion on Territorial, 255 ; its influence ujion 
the Constitution, 259; question of popular 
sovereignty and, 262, 263; position in the 
United States, 267 ; nationalization of, 268, 
270-273, 291, 298, 502, 503, 605, 530, 531, 541, 
554, 558, 560, 574, 588, 589, 593, 612, 614, 622, 
629 ; Douglas's views on, 270-273, 422, 423, 
425, 441, 442, 447, 480, 505, 516-518, 561, 573, 
586-590; introduction of, into Territories, 
271, 273. 288 ; fundamental in our govern- 
ment, 273, 436, 480, 498, 623, 624 ; Lincoln's 
charge of conspiracy to nationalize and 
perpetuate, 273, 292-297, 418-421, 466, 467, 
485, 497, 498; agreement of the two old 
parties on, 278: Douglas's views on sla- 
very in Territories, 279, 436, 518, 545, 546, 
551-555 ; Lincoln questioned as to his po- 
sition on, 280; exchisicm from Territories, 
280,295,540; iuevitableuniformity of, under 
the Constitution, 283; right sjeserved to the 
States in the question of, 283; what shall 
be done with the free negro? 285; Doug- 
las on State rights in regard to, 285; pro- 
hibited in Illinois, 285, 472,478; admission 
into Kansas and Nebraska, 287; dilticiil- 
ties of abolition of, 288 ; injustice of, 288 ; 
Lincoln's policy as to existing, 289; no 
bond of union between the States. 290; 
views, action, and purpose of th(> fathers 
in regard to, 290,291,347, 480,504,505,516,517, 
551, 565, 623, 631 ; provisions of Lecompton 
Constitution in regard to, 296, 297; posi- 
tion under U. S. Constitution, 296-298, 426; 
tendency of Dred Scott decision toward 
nationalization of, 298: jdedges of Repub- 
lican Convention of 1854 as to exclusion 
from Teri'itories, ;102 : question of abolition 
of, in Nebraska bill, 304 ; cannot exist with- 
out local police regulations, 315 ; such regu- 
lations depend on popidar will, 315; power 
of Territories over, 315, 316; Whigs and 
Democrats on common platfonn in regard 



INDEX 



751 



to, 322 ; Lovejoy'sdeclarationsinregardto, 
324, 325; pio'hibitioii of, iu Northwest Ter- 
ritory, 3'i4, 5'.»'.i, CiOd, r,i»;i, {-AH, mc, ()27 ; Ne- 
braska policy tciiilcil to spread of, 330; 
policy of fouiiders of government to pre- 
vent' spread into Territories, 347; geo- 
graphieal Hue of, 347, 4(ir., 530, 531, 501, 562, 
589, 614, 620, 621 ; etlect of invention of 
cottou-gin ou, 347, 480, fill ; a constant 
source of quarrel and ditlicnlty, 350; Ver- 
mont Deujoeratie i-CKolutions in regard 
to, 355 ; po\v(n- of i)eopIe of Territory to 
exclude it, i)rior to fonuation of 8tate 
Constitution, 35(;, 357; etlect of "police 
regulations" on status, 357, ;t5H ; vigor of, 
358; extra-judicial decision of Supreme 
Court that Territories cannot exclude, 
360; Democratic claim that Congress 
should not interfere with it in States or 
Territories, 307 ; Douglas's position as to 
Congressional interference with, 367; a 
violation of declaration of ecpuility, 369 ; 
the leading issue bef(U'e the connfiy in 
1858, 3',»8; a constant source of disjiute, 
407, 408; radical measures necessary to 
Stop tile agitation, 408; the rule of, 413; 
pro-slavery theology, 413,414; cannot be 
excluded from any place by non-action, 
415; Douglas's provision iu Nebraska bill 
to leave question of, to peopl'' of States 
and Territories, 419, 420; not justiUed 
under any principle, 425 ; a matter of gen- 
eral interest, 425 ; importance of the issue, 
425, 426, 534, 607, 613, 616, 617, 618,630; in- 
fluence of the question ou the church, 
425, 426; intent of Kansas-Nebraska bill 
as to, 427; Lincoln's iiosition as to ex-* 
ieting conditions, and its introduction 
into new territory, 439; laws in Mexico, 
440 ; provisions as to slavery in New Mexi- 
co and Utah when admitti'd as States, 
440; effect of Texas boundary (luestiou on, 
441; Douglas prcjiaring for n.itionaliza- 
tionof, 447, 448; Lincoln's views as to ac- 
quisition of niore territory with regard to, 
448-450; the one ureal disturbinu' element 
iu United states )(olitics, 449.450; Doug- 
las's claim that States have riglit to set- 
tle question forthenrselves, 454; Lincoln's 
claim that Dred Scott decision would 
carry slaverv into free states, 454; effect 
of Dred Scott decision on, 459, 460; Judge 
Nelson on power of States over, 460 ; a 
disturbing and dangerous element in 
the nation, 462 ; views of Republican 
Party on, 462, 463, 465, 508, 509; Repuldican 
ideas on extinguishing, in District of Co- 
lumbia, 463; Democratic views on, 463- 
465, 509-511; effect of compromise of 1850 
on, 468 ; course toward ultimate extinc- 
tion or nationalization, 471, 472; rights 
of States in regard to, under U. 8. Consti- 
tution, 472; Speaker Orr's views on, in 
Territories, 474; effect of Dred Scott de- 
cision on States and Territories as to, 474 ; 
policy of Demooi-atic Party in regard to 
non-intervention by Congress with, in 
States and Territories, 475, 476 ; Douglas's 
position on slavery in States and Terri- 
tories, 475-479; rights of States and Terri- 
tories to legislate concerning, 476; Bu- 
chanan's views on slavery in States and 
Territories, 477,478; Brooks on,4.s0; riirlits 
of States as to, 487, 516, 517 ; how abolished 
in Northern States, 488; Lincoln's posi- 
tion in regard to slav(n\v iu States and 
Territories, 488, 4S9 ; Douglas's questions 
to Lincoln as to admission of States in 
regard to, 489; contract with Texas iu re- 
gard to, 489; principle of the Kansas-Ne- 
braska act in regard to, 493 ; Davis on the 



fallacy of forcing it on a community, 494 ; 
Buchanan on Territorial, 494; Southern 
views as to slavery iu Teri-itories, 495; 
Dred Scott decision portion of scheme to 
nationalize, 497,498; Lincoln's declaration 
of non-interference with existing, 499, 517, 
539, 540, 559; coiidition at signing of Dec- 
laration of Independence, 501 ; looked-for 
end to agitation aliout, 502, 503 ; Lincoln's 
views on al)olition of, 502-512; magnitude 
of agitation in ls5«, 503; Lincoln's hope 
for its extinction, 504, 505; language of 
U. 8. Constitution iu regard to, 504, 615, 
623, 624; the word avoided in U. S. Consti- 
tution, 504, 62;t ; agitation not alone spring- 
ing from olHce-seeking, 506 ; at l)ottom of 
NuUitication question, 506; an element 
of discord in tlie Union, 506, 507, 509, 542- 
544, 586, 587 ; climatic conditions as a factor 
in, 506, 531, 562, 570-572 ; Douglas recom- 
mends a passive attitude tow,ard, 507 ; 
responsible for church dissensions, 507 ; 
Lincoln's position in regard to slavery 
iu the Territories, 507, 517, 659, 660, 668, 
669; immigration into free States or Ter- 
ritories to l)e rid of, 508 ; how to deal with 
it, 509 ; discussiou of, forbidden, 510 ; 
Brooks's declaration in regard to the 
persistence of, 511, 516 ; Douglas's views on 
Lincoln's i)laii of extinguishing, 517; a 
moral, politi<'al, and social wrong, 528, 619 ; 
Montgomery and Crittenden measures for 
its adoption in Kansas, 530; Douglas's 
claim that it must always exist, 530 ; the 
all-important (luest ion in 1860, 534; preven- 
tion of its spi-ead and nationalization, 534, 
535; nationalized ))y popular sovereignty, 
537; repeal of law prohibiting it in Terri- 
tories, 540; prohibited in majority of 
States, 540,541; controversy liefweenGreat 
Britain and colonics on, 543; period of 
comparative peace with, 543, 587; Hick- 
man's views on, 544; not regarded by 
Douglas as a moral question, 544-546; a 
menace to our political existence, 545; 
synonym for the word. 546 ; prohibited in 
Jefferson's draft of ordinance for govern- 
ment of Territories, 549; the Ohio River 
a boundary line of, 549, 561 ; etl'ect of Or- 
dinance of 1787 in regard to spread of, 
555 ; Democratic haters of, 556 ; danger of 
its revival in the free States, 556 ; only 
hope for peace iu connection "^ith sla- 
very agitation, 559; U. S. Constitution 
confers no power to interfere with, 559 ; 
a moral and political wrong. 5C(); the Bible 
as authority for, 5t;.) ; right to have, in Ter- 
ritories, 564": attitude of i;epul)liean Party 
toward, 569, 675; jireseuce ill Territory a 
hindraiu'etoestalilisliinga free State, 570; 
in French settlements, 571 ; iu Illinois. 571, 
572; increase of, in ."Missouri, 572; distin- 
guished from hired la)ior,574; interference 
with, forbidden by V. S. ( '(Uistitution. 574 ; 
fears of the llepublicau ]'art.\- of natior.ali- 
zationof,5H5; opi)osiiion to nationalization 
of, 588; Territiuial legislation uufrieniUy 
to, 589, 590; the South weary of agitation, 
591 ; Republican Party deems it a wrong, 
591, 615, 616 ; perpetuation of, 593 ; must not 
be disturbed iu States where it exists, 593 ; 
impairs the general warfare, 593 ; question 
of power of U. S. government to control it 
in Territories, 599 ct sn/. ; its x>resence in 
Louisiana, 601 ; pro\ ision as to, in deeds of 
cession of Alabama. Mississippi, and Teun- 
essee. 601; provisions i-egarding.iu Missouri 
Territory, 6()l.6i»j; position of Keimlilicau 
Party as to power of U. S. G(*vernment to 
control, in Territ<»ru>s, 605 ; the guaranties 
accorded by the fathers to be fairly main- 



752 



INDEX 



Slavery — continued. 
taiueil, 605 ; imrpose of Republican Party 
not to iutertere with, wliere it exists, 007, 
608, Gil, 612, 619, 620 ; Jefferson on the grad- 
ual extinction of, 608; revolts of slaves a 
natural result of, 608 ; powers of U. 8. Gov- 
ernment as to restrictinii of, (!(i8, oon ; na- 
tional feeling agniList, con ; dctlaratioDs of 
free-State constitutions that itisa \\roiiii-, 

612, 629; called a right by the South, 612, 
629 ; the question supposed to reach a set- 
tlement through the Lecomptou Constitu- 
tion, 613, 017 ; influence of value of slaves 
as property on, 613 ; antiquity of the ques- 
tion, 613 ; a wrong to whites and free la- 
bor, 613 ; proved a wrong by natural the- 
ology, 613; a question of dollars and tents, 

613, 621, 622 ; a menace to the l^nion, C13, 
619; likened to a venomous snake, or 
a wen, 6U ; abolition of, in seven States, 
615 ; prevention of spread of, in Territories, 
615 ; difticidty of dealing with, 615 ; South- 
em views on, 615; Brooks on early extinc- 
tion of. 015 ; Democrats demand cessation 
of opposititm to, 016 ; no middle ground be- 
tween riulit and wrong, 616; the claini of 
the iJcniocratic Party to have settled the 
question, 617 ; no wrong, 618, 619, 630 ; policy 
toward, on idea that it is right, 619, 620; 
views of Kepublican Party as to, in Terri- 
tories, 619, 620; as dependent on soil, 620; 
policy towawl, on idea that it is wrong, 
620; policy o* indifference toward, 620-622 ; 
tender h.andling of the question, 622, 623; 
prohibited in the Territories, 623 ; desire of 
Kepublican Party to place it where the 
fathers placed it, 623 ; Jay's views on, 621 ;, 
Monroe's views on, 624; Washington's 
views on, 624, 627 ; one reasou for opposi- 
tion to, 625 ; proposal to maintain in the 
Territories through the judiciary, 627; 
proposed Congressional legislation for, in 
the Territories, 627 ; the root of the diffi- 
culty, 629 ; obstacle to settlement of ques- 
tion, 630; American people desire settle- 
ment of the question, 630 ; views on, in the 
North, 630 ; policy of indiflference toward, 
631 ; only two policies regarding, can be 
maintained, 631 ; no power to bririg it into 
Territories, 636; abolition of, fi-om nation- 
al territory, 636 ; dogma that the Constitu- 
tion carries slavery into Territories, 
condemned by Republican National Con- 
vention of 1 860, 630 ; a cause of the Lincolns' 
removal to Indiana, 639; tendency of pro- 
mulgatiiui of A b(dition doctrines toward, 
642; Congress has no power to interfere 
with, whirc it exists, 642; founded in in- 
justice and bad policy, 642; resolutions of 
legislature of Illinois regarding, 642 : pro- 
test against, tiled in the " Illinois House 
Journal," 642 ; a peculiar view of the " ne- 
cessity" of, 649; Lincoln's opposition to 
compromise regarding extension of, 657, 
658; in District of Columbia, 659 (see 
also District of Columbia); clause in 
Republican i)latform regarding, II, 1; 
Lincoln's position in regard to interfer- 
ing with, 1, 296; limitations of the Con- 
stitution in regard to Territorial, 4, 5; 
the only substantial dispute, 5 ; proposed 
amendment of Constitution regarding 
Federal interference with, 6; Southern 
belief regarding Northern policv touch- 
ing, 20; advisability of substituting the 
Union or disunion issue for that of, 29; 
civil war a divine instrunieiit to root (mt, 
90; proposed bill for comiiensated abolish- 
ment of, in Delaware, 91 ; diselainier of 
right of Federal government to interfere 
with, within the States, 129 ; gradual aboli- 



tion of, 129, 130, 155, 237 ; how regarded In 
Missouri, 133, 134; how regarded in Mary- 
laud, 134 ; the rights of property growing 
out of, 135; the President's feelings in re- 
gard to, 135; suggestions as to emancipa- 
tion by purchase, 138; abolition of, in the 
District of Columbia, 144, 145; incompati- 
ble with martial law, 155; the question of 
abohtiou one for the President, 155; tem- 
porary measures for relief of. 199 ; will be 
abolished liy incidents of war, 204; the 
lever of rebellion's power, 204 ; draft of bill 
to compensate, Julj^ 14, 1862, 207 ; efiects 
on white race, 223 ; the President's atti- 
tude between the Union and, 227, 564 ; cap- 
tured negroes reduced to, 235; the root of 
the rebellion, 235, 271 ; alleged intention to 
make compromise and save, 241 ; diversity 
of opinion regarding, 271 ; shares of the 
Nortli and the South in, 272 ; the only great 
element of national discord, 274; expecta- 
tions of its being supported by European 
nations, 302; letter to Gen. Schotield re- 
garding gradual emancipation, 357; the 
selling of'captured eolorcd sohliers into. 
378; the President's tiini position asainst, 
380,615,033: the President refuses' to re- 
turn emancipated slaves to, 380, 455, 615; 
a perplexing eonijiound of Union and, 
420; advocates of gradual and immediate 
extinction of, 420; must not be rei'stab- 
lished in Louisiana, 436; constitutional 
amendment regarding, in reconstruction 
of Arkansas, 472, 475 ; not the sole issue of 
the civil war, 501-503 ; a wrong, 508 ; the 
Pi-esident's views on, 508, 509 ; elTect of the 

* war on, 513; plank of the Union National 
Convention in regard to, 529, 530; effect of 
restoration of, 562 ; the Democratic Party's 
policy of restoration of, 562 ; its destruc- 
tion necessary to a restoration of the 
Union, 562, 564; question of Confederate 
abandonment of, and reunion, 564, 565; 
extirpatiou of, in Mar\ land, 584, 586; pro- 
posed amendment to tlieC^onstitution abol- 
ishing, 612; abolished by constitutional 
amendment, 633. See also Emancipa- 
tion ; Fugitive-slave Law ; Negroes ; 
Slaves; Wilmot Proviso. 

Slavery dynasty, must be overthrown, I, 244. 

Slavery question, demand for its settle- 
ment, I, 617; declared fln.ally settled by 
Compromise of 1850,618; the only compro- 
mise that would settle the, 664; the ques- 
tion of evacuati(m of Fort Sumter regarded 
as a, II, 29. 

Slaves, provision for purchase of, by United 
States, 1, 148 ; contrasted Mith hired labor- 
ers, 179, 581 ; shipment of, to Liberia, 187 ; 
relation of master to, 196; freedom of 
will of, as decided by Supreme Court of 
Virginia, 268; placed by Taney on footing 
with other property, 368; question of 
right of property in, 442, 445, 446, 474, 
494, 510, 512, 518, 552-5.54, 557, 566, 567, 610, 
618, 619, 630, 630, II, 397 ; Clay's views on 
ultimate emancipation of, I, 448; limita- 
tion of power of Congiess to prohibit im- 
poitation of, not; tlu word avoided in the 
U.S. Constitution, 504. oio. r,-r.',. 021 ; charge 
against Republicans of stirring n\) insur- 
rections amoug. 607-609 ; allection for mas- 
ters, 608; revolts of , a natuial I'csult of 
slavery, 608; hindrance to insurrectiims 
by, 608; Jefferson on i;radual deiiortation 
of, 608; gradual emancipation of, 008, 615, 
623; value of, in United Slates, reckoned 
as property, 613. Ois; ]iroi)ortion of. in 
population of United States, 613, ois, 630; 
are human beings. 019. 030; as a basis of 
representation, 623; runaway, 628; Lin- 



INDEX 



753 



coin's position on, 652: Lincoln's position 
on employment of, in arsenals ainl doek- 
yards, 659; Lincoln's attitude toward 
slaves and slave-owners in tlie South, G(jl ; 
jurisdiction of States or Conjiress over 
fugitive, II, 2 ; pi-otectiou to allejfed fugi- 
tive, 2; question of liberating those 
of traitorous owners, 77 ; change in Gen. 
Fremont's proclamation regarding liber- 
ation of, autliorizcd, 7H, 7'.i ; liberation of, 
a political nicasine, not military. 81; 
Fremont's proclamation regarding lil)er- 
ation of, discussed, 81, 82 ; proposed sys- 
tem of apprenticeship for minors born 
in Delaware of slave mothers, 91 ; lib- 
eration of , 102 ; emancipation of, by pur- 
chase, 129 ; question ot cost of emancipa- 
tion of, 132 ; annoyan<'f from, in the army, 
133; temporary measures for relief of, 199 ; 
proposal to issue bonds for emancipation 
of, 207; power of Congress to liberate, 210; 
provisions regai-diug lii)erafioii of, 210; 
military neccssitv dictates actions regard- 
ing, 216"; Hock to New Orleans to be fed, 
234, 235 ; escaped, to be deemed captives 
of war, 238 ; compensation for loss of, bj' 
loyal citizens, 238, 274 ; the liberation of, a 
destruction of property, 272 ; proclaimed 
free by proclamation of Jan. 1, 1863, 285, 
287, 288 ; apprenticeship for, 296 ; trouble 
with, in Missouri, 297 ; arrest of, In Mis- 
souri, 374; instructions to Gen. Schofleld 
regarding, 417 ; liberation of, declared by 
Congress, 442 ; proclamations of liberation 
of, 443; transformed into United States- 
troops, 454; return of, to loyal owner, 500; 
Southern interest in, the cause of the war, 
657 ; Confederates proi)ose to arm the, 662 ; 
provisions for roclaiiiation of fugitive, see 
Fugitive Slaves, Fuuitive-slave Law, 
U. 8. Constitution ; share in Declaration 
of Independence, see Declaration of 
Independence; Negroes. 

Slave States, question of their admission, 
I, 363 ; failure to respond to the call for 
volunteers, II, 58 ; unanimity of sentiment 
among, 129; the President's attitude to- 
ward, 133. 

Slave trade. Clay on, I, 175 ; in District of 
Columbia, 185; abolished in District of 
Columbia, 190, 441 ; obligations of free to 
slave-holding States, 197 ; prohibition of 
outgoing, 202 ; declared piracy, 203; power 
of Congress to abolish, 273 ; Lincoln ques- 
tioned as to his position on, 280 ; Lincoln's 
position in regard to ))rohibition of, be- 
tween different States, 306, 30s,659; demand 
of Republican Party for its suppression 
between States, 337; dangers of reviv- 
ing the African, 423; Rci)ulilican pledge 
as to prohibition of inter-State, 465 ; aboli- 
tion of, 480; existed at formation of the 
Constitution, 623 ; suppression of, II, 101 ; 
capital conviction of Gordon for partici- 
pation in, 122 ; foreign slave-traders should 
he prevented from acquiring domicil or 
facilities for trade in the United States, 
606. See also Inter-State Slave Trade ; 
Slavery. 

Slidell, John, in Europe, II, 597. 

Slocum, Maj.-Gen. Henry W., question of 
forming his cavalry into reserve corps 
for Army of Potomac, II, 293; relations 
with Gen. Hooker, 414; sent to reinforce 
Rosecrans, 414. 

Smith, Lieut. -Comdg. Albert N., recom- 
mended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. 

Smith, Benjamin G., order annulling the 
sentence against, March 18, 1865, II, 663. 

Smith, Caleb, reasons for his Cabinet ap- 
pointment, II, 9; Secretary of the Inte- 

Vol. n.— 48. 



rior, opinion on Fort Sumter, 18-20 ; opin- 
ion on relief of Fort Sumter, 27. 

Smith, Enos W., 1,354. 

Smith, Franklin W., order annulling the 
sentence against, March is, isr,,-), II, G63. 

Smith, Green Clay, defeats Mr. Meuzies for 
Congress, 11, 3H2. 

Smith'^ Rev. John C, II, 106. 

Smith, Gov. J. Gregory, letter to, II, 638, 639. 

Smith, Lisle, I, 155. 

Smith, Comdr. Melancton, recommended 
for thanks of Congress, II, 151. 

Smith, Brig. Preston, killed at Chlcka- 
mauga, II, 412. 

Smith, Samuel, views on slavery in Terri- 
tories, I. 475. 

Smith, Truman, letter to, I, 654. 

Smith, Victor, collector of customs, Puget 
Sound district, II, 335; charges against, 
335 ; removal of, 335. 

Smith, Lieut. -Comdg. Watson, recommend- 
ed for thanks of Congress, II, 152. 

Smith, Gen. W. F,, letter to, II, 283; plan 
of operations for tlie Army of the Poto- 
mac, 283; major-generalship of, 314; fail- 
ure to arrive at (Gettysburg, 369; the 
President's feelings regarding the con- 
duct of, after Gettysburg, 369. 

Smithson, , case of, II, 500; referred to 

Secretary Stanton, 600, 601. 

Snicker's Gap, Va., 11, 247. 

Society of Friends, letter from those of 
Rhode Island, II, 139. 

Soil, not a factor in slavery question, 1, 571 ; 
cultivation of the, 578-580, 583; slavery as 
dependent on, 620. 

Soldiers, amnest.v to those absent without 
leave, II, 314, 315 ; distribution of patron- 
age among, 374, 375 ; merit due to the, 500; 
rights of, 534; voting by, 614. See also 
Troops; U.S. Army; Volunteers. 

Soldiers' Fair, at St. Louis, II, 524; at 
Philadelphia, 526 ; letter to a, at Springfield, 
Dec. 19, 1864, 619. 

Soldiers' Home, the President's sojourn at, 
II, 480. 

Somers, J. W., letters to, I, 246, 631. 

Sons of Temperance, address from, II, 415 ; 
reply to, 415, 416. 

Sorghum, despatch from Sherman concern- 
ing, II, 577. 

South, the, mob law in 1, 10 ; Lincoln's ab- 
sence of prejudice toward. 186, 288 ; domi- 
nation of self-interest in, 223 ; Douglas's 
influence in. 277 ; attempts to array agtiinst 
the North, 286, 292, 293 ; no natural antag- 
onism against the North, 291, 292 ; does 
not take hold of principles of Republican 
Party, 439; opinion in, as to slavery in 
Territories, 495; threat'Cned secession of, 
in event of election of a Itcpulilican Pres- 
ident, 569, 610; numerical inferiority Of, 
to North, 570; Presidential timber in the, 
575, 570, 591 ; possibilitv of a Union ticket 
in 1860, 591, 592 ; opinion of the Republi- 
can Party in, 695 ; chai'ges sectionalism 
against the Republican Party, 605, 606; 
threatens to destroy the Union, 610; de- 
mands of, from the Republican Party, 611, 
612; public opinion of, as regards slavery, 
613; Republicans never made war upon, 
616; Republican Party charged with in- 
vading, 624, 625, 628 ; duty of the Republi- 
can Party to conciliate, if possible, 628; 
not likel.v to break up Union, 648 ; assur- 
ance given to people of, through A. H. 
Stephens, of Lincoln's feelings toward, 
661 ; apprehensions in, regarding a Repub- 
lican administration, II, 1 ; opinion of 
Northern courage in, 20; feelings of Union- 
ists in, regarding Fort Sumter, 29 ; Seward 



754 



INDEX 



advises maintaining every fort in, 29; 
Union feeling in, 77; expectations of, of 
lielp from the North, loa; measure of its 
responsibility for slavery, 272; question 
of sending representatives to Congress, 
280, 281 ; alleged purpose of the President 
to enslave or exterminate the whites of, 
296 ; influence of colored troops in, 321. 

South America, scheme for negro coloniza- 
tion in, II, 205; communication with, 269; 
States of, support proposed overland 
telegraph through Russia, 605. 

South American Republics, Clay's support 
of, I, 174. 

Southampton, slave insurrection at, I, 
608. 

South Anna, seizure of, hy Federal forces, 
II, 170 ; inquiries concerning condition of 
railroads crossing the, 335. 

South Carolina, political (•(•ceiitricities and 
heresies in, 1, 174; foiiiu'r cxttiisinn of 
territory, 181; contrasted with Maine in 
national legislation, 198; conditions con- 
trasted with those of New Hampshire, 
283; "invasion" and "coercion" as ap- 
plied to, 673; Union feeling in, II, 12; in- 
itiates the revolution, 13 ; hostile atti- 
tude, 18; expected to resist attemi)t to 
provisitm Fort Sumter, 18; insurrection 
In, 19, 35, 55 ; seizes government property, 
19 ; act of war by, 22; the head and front 
of the rebellion, 27 ; obstruction of U. 8. 
laws in, 34 ; blockade of ports of, 35, 38, 
39, 485, 670 ; notification to the governor of, 
that Fort Suiuter would be provisioned, 
67 ; declared in state of insui-rectiou, 75, 
195, 285, 288, 321, 322 ; Capt. Du Font's ser- 
vices on the coast of, ]40; proclamation 
of martial law in, by Gen. Hunter, 155; 
provision for reconstruction of, 443. 

Southern, , kills a recruiting-olHcer in 

Maryland, II, 499, 500. 

Southern mail, remarks in U. 8. House of 
Kepresentatives, Jan. 5, 1848, on detention 
of, I, 98, 99. 

Southern States, secession of, II, 55. 

Southside railroad, torn up by Wright, II, 
067. 

Southwest, services of hundred-day troops 
in the, II, 583. 

" Sovereignty," definition of, II, 62. 

Spain, treaty of 1819 with, I, 102, 105; revo- 
lution of Mexico against, 105, 183 ; acquires 
Texas, 183 ; Cassius M. Clay proposed as 
Minister to, II, 10; Seward advises de- 
manding explanations from, 29; Seward 
advises declaring war against, 29; ques- 
tion of incorporating the Dominican Re- 
public, 66; correspondence with, relating 
to the bark J'ruridcnriii, 118; proposition 
to, for international convention to settle 
disputed questions, 262; relations with, 
263; question of jurisdiction of, in Cuban 
waters, 445 ; threatened war with Peru 
averted, 605. 

Spanish- American Republics, protest 
against tlie colonization of negroes in 
their territories, II, 262, 203. 

Sparta, Va., Lincoln family ,at, 1, 177. 

Speaker, election of a, II, 316. 

Special commissions, regarding State pris- 
oners, II, 127; "to revise the enrolment 
and quotas of the City and State of New 
York," 488. 

Specie, question of collecting revenue in, I, 
22-24; amount in United States, 23. 

Specie payments, suspension of, II, 186, 
264 ; necessity of speedy return to, 264. 

Speech, on the use of, I, 524-527 ; freedom of, 

605. 

Speed, James, appointed attorney-general, 



II, 602 ; asked for opinion as to duties of 

Secretary of the Navy, II, 623. 
Speed, Joshua F., I, 39, 41; letters to, 48-51, 

54-57, 64-68, 71, 79, 81, 82, 88, 89, 151, 216-219 ; 

signs call for Whig State Convention, 54 ; 

position on slavery question, 216. 
Speed, Mrs. Lucy, mother of J. F. Speed 

I, 64, 82. 

Speed, Miss Mary, letter to, I, 52. 

Speer, W. S., letter to, I, 652. 

Spencer County, Ind., Lincoln's education 
in, 1, 596; wild features of, 596; removal of 
Thomas Lincoln from Kentucky to, 596, 639. 

Spies, II, 125, 407. 

Sprague, William, governor of Rhode Is- 
land, letter to, II, 45; telegram to, 78; 
elected to U. S. Senate, 200 ; introduced to 
Halleck, 200. 

Spriggs, Capt., contemplated execution of, 

II, 185. 

Springer, Francis, letter to, II, 341, 

Springfield, 111., proposition to remove seat 
of government to, I, 8; adtU-ess before 
Yoiing Men's Lycemn, Jan. 27, 1837, 9-15 ; 
dull life in, 15 ; sundry speeches by Lin- 
coln at, 21-37, 226-235, 260-273, 418, 502, 647, 
648; call for Whig Convention at, 53, 54; 
address before Washiugtouian Temper- 
ance Society, 57-64 ; duelling fever in, 71 ; 
Whig meeting at, March 1, 1843, 72; Lin- 
coln boards at Globe Tavern at, 82; Lin- 
coln's residence, 117, 177 ; recommendation 
of Walter Bavis tor receiver of land office 
at, 152; recommendation of T. R. King 
for register of land office at, 152, 153 ; rec- 
ommendation of A. Y. Ellis for postmas- 
ter at, 153; cholera at, 165; eidogy of 
Henry Clay at, 167-176 ; discussions with 
Stephen A. Douglas at, I, 204, 210, 275, 276 ; 
RepubUean conventions at, platforms, 
etc., 279, 287, 341, 439, 456, 485; Lincoln's 
speech at, to convention nominating him 
for the Senate, 282, 283; Douglas's criti- 
cisms of Liuroln's speech at, 291-293; con- 
vention of National Democrats in, 351; 
anti-Nebraska meeting at, 401; Douglas 
perverts Lincoln's position in speech at, 
419 ; Douglas's attack on Lincoln in regard 
to convention at, 443-445 ; Douglas's attack 
on Lincoln in regard to convention at, 452 ; 
Lincoln's speech on his nomination, 486; 
Lincoln's statement, in speech at, in re- 
gard to negro citizensliii), 497. 498; lecture 
on Discoveries, Inventions, and Imi)rove- 
ments, delivered at, 522-528; practise of 
law in, 597 ; rendezvous for flatboat trip 
to New Orleans, 640; Douglas speaks at 
State AgriciUtural Fair at, 644; meeting 
at, to celebrate Lincoln's election, 655; 
farewell address at, Feb. ll, 1861, 672; ap- 
pointment of quarteruiaster and commis- 
sary at, II, 341; proposed meeting of mi- 
conditional Union men at, 396. 

Springfield, Mass., letter to Soldiers' Fair 
at, Dec. 19, 1864, II, 619. 

Springfield, Mo., question of railroad con- 
struction nt, II, 221 ; completion of rail- 
road to, urged, 303; McClernand at, 406; 
Pacific railroad at, 494. 

Springfield resolutions, Douglas's purpose 
in quoting them, I, 467 ; Lincoln's reply to 
Douglas in regard to, 484, 485. 

Squatter sovereignty, 1,241, 242, 248, 249, £31, 
535. 

Staflford, E., letter to, I, 632. 

Standing army, reason for, I, 178. 

Stanley, Edward, military governor of 
North Carolina, II, 175 ; letter to, 243. 

Stanton, Edwin M., coiTespoudence with, 
II, 73, 117-119, 138, 139, 141, 212, 217, 222, 229, 
289, 305-307, 312, 335, 336, 343, 355, 357, 371, 372, 



INDEX 



755 



376, 377, 385, 392, 394, 395, 399, 400, 402, 403, 438, 
401-4(13, 466, 480, 481, 488-492, 499, 500, 505, 506, 
515, 547, 548, 561, 5()9, 592, 593, 600, 601, 629, 630, 
665-667; correspoudciice with Gen. Hal- 
leck, 146, 189, 555, 556 ; telegram to Gen. J. 
E. Wool, 148 ; telegrams to Gen. Fremont, 
153, 167-169, 178, 184; letter to Gen. Mc- 
Clellan, 154; attempt of Col. Hicks to ex- 
cite the President against, 157 ; telegrams 
to Gen. Banks, 160, 161, 174, 175 ; telegrams 
, to Gen. McDowell, 160, 176; telegram to 
Gen. J. B. Ricketts, 166 ; telegram to Gov. 
Andrew, 167; telegram to Gen. McCall, 
173 ; telegram to Gov. Johnson, 176, 177 ; 
corresi)oudence with Burnside, 178, 329; 
telegr;inis to Gen. Sigel, 179, 183; letter to 
(ien. Butler, 198, 199; diflfei'enco between 
McCltllau and, 219, 220 ; telegram to Gen. 
Cnrtis, 2;i8, 299; the President's deference 
to, in selecting succes-sor to Gen. Curtis, 
335; telegram to Gen. Herron, 337, 338; 
telegraniH to Gen. Rosecrans, 339, 532; in- 
struL'ti'd to give governor of Kansas the 
same privileges as those of other gov- 
ernors of loyal Rtiites, 371, 372; question 
of reap[)i>iutuiriit <if Dr. Phillips, 376 ; let- 
ter to, regarding;- expedition to western 
Texas, 377; friendship for Gen. Hurlhut, 
379; engaged in effort to relieve East Ten- 
nessee, 383; inquii'ies of, as to charges 
against McCleruand, 385; asked to grant 
leave to <4cn. Logan, 387 ; letter to, regard- 
ing former i'ci)cis in Accomac and North- 
ampton counties, ;i.i4, 3'.t') ; correspondence 
with, on laws relating to election of mem- 
bers of the House, y.t.), 396 ; indorsements 
on notes of, 395, 396, 439 ; letter to, regard- 
ing correspondence with Gov. Seymour 
concerning the draft, 399, 400 ; at Bedford, 
403; letter to Gen. McClernand, 406; pro- 
poses arrangements for trip to Gettys- 
burg, 439; asked to cooperate in making 
place for Gen. Curtis, 462; letter to, re- 
garding Gen. Cui-tis's department, 466; 
direction to, regarding return of colonists 
from Island of Vaclie, 477 ; communica- 
tion to, regarding Doolittle, 480; com- 
munication to, concerning government 
interference in the churches, 480, 481 ; let- 
ter to Gov. Seymour, 541 ; letter to, re- 
specting offensive remarks by the Post- 
master-General, 547, 548; telegrams to 
Gen. Grant, 554, 656; Gen. Mott recom- 
mended to, for brevet major-generalship, 
561 ; assents to release of Howard, 567 ; in- 
structions to, respecting inquiry for Gen. 
Sigcl, 569; is.sues bulletins of the news 
from Army of Potomac, 584; suggestion 
as to exeniptions from the draft m Penn- 
sylvania, 592, 593; i-efers to the President 
point presentecl by (Jen. Butler, 593; sug- 
gestion to. regarding cases ot Smithso'u 
and Yocum, doo, ooi ; consultation with, re- 
garding affairs in Kentucky, 601 ; confer- 
ence with, regarding resignation of Banks, 
601, 602; letter to, respecting charges 
against Gen. Butler's administration, 629, 
630; correspondence of, and transactions 
relating to the meeting of the President 
with Confederate commissioners, 632, 639, 
641-644, (146, 647. 

Stanton, F. P., on Gen. Taylor's candidacy, 
I, 135. 

" Star of the West," iiring on the, II, 115, 575. 

State banks, conversion of, into national 
banks, II, 609 ; question of suppression of 
issues of, 609. 

State constitution compared to a last will 
and testament, 1, 102. 

State constitutions, provisions in regard to 
slavery, I, 231 ; right of people to make, 



249, 250, 263 ; subordinate to United States 
Constitution, 417. 

State Department, Seward selected for, I,. 
665 ; Lincoln requests SewiU'd to recon- 
sider proposed withdrawal from, II, 7, 8. 

"State equality," invention esf the phrase, 
I, 225. 

State prisoners, Executive Older No. 2 re- 
lating to, II, 127. 

State rights, I, 344-346, 367, 369, 399, 404, 420, 
435. 442, 454, 468, 472, 475-482, 487, 490, 493, 
496, 507, 516-518, 574, 603, 659, 661, 662 ; Lin- 
coln's position on, 253, 254,507,518,661,662, 
673, 674, 681 ; according to the U. 8. Con- 
stitution, 278, 279, 283, 294, a42, 400, 445, II, 
61 ; Lincoln questioned as to his position 
on, I, 280 ; Douglas on, 285, 327-329, 427 ; 
admission of Territories as States with or 
without slavery, 304 ; sovereign power to 
decide slavery question, 305 ; to regulate 
domestic institutions, 311 ; under Com- 
promise measures of 1850, 335; right to 
form own constitution, 424 ; the funda- 
mental principle of our government, 436; 
as to slavery, 487 ; supported by the Re- 
publican Party, 635; clause in Republican 
platform regarding, II, 1 ; question of ju- 
risdiction over fugitive slaves, 2 ; the Con- 
federate view of, 61 ; no power to destroy 
the Union, 62. See also States; State 
Sovereignty. 

States, power to admit or exclude slavery, 
I, 244, 460 ; with or without slavery, 304 ; 
right of, to exclude slavery from their 
limits, in view of the Dred Scott decision, 
416, 417 ; Douglas's provision in Nebraska 
bill to leave to people question of slavery 
in, 419, 420 ; effect of Dred Scott decision 
on, as to slavery, 474; policy of Demo- 
cratic Party in regard to slavery in, 475- 
479 ; Douglas's position on slavery in Ter- 
ritories and, 475-479; Buchanan's views 
on slavery in, 477, 478; Lincoln's position 
on rights of, in regard to slavery, 480, 481 ; 
right to regulate domestic institutions, 
487, 493 ; the free States the majority in 
the Union, 488 ; Douglas's questions to 
Lincoln as to admission of, 489 ; equality 
among, 491 ; Douglas on admission of, in 
regard to popidation, 491, 492 ; Douglas's 
view that they stand on same footing as 
Territories, 544-546 ; necessity for careful 
construction of constitutions, 554 ; Doug- 
las charges Lincoln with declaring war 
between slave and free States, 558, 559; 
distinguished from Territories, 587 ; main- 
tenance of rights of, 636 ; Republican po- 
sition on lawless invasion of Territories 
and, 636 ; status of, II, 62 ; treason in, 124 ; 
what shall be evidence that they are not 
in rebellion, 237. 

State sovereignty, I, 487, 490, 493, 496, 507, 
516-518; Douglas on, 495. See also State 
Rights; States. 

Statistical bureau, establlslunent of , recom- 
mended, II, 101. 

Steam-power, application to farm work, I, 
579, 580. 

Steedman, Maj.-Gen. James B., at Chatta- 
nooga, II, 577; despatch to, concerning 
Mrs. McElrath, 577. 

Steele, , indorses William Martin for 

collector, II, 227. 

Steele, Brig. -Gen. Frederick, letter to, re- 
garduig election of representatives to 
Congress from Arkansas, II, 248 ; letter 
relating to promotion to a major-general- 
ship. 305 ; question of withdrawing ti'oops 
from, for service in Missouri, 422 ; letters 
to, concerning reconstruction ot Arkan- 
sas, 467, 472, 473, 475, 476, 482-434, 487, 539 ; 



756 



INDEX 



relations with Gov. Murphy, 479 ; at Lit- 
tle Rock, 487 ; message to, concerning 
Randolph's pardon, 501 ; proclamation of, 
535. 

Steele, John, banished to Canada, II, 355. 

Stellwagen, Capt. Henry S., presentation 
of sword to, by British government, for 
services to the Mersey, II, 639. 

Stephens, A. H., I, 556 ;" Lincoln's opinion of 
his oratory, ill ; views on slavery in Ter- 
ritories, 475 ; construction of Kansas-Ne- 
braska bill, 494, 495 ; speech before Georgia 
legislature, 656 ; letters to, 656, 660; not to 
be permitted to visit Washington or to 
pass the blockade, II, 364 ; attempted mis- 
sion to Washington, 560; papers and inci- 
dents relatiug to the meeting of the Pres- 
ident with Confederate commissioners in 
Hampton Roads, 632, 633, 639, 641-646, 648- 
650; arrangement with, for exchange of his 
nephew, 635; letter to, 651. 

Stephens, James L., banished from Mis- 
souri, II, 292. 

Stephens, Lt. John A., exchange of, II, 635, 
651. 

Steubenville, Ohio, address at, Feb. 14, 1861, 

I, 677. 

Stevens, Maj.-Gen. Isaac I., patriotism of, 

II, 258. 

Stewart, Charles B., appointed engineer to 
survey canal works in New York, II, 423, 
424. 

Stoeckl, De, correspondence relating to the 
Trent aflfair, II, 127. 

Stokes, Col. William B., recommends re- 
lease of Kinney, Carter, and Owens, II, 
602. 

Stone, Gen. Chas. P., arrest of, II, 147, 509, 
510; commanding division on the Poto- 
mac, II, 510. 

Stone, Daniel, signer of protest on subject 
of slavery, 1, 15 ; member of the legisla- 
ture from Sangamon County, 642 ; defines 
position on slavery, 642. 

Stone, Wm. M., governor of Iowa, II, 515; 
telegram to, respecting hundred-day 
troops, 524 ; asked for returus of Presi- 
dential election, 602. 

Stoneman, Maj.-Gen. George, in action near 
Hanover Court-Hou8e,II, 167 ; driveu back 
on White House, 191 ; proposed movement 
for, 193 ; inquiry of Gen. Butterlield for in- 
formation of, 331. 

Stone River, battle of, II, 315, 316. See also 
Mdkfreesboko. 

Storrs, Emery A., a campaign worker in 
election of 1800, I, 598. 

Stover, Col., despatch to Gov. Curtin re- 
garding, II, 584, 585. 

Strasburg, Va., to be seized and held, II, 
69; line between Harper's Ferry and, to 
be established, 69 ; Banks's position near, 
142 ; proposed movement of Banks to, 160 ; 
Confederate movements near, 161; Banks's 
strength at, 163 ; Frdmont ordered to, 170 ; 
probability of Fremont's reaching, 170; 
supposed position of Fremont near, 171 ; 
necessity of Fremont's reaching, accord- 
ing to promise, 172 ; Confederate i)osition 
near, 173; Fremont's promise to be at. 
May 31, 1862, 173; Shields's engagement 
near, 174; cautionary orders to Fremont 
regarding, 177; criticism of movements 
opposing J.ackson at, 180; disposition of 
troops on line of, 182; Banks at, 184; in- 
structions to Fremont regarding move- 
ment to, 184. 

Streeter, Joseph E., candidate for auditor- 
ship of the Treasury, II, 68. 

Streight, Col. Abel D., failme of expedition 
under, II, 335. 



Strikes, I, 615 ; views on, 625 ; delay in ship- 
yards caused by, II, 463. 

Stringfellow, , I, 218. 

Stringham, Comdr. Silas H., approves Mr. 
Fox's plan for provisioning Fort Sum- 
ter, II, 16, 18; services in capture of Forts 
Clark and Hatteras, 203; recommended 
for thanks of Congress, 203. 

Strode, J. M., I, 354. 

Strong, Gen. W. K.,head of commission at 
St. Louis sentencing McGuire and Bell to 
death, II, 392. 

Strunk, , supports Lincoln for U. S. 

Senatorship, I, 213, 214. 

Stuart, Alexander H. H., member of com- 
mittee from Virginia Convention, 11,32. 

Stuart, Charles B., submits reporton method 
of passing gimboats fi'om tide-water to the 
Lakes, II, 506. 

Stuart, Maj.-Gen. J. E. B., performances of 
his cavali-y, II, 250; action with Col. DuflS^, 
357. 

Stuart, John T., I, 82 ; letters to, 20, 21, 37, 39- 
41, 43, 44; opinion on convention, 84; signs 
call for Whig Convention at Springfield, 
1851, 167 ; lends Lincoln law-books, 642 ; 
partnership with Lincoln, 642 ; elected to 
legislature of Illinois, 642. 

Sturgis, Maj.-Gen. Samuel D., consolida- 
tion of his forces with the Army of Vir- 
ginia, II, 188; stationed at Washington, 
188. 

Substitutes. See Draft. 

Subtreasury scheme of Van Buren's admin- 
istration discussed, I, 21-31. 

Sudarth, Gen., II, 601. 

Suffrage, opinion on, I, 7; abridgment of 
the right in the Confederacy, II, 105, 502 ; 
exercise of the right by aliens, 333, 334. 

Sugar, in Louisiana, I, 562 ; in Ohio, 562 ; 
new provisions regarding trade in, II, 474. 

Sulgrove, James, letter to, I, 667. 

Sullivan's Island, S. C., hopes of capturing 
batteries on, II, 324. 

Sumner, Charles, 1, 347 ; Brooks's assault on, 
268 ; communication to, regarding raising 
of colored troops to serve under Gen. Fre- 
mont, II, 342, 343; presents petition for 
emancipation of slave children, 509; in- 
vitation to the inangural ball, 658. 

Sumner, Brig. -Gen. E. V., to command 
Second Corps, Army of the Potomac, II, 
130; to remain in fi-ont of Washington, 
141 ; movements of, 142 ; relations with 
McCleUan, 149 ; niemorandiun, July 9, 1862, 
of questions and answers in interview be- 
tween the President and, at Harrison's 
Landing, Va., 201; relieved from duty in 
Army of the Potomac, 306. 

Surgeon-General, letter to the, II, 248 ; re- 
port of. 449. 

Suspension of specie payments, II, 186, 264. 

Sutherland, Joseph, on committee of meet- 
ing at Cooper Institute to promote raising 
of volunteers, II, 441 ; letter to, 441, 442. 

Swaim, D. G., matter of habeas corpus 
before, IL 336. 

Swan, J. R., repudiated by Ohio Republican 
Convention, I, 537. 

Swann, Thomas, correspondence with, re- 
garding elections in Maryland, II, 431 ; 
despatch to, concerning defense of Balti- 
more, 546 ; despatch to, regarding Cress- 
well, 663. 

Swartwout, .defalcation of, I, 26. 35. 

Swartwout, Comdr. Samuel, recommended 
for thanks of Congress, II, 151. 

Swayne, Justice, appeals to the President 
in favor of Harris, II, 573. 

Sweden, relations with, II, 263. 

Sweden and Norway, Cameron recom- 



mcEx 



757 



mends Haldeman as Minister to, II, 10 ; 
King of, proposed as arbitrator l)c,tweeu 
Great Britain and tlie United states, 23. 

Sweeney, , Lincoln's sciiiioluuister, I, 

639. 

Sweet, Martin P., candidate for tlie Gen- 
eral Land Oflice, I, 151; candidate for 
U. 8. seuatorsliip, 213 ; defeated lor Con- 
gress, 352. 

Swett, Leonard, I, 219, G65; urges Holt lor 
Vice-President. II, 528. 

Swift, Mrs. George W., poem from, asking 
lor antograpb, II, 590; note to, 590. 

Swift, H. A., vrarden of Missouri peniten- 
tiary, II, 628; telegram from J. G. Nico- 
la y to, 628. 

Swiss Confederation, proposed as arbitrator 
between Great Britain and the United 
8tates, II, 23. 

Sympathy for prisoners, effect on the gov- 
ermucnt, LI, 499, 500. 

Syracuse, N. Y., address at, Feb. 18, 1861, 1, 
682. 

Talbot, Capt., bearer of despatches to Major 
Anderson, II, 32. 

Talcott, W., note of introduction for, II, 
227 ; letter to, 228 ; appointed collector, 
228. 

Tarn's, G. Y., letter to, I, 651. 

Taney, R. B., I, 293, 343; decision in the 
Dred Scott case, 228, 2:30, 232, 244, 435, 474, 
494 ; opinion on the negro's status, 230, 232 ; 
Lincoln's charge of conspiracy against, 
303,466,467; Douiilas denies oonsultatiou 
with, as to decision in Drcil Scott case, 
419; assertion that Declaration of Inde- 
pendence did not include the negro, 500, 
621; opinion on property in slaves, 518; 
death of, 616. 

Tappahannock, Va., port of, declared closed, 
II, 670. 

Tariff, Whig doctrine of revenue and protec- 
tion, I, 72, 73 ; cheaper means of raising 
revenue than dii'ect taxation, 74; raises 
revenue on luxiu-ies, 74; fragments rela- 
tive to, 89-95 ; cflect of duties upon price, 
90; effect of Mexican war on, 134; Gen. 
Taylor's position on, 136, 137 ; distitrbing 
ele'nient in the Union, 516; Lincoln's vicvrs 
on the, 584, 034. 651 ; overshadowed in iiu- 
portance by the question of slavery, 017 ; 
position of Republican National Conven- 
tion of 1800 in regard to, G37 ; of peculiar 
interest in Pennsylvania, 678, 694. 

Tariff for revenue, I, 74. 

Tariff question, one of national housekeep- 
ing, I, 678. 

Taxation, Whig opposition to direct, I, 72- 
74 ; direct, 678 ; ot bank circulation, II, 301 ; 
of incomes of foreign consuls, 448 ; recom- 
mended by Union National Convention, 
531 ; increase of, caused by the war, 533 ; 
inequalities in application of system, 566; 
increase of, G07 ; proposed additional, in 
order to niectwarexpenses, 608; proposed 
exemption of national securities from, 608. 

Taxes, necessity of a currency in which 
they may be paid, II, 301 ; in rebellious 
States, proclamation concerning, Julj' 1, 
1802, 195, 190. 

Taylor, N. G., telegram to, concerning with- 
drawal of troops from East Tennessee, 
II, 426. 

Taylor, Richard, candidate for Illinois sen- 
atorship, I, 41. 

Taylor, Gen. Zachary, attitude as to de 
lense of Texas, I, 98; position on Mexi- 
can question, 112; prospects of liis nouii- 
nation for Presidency, 118; in Mexican 
war, 121 ; nomination for tlie Presidency, 

Vol. II.— 49. 



122 ; peril on the Rio Grande, 132 ; sugges- 
ti(Uis of liis iM)silioii ill ]S48, 134 ; Lincoln's 
speech on his candidacy. .Iiil\ 27, 1s4m, in 
U. S. House of Representatives, 135-141; 
on exercise of the veto power, 136; on 
measures of policy, 136-1.39; doubts as to 
his position on Wilmot Proviso, 138; the 
shelter of his military coat-tail, 140, 141; 
the hero of the Mi'xicau war, 145 ; i>atriot- 
ism of, 140; Barretfn attacks on, 156; 
Douglas charges Lincoln with planning 
against (lay in favor of, 515; inaugura- 
tion of, OlJ; invasion of Mexico, 643; vote 
for, in Lincoln's fljstrict in Illinois, 643; 
Lincoln's activitv in securing his election 
to the Presidency, 643. 

Taylor County, Va., excepted from insurrec- 
tion proclamation, II, 195. 

Teche, La., port of, declared closed, II, 670. 

Telegraphs, projected Atlantic cable and 
Pacific and Russian lines, II, 263 ; con- 
struction of line from Missouri River to 
PactHe Ocean, 423; projuised line across 
the Atlantic ( )ceau, 447 ; i>roposed line be- 
tween Washington and lorts on the sea- 
board and the Gidf of Mexico, 447; 
proposed line through Asiatic Russia, 447, 
605; transcontinental. Oil. 

Temperance, views on, I, 57-64, II, 415 ; in 
the army, 415, 416. 

Temple, J. B., president of military board 
of Kentucky, requests the President to 
call for voliTnteers, II, 194. 

Ten Eyck, Capt. T., exchange of, II, 501. 

Tennessee, (lay's loss in, 1, 118; interested 
in Mississippi River improvements, 125; 
foruiei'ly part of Korth Carolina, 181 ; pro- 
vision as to slavery in deed of cession of, 
601 ; the territory now. ceded by North 
Carolina to Federal government, 600, 601 ; 
Seward looks to, for revi\'al of Union sen- 
timent, II, 13; seizure of steamer and 
munitions of war belonging to, 39,40; let- 
ter (draft of) to governor of. May 1. 1861, 
39, 40; call upon, for troops, 40; loyalty 
presumed, 40; response of the goverimr 
to the call for troops from, 40; reiiressiou 
of Union sentiment in, 58; piolialily a^ 
majority in, in favor of Union, 64 ; de- 
clared in state of insurrection, 75, 195, 
321, 322 ; contemplated movement to seize 
railroad between Virginia and, 83; pro- 
posed railroad connections between Ken- 
tnck.\' and loyal regions of, 94. 95; Union 
sentiment in, 104; Wtferings of loyalists 
in, 112; inquiry of (^ov. Johnson regard- 
ing release of rebel prisoners, 176; in- 
cluded in IlaUeck's department, 177 ; Hal- 
leck's movements in, 184; exposed to 
Confederate attack, 190; governor of, re- 
quests the I'resident to call for vohmteers, 
194; value of (ios. .Johnson in, 204 ; guer- 
illa warfare in. 24S; nemitialions tor elec- 
tion of representatives to Congress from, 
248; hopeful outlook in, 251; tiooiis from 
western Virginia for, 253; de\eloi>nieut 
of, 209 ; inquiry as to effect of battle of 
Murfreesboro on jirospects of,297; Burn- 
side's victories in, 403 ; clear of anued in- 
surrection. 405 : letter to Gov. .Tohnson re- 
garding (iri;anizat ion of loyal government, 
405; ((uestion of Harris's liovernorsliip, 
405: Union government for, 405; emanci- 
pation in, 405, 454; reconstruction in, 
405, 408, 443, 486, 487, 612, 631; Andrew 
Johnson created military governor of, 408; 
importance of keepinir State clear front 
enemy, 410; Confederate troops sent to. 
411: importance of liolding, 419; cleared 
of insurgent control, 454; successes in, 
457; massacre of colored troops in, 513; 



758 



INDEX 



Mrs. McElrath banished from, 577; pro- 
test agaiust in'oolamation by Gov. Joliu- 
son, 588, 589 ; the Presidential election in, 
588, 589 ; crops in, 612. 

Tennessee, East, movements against, II, 
69, 111, 189, 193; arms for. Ill ; proposed 
scheme for Buell's menacing, llC ; neces- 
sity of capturing, 190 ; importance of cap- 
turing railroad in, 194 ; BueU to make it 
the main object of his campaign, 248; 
troubles in, 383; military difficulties in, 
383 ; the President's anxiety about, 385 ; 
settlement of affairs in, 406 ; perils of, 
coDsequent on defeat at Chickamauga, 
414; perilous position of, 424; temporary 
withdrawal of troops from, discussed, 
426; speculations as to Ewell's presence 
in, 428; announcement of Union success 
in, Dec. 7, 1863, 442 ; sufferings of the peo- 
ple of, 516. 

Tennessee, 'West, communication to com- 
manding olBcers in, Feb. 13, 1865, II, 651, 
652. 

Tennessee River, capture of negroes from 
boat in, II, 235 ; Buell to secure the valley 
of ttie upper, 248 ; Biu-nside on, 413 ; Con- 
federates destroy gamboats on, 593. 

Terre Bonne Parish, La., excepted from dec- 
laration of Louisiana's state of rebel- 
lion, IL 288. 

Territories, question of slavery in newly 
acquired, 1, 143; seK-government for, 22G, 
477-479, 495, 503 ; constitutionality of slav- 
ery in, 241-245, 273 ; slavery in, 242, 277, 291, 
294, 311, 312, 315, 316, 622, 629-631 ; effect of 
the Dred Scott decision on slavery in, 246, 
255, 263, 368, 414,435, 474, 498, 551-555, 557, 610; 
right to decide slavery questions for them- 
selves, 249, 250, 315, 316, 322, 494, 511-513, 551- 
555 ; introduction of slavery into, 271, 273, 
288, 289, 636 ; Douglas's position on slavery 
in, 279, 518, 566, .567 ; exclusion of slavcr.y 
from, 280, 295, 302, 408, 540; restrictions 
against slavery in, 290, 291, 480; admis- 
sion of, as States with or without slavery, 
304; right of Congress to prohibit slavery 
in, 306. 308, 357, 367, 498; admission of, 314, 
315; views of framers of U. S. Constitu- 
tion as to slavery in. 347, 565; resolutions 
of Joliet convention regarding slavery 
in, 353; power of Federal government 
over slavery in, 355, 599 et seq., 605 ; power 
of people of, to exclude slavery from, 
prior to formation of State constitution, 
356, 357, 414, 551 et seq.; extra-judicial de- 
cision of Supreme Court that legislature 
of, cannot exclude slavery, 360 ; unfriendly 
legislation toward slavery Viy, 414-416, 435, 
436, 482, 512, 513, 518, 553, 566, 567, 589, 590; 
their sovereignty held in trust for the peo- 
ple until admitted as States, 415; Doug- 
las's provision in Nebraska bill to leave 
question of slavery in, to people, 419, 420 ; 
practice of government under U. S. Con- 
stitution to exclude slavery from, 421; 
position of Republican Party as to slavery 
in, 424, 465, 588, 619, 620 ; U. 8. Constitution 
protects slaves as projjerty in, 426 ; Doug- 
las's position on ailniission of, on basis of 
popubitioii, 428, 429 ; protection of property 
in, depends on local and municipal law, 435, 
436 ; provision as to admission of New 
Mexico and Utah as States, 440 ; Lincoln's 
views on acquisition of further, with re- 
gard to the slavery question. 448-450; Lin- 
coln's position in regard to admission of. 
with slave constitutions, 468; Lincoln's 
views on slavery in, 471, 472, 489, 507, 508, 
517, 6.59, 660, 668, 669 ; rights of slave-owners 
in, 474, 609-612 ; policy of Democratic Party 
in regard to slavery in, 475-479 ; Douglas's 



position on slavery in States and, 475-479, 
544, .546; Buclumairs \ icw's on slavery iu, 
477,478, 494; sul)uiis.siou of constitution to 
people before admission as State, 478; 
Douglas's questions to Lincoln on admis- 
sion of, 489 ; Douglas's position on admis- 
sion of, 489, 490 ; value of slaves in, 494 ; 
Southern views as to slavery in, 495 ; Lin- 
coln's claim to follow Clay's principles in 
organizing new, 501, 502 ; the slavery ques- 
tion to be removed to the, 503 ; an outlet 
for surplus population, 508 ; Lincoln denies 
constitutional power to hold slaves in, 
512 ; rights of self-regulation of domestic 
institutions, 516; status of slaves in, 518; 
repeal of prohibition of slavery in, 540; 
Douglas's theory of popular sovereignty 
applied to, 542 ; Douglas's views as to 
power of Federal government over, 545 ; 
slavery in, a national question, 545, 620; 
Douglas on the power of Congress to or- 
ganize, 547 ; right to have slavery in, 564; 
presence of slavery in, a hindiance to 
forming a free State, 570 ; Douglas's views 
on local and federal questions of govern- 
ment of, 573; proposed Congi-essioual 
slave-code for the, 575, 585, 586, 588, 607, 
627 ; distinguished from States, 587 ; posi- 
tions of Republican and Deuiocratic 
parties on slavery in, .588; prevention of 
spread of slavery into, 593, 615 ; duty of 
Republican Party to prevent extension of 
slavery into, 612 ; slavery prohibited in the, 
623; proposed maintenance of slavery in, 
through the judiciary, 627; Republican 
position on lawless invasion of, 636 ; 
dogma that the Constitution carries 
slavery into, condemned by Republican 
National Convention of 1860, 636; armed 
invasion of, denounced by Republican 
platform, II, 1 ; limitations of the Con- 
stitution in regard to slavery in, 4, 5; 
effects of the civil war on settlement of, 
100; treason in the governments of, 124; 
prosperous condition of, 263, 610 ; mineral 
resources of, 264; proposed scientific ex- 
ploration of, 264; condition of, 447; in- 
crease of population in, 614. 
Texas, Mexican invasion of, I, 97, 98 ; Gen. 
Taylor's attitude as to defense of, 98; Clay 
on annexation of, 100 ; boundary question, 
101-105, 107,185; revolts against Mexieo,105; 
ti-eaty with Mexico, 107, 108 ; opposed to 
Clay, 118; error of New York "Tribune" 
in regard to boundary, 133 ; admission of, 
183; slavery in, 183, 185; revolution of, 
183; Spanish acquisition of, 183; settle- 
ment of bomidary question, 185, 190, 441 ; 
slavery question at annexation of, 350, 
489, 506 ; slavery the cause of ti-oubles at 
annexation of, 407 ; construction of States 
from territory of, 468, 489 ; Douglas i-eports 
bill for adjustment of boundary, 476; 
Douglas's question to Lincoln in regard to 
slavery in, 489; boundary dispute with 
Mexico, 643; Seward advises to prepare 
for war in, II, 26 ; obstruction of U. S. 
laws iu, 34 ; declared in state of insurrec- 
tion, 35, 75, 195, 285, 288, 321, 322 ; blockade 
of ports of, proclaimed, 35, 39, 485, 070; 
joins the Confederacy, 58 ; peculiarity of 
its entrance into the Union, 62 ; the only 
State ever possessing a sovereignty, 62 ; 
the debts of. 63; lack of U. S. circuit court 
in, 98; insurgents from, in possession of 
the Indian Territory, 100, 101 ; order for 
seizure of property and employment of 
military " contrabands " in, 212 ; Gen. But- 
ler's wish to go to, 306; proposed expe- 
dition to western, 377, 378; necessity of 
military operations in, 380 ; importance of 



INDEX 



759 



reestablishing national authority in west- 
ern, 384; provision for rccoiiHtructiou or', 
US; Banks tliaiila-(l lor opciatious in, 466 ; 
Banks not to withdraw Ironi, 46(). 

Thanks and rejoicing, orders of, Sept. 3, 
1804, II, 572, 573. 

Thanksgiving, proclamation recomnieud- 
ing, April 10, 1862, II, 143, 144; i)roclama- 
tiou for, July 15,1863,370; pi'oclaiiiation 
for, Oct. 3, 1863, 417, 418 ; for Union suc- 
cesses in East Tennessee, 442 ; reconmien- 
dation of. May 9, 1864, 519; iiroclamation 
of, Sept. 3, 1864, 571, 572; proclamation of, 
Oct. 28, 1864, 587 ; preparation of a call for 
a national, 672. 

Thayer, , consul-general at Alexandria, 

II, 84. 

Thayer, Maj.-Gen. J. M., presides at court- 
martial on Thomas W. Knox, 11,317; at 
Fort Smith, 482; communication to, re- 
garding reconstruction in Arkau8as,5482. 

Thirteenth Amendment. See U. S. CONSTI- 
TUTION. 

Thomas, , recommended for oflice of 

U. S. marshal, 1, 151, 152. 

Thomas, E. M., II, 222. 

Thomas, Gen. George H., force at Camp 
Dick Robinson, II, 83, 84; to watch Zolli- 
cotl'cr and Bncltuer, 84; prniioscd cavalry 
movenii'ut fin-, toward Kiioxvillc, 126; 
satisfactory news from, 4'.U ; ilcspatch to, 
announcing probalile reliel raid into Ken- 
tucky, 589 ; at Nashville, 5S9, 617 ; national 
thanks to, for services, 617; good news 
from, 619 ; services in Georgia, 622. 

Thomas, Adjt.-Gen. L., letter to Gen. Har- 
ney, May 27, 1861, II, 52, 53; statements 
by Carl Schurz rci,^ariliiig siiliordlnatcs 
of, 258 ; at Harrisliiiri;-, M' ; nri;c(l to hurry 
Ms forces in pursuit of I.cc, 367 ; instru- 
mental in raising colored troo](s, 372 ; to 
raise colored tro()])s in the Mississippi 
Valley, 384; directed to see to contraband 
and Icasinu-liusiuess on Mississippi River, 
489; at Louisville, iS'.). I'JO, 532 ; letter to, 
March 1, 1864,4'.i0; instructions to, regard- 
ing Mr. Lewis, .MJ ; jurisdiction in case of 
Gen. Hurlluit.riis; instructions to, regard- 
ing enlistment of negroes, 532, 533. 

Thomas, R. S., appointment of, as aide- 
de-camp, desired by Gen. Rosecrans, II, 
316. 

Thomasson, William P., recommended as 
agent of Goose Creek salt-works, II, 307. 

Thompson, Ambrose W., financial scheme 
of, II, 507 ; letter to, 507. 

Thompson, Gideon H., II, 617. 

Thompson,Jacob, Peace Commissioner from 
Confederate States, II, 549. 

Thompson, Mrs. Nancy, charges against, 
II, 017. 

Thompson, R. W., indorses J. A. Wright for 
Terre Haute district, II, 218 ; telegram to, 
525 ; desires to place his son on Gen, Hun- 
ter's staff, .525. 

Thompson, Col. Samuel M., T, 5. 

Thornton, Capt.S.B.,captiu-ed by Mexicans, 
I, 121. 

Three-months men, to be discharged unless 
they reenlisf , II, 69. 

Tillman, J. W., letter to, I, 667. 

Title to soil, not a simple fact, 1, 101. 

Tobacco, provisions for forfeitiu'e of, II, 
322. 

Tobey, Dr. S. B., letter to, II, 139. 

Tod, David, governor of Ohio, requests the 
President to call for volunteers, 11,194; 
nominated as Secretary of the Treasury, 
540. 

Todd, Ann, I, 55, 82. 

Todd, Capt., killed, II, 297. 



Todd, Dr., on conniiittee of resolutions in 
favor of Hungarian freedom, 1, 158. 

Todd, Gen., emissary from Gov. Cnrtin in 
regard to exemptions from the draft, II, 

593. 

Todd, Mary, Lincoln married to, I, 642. See 
also LlN( OLN, Mks. Abkaham. 

Todd, Robert S., father of Mrs. Lincoln, I, 
642. 

Tonnage duties, levy of, by States, 1, 124, 
128. 

Toombs, Robert, introduces bill in regard 
to admission of Kausas, I, 372, 387, 392 ; re- 
ply to Douglas, 317, 332, 454. 

Tortugas, the, order regarding the suspen- 
sion of hal)eas corpus at, II, 45. 

Totten, Maj.-Gen. Joseph G., opinion on pro- 
visioning Vint Sumter, II, ir., 16, 18. 

Townsend, E. D., Assistant Adjutant-Gen- 
eral, II, so. 229, 254, 306 ; Gen. Meade wi-ites 
to, asking coiut of iiHpnry, 506. 

Trailer, Archibald, accused of murder, I, 
48-50. 

Trailor, Henry, accused of murder, I, 48-50. 

Trailor,WiIliam,accusedof murder, 1, 48-50. 

Treason, contemplated, I, 636; success in 
the field, II, 124; the whole government 
pervaded by, 124 ; in branches of govern- 
ment, 105; bill to punish, 209; under the 
Constitution, 346; personal liability for, 
472. 

Treat, S. H., opinion on Illinois election 
law, I, 176; asked for report on Coles 
County riot cases, II, 540. 

Treaties, veto power of U. S. Senate in re- 
gard to, 1,492; commercial, II, 95; with 
New Granada, Dec, 12, 1846, 299 ; with New 
Grainida, Dec. r., 1861, 299; witli (^reat 
Britain for sniiprcssiou of African slave- 
trad(>, 445 ; with (ireat Britain for settle- 
meut of claims of British-American com- 
panies, 496. 

"Trent" affair, the, sclieme of arliitration 
in, II. lOH, 109; corresi)on(lcnce with Great 
Britain and France regarding, 110; corre- 
spondence with .\nsti-ia regarding, 113; 
correspondeiK'c with I'russia ct)ncei'ning, 
117; corresiiondenee wifli Great Britain 
regarding, 120; correspondence with Rus- 
sia regarding, 127 ; correspondence with 
Italy regarding, 128. See also San Ja- 
cinto; WiLKi:s. 

Trial by jury, right of, not afTected by mili- 
tary arrests in time of rebellion, II, 350, 
351. 

Trimble, Gen. Isaac R., captured at Gettys- 
burg, II, 434; status as a voter in Mary- 
land, 434. 

Triplett, Capt., contemplated execution of, 
II, 185. 

Troops, Congress asked for 400,000 men, II, 
60 ; offer faster than they can be employed, 
61 ; intelligence and education among. 
64 ; response to call for, 96 ; from Missouri, 
103, 104; provision for transportation of, 
164; necessity f(u-, 190; call for, June 30, 
1862, 192, 193; relative value of old and 
new, 198 ; value of rafiid levies of, 198, 212 ; 
delay in raising, 242; payment of, 264; 
question of using colored, tor garrison 
purposes, 298; recruiting, 426; Gen. Ull- 
man's enlistment of colored, 318, 319; rais- 
ing of colored, in the North, 342, 343 ; en- 
rolling and calling out, 449; offers of, 
from various States, 514, 515 ; Kansas offers 
to furnish, 522 ; (ien. Sherman objects to 
Northern recruiting near his eauips, 551 ; 
despatch to Gen. Grant respecting call 
for, 551 ; right of voting, 581, 582 ; order of 
thanks to hundred-day, 583. See also Sol- 
diers; Volunteers. 



760 



INDEX 



Troy, Kas., speecli in, I, 585 et seq. 

Troy, N. Y., address at, Feb. 19, 1861, I, 
685. 

Truckee River, Nev., Pacific railroad at, II, 
611. 

Truesdale, Calvin, to examine charges 
against T. J. Pickett, II, 326. 

Triiett, Myers, I, 40. 

Trumbull, Senator Lyman, I, 241, 251, 265, 
317, 322, 403, 656, 668 ; elected U. 8. senator, 
214, 340, 401, 402 ; one of the founders of 
the Republican Party, 279 ; candidate for 
Douglas's senatorial seat, 279, 282 ; com- 
mented on by Douglas, 281, 282; alleged 
deal with Lincoln, 286, 287, 348, 364, 401, 461 ; 
position on admission of States, 314, 315; 
attempts to dissolve the Democratic 
Party, 323 ; alleged bargain for Douglas's 
senatorship, 324 ; alleged cheating of Lin- 
coln in senatorial election, 324 ; leader in 
Abolition movement, 336, 400; opposes 
Douglas in discussion, 338 ; speaks at Wa- 
terloo, 338, 404 ; elected by Abolition votes, 
339 ; how elected to U. S. Senate, 340 ; in- 
terrogates Douglas as to power of Terri- 
tory to exclude slavery prior to formation 
of constitution, 357; speaks at Chicago 
and Alton against Douglas, 370, 371, 388 ; 
indorsed by Lincoln, 370 el seq., 396, 408- 
410, 520; charges Douglas with participa- 
tion in plot to form constitution for Kan- 
sas, 371 et seq. ; extract from speech at 
Alton referred to by Lincoln in opening 
speech at Charleston, 379-385; charges 
against Douglas, 385 et seq. ; stumps Illi- 
nois against Douglas, 401 ; Matheny's at- 
tack on, 402; charged by Douglas with 
bringing false charges against him, 403; 
Lincoln's comments on story of bargain 
between himself and, 408, 409 ; charges 
Douglas with preventing people of Kan- 
sas from voting on constitution, 411 ; 
speaks in behalf of Lincoln in Monroe 
County, 433, 438; attempted fraud upon, 
by Douglas, 444 ; charged by Douglas with 
forgery, 460, 461 ; Douglas's attempt to use 
Springfield resolutions against, 484 ; vote 
of Judd for, 594, 595 ; on political situation 
in 1860, 633 ; letter to, 661 ; induces revoca- 
tion of order suspending the Chicago 
"Times," II, 525; letter to, respecting re- 
construction of Arkansas, 535; letter to, 
respecting affairs in Louisiana, 625, 626. 

Trust, the Presidential ofHce a public, II, 66. 

Tuck, , suggested for Cabinet position, 

I, 661. 

Tucker County, Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proclamation, II, 195. 

Turkey, relations with, II, 263 ; commercial 
treaty with, 263 ; U. 8. consular courts in, 
305; consular service in, 447. 

Turner, Maj. Levi C, judge-advocate of 
court-uiartial trying Major Key, II, 241 ; 
testimony concerning Major Key's con- 
duct, 241. 

Turner, T. J., T, 213 ; opposed to slavery ex- 
tension, 211; elected Speaker of Illinois 
House of Representatives, 212, 323; drafts 
resolutions at Rockford Convention, 323; 
voted for Lincoln for senator, 326. 

Tuscumbia, Ala., Halleck at, II, 206. 

Twenty-fourth Corps, silccess of, II, 667. 

Twiggs, Gen. David E., note regarding his 
successor, I, 695; disposition of swords 
belonging to, II, 280. 

Tybee Island, Ga., Federal possession of, 

II, 104. 

Tyler, Gen. E. B., movements near Vienna, 
Va., II, 66; surroimded at Martinsburg, 
352. 

Tyler, Pres. John, effect of policy on Whig 



Party, I, 78 ; defeats national-bank mea- 
sm-es, 78; friends support Gen. Taylor, 
122 ; elected Vice-President, 220 ; succeeds 
to Presidency, 220, 222. 
Tyler County, Va., excepted from insurrec- 
tion proclamation, II, 195. 

Ullman, Col. Daniel, desires to organize 
blacks in Mississippi and Louisiana, II, 
293 ; to raise a colored brigade, 318. 319. 

Ulster County, N. Y., William Martin pro- 
posed as collector in, II, 227. 

Unconditional Union men, i)roposed meet- 
ing of, at Spring-field, 111., II, 396. 

Underwood, Judge John C., case of Mrs. 
Keenau referred to, II, 511. 

Underwood, J. R., draft of letter to, re- 
specting assessments in Kentucky, II, 
590, 591. 

Union, the secret of strength, I, 77 ; frater- 
nity the element of, II, 14. See also Fed- 
eral Union. 

Union County, Ky., matter of refunding 
money collected in, II, 308. 

Union Democrats welcome Clay, I, 515. 

Union League, Philadelphia, the President 
elected honorary member of, II, 429. 

Union National Convention of 1864, plans 
for a radical platform, II, .528; contested 
seats in, from Missouri, 528 ; the President's 
non-interference with, 528; Lincoln's re- 
nomination conceded by the radicals, 528 ; 
question of the Vice-Presidency in, 528; 
renominates Lincoln for President, 529- 
531; platform of, 529-531; indorses Lin- 
coln's policy, 530; communication of the 
nomination to the President, 538 ; remem- 
brance of the army and navy by, 538. 

Union Pacific Railroad, the President's in- 
terest in, II, 441; message to the Senate 
concerning the line of, 493. 

Union sentiment, in the South, II, 11,104; 
Seward looks for revival of, 13 ; in Mary- 
land, 103. 

Union Volunteer Refreshment Saloons, II, 
534. 

Union Whigs welcome Clay, I, 515. 

Unitarian Church, slavery dissension in, I, 
507. 

" United Colonies," the, II, 62. 

United States, advantages of, I, 9; dangers 
threatening, 9-15; importance of manu- 
factures to, 73 ; evil influence of slavery 
in, as a republican example to the world, 
186; home rule principles at incep- 
tion of, 196; population of, 258; growth, 
strength, and progress of, 258, 286, 342, 
406, 479; two gi'eat political parties in, 
prior to 1854, 278, 398; likened to a hive 
of bees, 318; separate States stand on an 
equality, 428 ; varying status of iiegi-o in 
different States, 435 ; State rights the fun- 
damental principle of the government of, 
436; power of acquiring additional ter- 

, ritory, 449; slavery a disturbing and 
dangerous element in, 462, 506, 507 ; rights 
of several States, under U. S. Constitu- 
tion, in regard to slavery, 472 ; immigra- 
tion, 479; veto i)ower of the President, 
492; prohibition of slavery in new terri- 
tory, 504 ; l>asis of representation in, under 
the Constitution, r>(i4; Lincoln denies de- 
sire to set up conflict )iet\\r(>n the several, 
505 ; variation of domestic institutions in 
the several, .505, 506; parties not strong 
enough to disturb general peace of the 
country, 507 ; commerce, 522 ; slavery 
prohibited in the several States, 540; in- 
fluence of public opinion in, 5.57, 613; 
people supreme over Congresses and 
courts, 575, 593 ; value of slaves in, reck- 



INDEX 



761 



oned as property, 613, 618 ; proportion of 
slaves ill poimhitiou, 613,618,630; intent 
of ConstitiitKiii not to show trace of exis- 
tence of slavery in, 624; desiratiility of 
peace lu, 628 ; normal condition of all ter- 

^■itory of, 636; strenRtb of our political 
fabric, 636; perpetuity of tlie Union, II, 
3; acts of violence against authority of, 
insurrectionary or revolutionary, 3 ; hos- 
tility to, how to be met, 4; needs no for- 
eign arbitrament, 37; attitu(h- regarding 
European nations, 49; war revolting to 
the sentiments of the people of, 51 ; 
possiliility of war between European 
uatious and, 51 ; the authority of, par- 
amount, 53; proficiency in industrial 
arts, 67 ; claims against, 99 ; a people jeal- 
ous of their rights, 108; vjopulation sta- 
tistics of, compared with those of Europe, 
273; area, 273; ratio of increase of pop- 
ulation by decades, 273 ; address of the 
distressed operatives of Blackburn, Eng., 
to the people of, 312 ; the birthday of, 
366; rights of citizens of, abroad, 446; 
mineral resources of, 447 ; consular sys- 
tem of, 447 ; should pursue liberal jiolicy 
in regard to iutcniatioual commerce, 448; 
mineral lands of the, 452 ; a severe test of 
the republic, 595 ; financial aflfairs, 607- 
609; President of, see President of the 
United States. See also Population; 
States, and the names of the several 
States. 

United States Army, to be increased, May 
3, 1861, II, 41, 42; MaJ. Anderson ordered 
to raise troops lor, 43; defection of offi- 
cers of, 55 ; calls for additions to, 59; res- 
ignations in, coutiucd to the officers, 64; 
question of apptiiutmout of James H. 
Lane to gincralship, 71; strength of, 96; 
Sabbath ulisi-ivauco in the, -254; provi- 
sions for payment of, 300, 301. 448 ; temper- 
ance and drunkenness in, 415, 416 ; tributes 
to, 456, 587; punishment of withholding 
payment. 491; Gen. Grant commissioned 
lieutenant-general in, 493, 494; no loss in, 
by eiiiauciiialifin. ;-(»9: thanked by the 
Union National Convention, 530, 538; pro- 
hibition against trading with the enemy, 
581. 

United States Bank, the subject discussed, 
I, 21-31 ; constitutionality of, 229, 270 ; Con- 
gressional action on, 2J'.i; re-charter Act, 
255, 256; Douglas's i)osition on, 271; the 
Cincinnati platform on, 299; Jackson's 
course in regard to, 299. See also Bank 
OF United states. 

United States bonds, and the national bank- 
ing system, II, 264, 265, 301 ; proposed is- 
sue of, for compensation for liberated 
slaves, 270, 271. 

United States census, partizanship in ap- 
pointing deputies for that of 1840, I, 51; 
Rhett's objection to, 130; the seventh, II, 
106. 

United States Christian Commission, meet- 
ing at Washington, II, 311. 

United States Circuit Court of California, 
resolution of House of Representatives 
regarding, II, 17s, 179, 

United States circuit courts, uniform dis- 
tribution of, II, 98; proposed abolition 
of, 98. 

United States commerce, protection of, I, 
125. 

United States Congress, powers of, to con- 
trol slavery, I, 15, 273, 280, 042 ; powers, at- 
titude, and actions of, respecting creation 
of a national bank, 30, 229, 270^ 299, 455; 
organization of, Dee. 6, 1847, 06 ; position 
on the Mexican <iuestion, 100, 101, 104 ; po- 



sition on Texas boundary question, 102, 
104; Story on powers of, 127; puldic im- 
provenieiits not among powers conferred 
by Constitution, 127, 128; should be un- 
hampered in legislation, 134; sole juris- 
diction over tariff and protection, 134; 
question of right of, to legislate on slav- 
ery in newly ae(iuired territor.\, 14:i; 
powers and Ju-tions regarding slav(ry in 
District of Columbia, 117-149, 190, 042, II, 
144; positiim on public-laud questiim, I, 
150; jurisdiction over slavery in Territo- 
ries, 228, 242, 246, 367, 426, 475, 476, 627 ; pro- 
hibition of slavery in the Territories, 240- 
245; nuist sujiport rights given under the 
Constitution, 359; cannot alter .social and 
political relations of negroes and whites, 
370; cannot dictate a constitutitm to a new 
State, 424; slavery agitation to be ban- 
ished from, 503; limitation of power of, 
under the Constitution, to prohibit im- 
portation of slaves, 504; appropriations 
for Mexican war, 514 ; repeals law prohib- 
iting slavery in Territories, 540; prohib- 
its African slave-trade, 540; Douglas on 
the jurisdiction of, to organize Territo- 
ries, 547; recognizes Ordinance of 1787, 
550, 600 ; cannot ccmfer what it does not 
possess, 553; refuses to Indiana the riglit 
to own slaves, 571 ; ])ower of, to admit 
Territories as States, 587, 588; passage of 
early amendments to the Constitution, 
603; Frank Blair defeated for, 623; passes 
act enforcing prohibition of slavery in 
Northwest Territory, 627 ; called upon to 
suppress African slave-trade, 636 ; author- 
ized to make appropriations for river and 
harbor improvements, 637 ; power to levy 
war vested in, 643 ; power of Executive to 
influence action of, 679 ; should originate 
and perfect measures without external 
tiias, 679; fealty of members to the Con- 
stitution, II, 2 ; legislation necessary to 
raise an army, 16 ; convening extra ses- 
sion of, 34 ; submission of matter of call 
for troops to, 42 ; influence of members of, 
regarding appointments, 45; messages to, 
55-68, 93-106, 109-111, 113, 117, 118, 120, 122, 
123, 125, 127-130, 138-140, 144, 145, 151. 163- 
165, 178, 196, 203, 207, 209, 261-281, 284, 290, 
297, 300, 301, 303, 305, 307, 312, 313, 445-457, 
461, 465, 466, 468, 473, 483, 486, 487, 496, 497, 
506, 514, 516, 529, 603-615, 625, 635, 636, 639. 652 ; 
relied on to ratifv acts of the Administra- 
tion, 59 ; asked for 400.000 men and 5400,000,- 
000,60; reroninirnds a day of fasting, 73,74; 
favors conipcnsatcd enianciiiation, 156; 
approi>ri;itcs money for cfdonization pur- 
poses, Jl'J : impossibility of uniting on pol- 
icy of enianciiiation, 234 ; negotiations for 
election of reincscntatives to, from Louisi- 
ana, 247; resohition of, July 11, 1862, re- 
spectinff i>ronioti(m of naval officers, 278; 
submission of papers to, regarding inter- 
national agricultural exhibition at Ham- 
burg, 297; joint resolution, Jan. 14-16, 
1863, providing for payment of army and 
navy, 300, 301 ; power to regulate tlie cur- 
rency, 301; the restraining hand of, 303; 
transmission of j)apers to, relating tfi con- 
sular coiuts ill Turkey, 305: submission 
to, of despatch from U. S. consul at Liv- 
erpool, rcuardini;- ilistresscd operativi's at 
Blaclfbnrn, Eui;-., 312; submission to, of 
New Mexico's acceptance of licnetits of 
act to ])rovide for colleges of agriculture 
and mcclianic arts, 313; refunds tlie tiiie 
imposed(Ui (ien. Jacksoum New Orleans, 
351 ; prospective return of iiicmliers from 
Louisiana to, 380; power to provide means 
to do things ordered by the Constitution, 



762 



INDEX 



389 ; the conscription act passed by, 389 ; 
autliorizes the President to suspend ha- 
beas corpus, 407, 542; question of Frank 
Blair's membership in, 433, 434 ; declares 
forfeitures iiud confiscations and libera- 
tion of slaves, 442; jirovisiou as to mem- 
bers returned to, by recouKtructed States, 
444; recommended to legislate, in regard 
to public lands, favorably to soldiers and 
sailors, 452 ; Capt. John liogers recom- 
mended for thanks of, 456; subject of 
Freedmen's Aid Societies brought before, 
461; advised to make appropriation for 
indemnity for schooner (ilcii, i*)H; corre- 
spondence submitted to, concerning pi-es- 
entatiou to master of schooner High- 
lander, 486 ; transmission to, of report of 
Hanil)urg agricultural exhibition, 473; 
message to, regarding claims pending be- 
tween the United States and Ecuador, 
497 ; right to arrange ofHces, 504 ; submis- 
sion to, of report of Engineer Stuart on 
method of passing gunboats from tide- 
water to the lakes, 506; transmission to, 
of note from Lord Lyons, regarding treat- 
ment of British naval officers at Norfolk, 
514; transmission to, of papers of the 
East Tennessee Relief Association, 516; 
question of Judge Kelley's renomination 
to, 536; declines to admit representatives 
from Arkansas, 539 ; nomination of Ar- 
nold to, 540, 541 ; concurrent resolution of, 
regarding day of hmniliation and prayer, 
543, 544; bill to guarantee a republican 
form of government, 545; authorizes ap- 
pointment of State recruiting agents, 
551 ; efforts of postmaster of Philadelphia 
to defeat renomination of Judge Kelley 
to, 558 ; authorizes the purchase of prod- 
ucts of the insurrectionary States, 579; 
passes act for admission of Nevada, 592; 
Capt. Winslow recommended for thanks 
of, for destruction of the Alabama, 603; 
Lieut. Gushing recommended for thanks 
of, 603, 604 ; provides for remodeling In- 
dian system in California, 611 ; provisions 
lor pensions, 611; proposed amendment 
to the Constitution al)olishiug slavery, 
€12; admission of menil)ers irom Confed- 
erate States, 614, 615 ; transmission to, of 
treaties between United States and Bel- 
gium, 625; passage of constitutional 
amendment for abolishment of slavery, 
633 ; draft of message to, recommending 
appropriation of money for Southern 
States, 635, 636; joint resolution declaring 
certain States not entitled to representa- 
tion in the Electm-al Collegia 639; com- 
mittee from, announces result of electoral 
count, 640; question of admission to, of 
members from reconstructed States, 673. 
See also Congress of the Confedera- 
tion; U. 8. House of Representatives; 
U. 8. Senate. 
United States Constitution, reverence for, 
I, 15; what constitutes "express au- 
thority," 30; general authority conferred 
by, upon Congress, 30 ; its phrase " neces- 
sary and proper," 31 ; powers conferred 
by, 30, 31 ; interchange of views mth 
Herndon on Mexican question. 111, 112 ; 
Democratic theory as to powers of gen- 
eral government over internal improve- 
ments, 123; amendment of, ijt; the qttes- 
tion of public improvements in regard to, 
126, 127; Story on powers conferred on 
Congress, 127 ; Jefferson's proposed amend- 
ment to, in regard to public improve- 
ments, 127 ; advisability of amending, 
129; question of grant of power to Con- 
gress to legislate on slavery in newly ac- 



quired territory, 143 ; supersedes Articles 
of Confederation, 181 ; rights of slavehold- 
ers under, 187 ; representation of slave- 
holders under, 197, 198 ; Lincoln's adherence 
.> to, 198, 678, 687, 695 ; language of , in regard 
to slaves and slavery, 202, 504, 010, 615, 
623, 624 ; position of slavervimder, 202, 249, 
280, 296-298; position on slave-trade and 
slaveholding, 206; provisions of, as to 
Presidential candidates, 222; no restric- 
tions on polygamy in, 227 ; interpretation 
of amendments to, 228 ; Douglas on as- 
saults on, 229; Pres. Jackson on inter- 
pretation of, 229, 256, 482; the negro's 
share in framing, 230; position of negro 
under, by virtue of Divd Scott decision, 
242, 285, 405, 445, 446, 497, 498 ; the Dnnl Scott 
decision and, 243; restraint of, upon 
power of States over slavery, 244; its 
framers and their position regarding 
slavery, 253, 273, 487, 488, 504, 505, 511, 599, 
600 : influence upon, 259 ; Jefferson on, 270 ; 
limitations of, on State rights, 278, 279, 294 ; 
formation of free and slave States under, 
283; recognizes property in slaves, 357- 
359, 426; what it means to support the, 
358, 359 ; declaration of equality the funda- 
mental principle of free institutions, 369 ; 
must be supported, 369, 575, 593; g^uaran- 
tees right to hold 8la^•es in Territories, 
414-417 ; courts will find remedy for eva- 
sion of right gitaranteed by, 415; ritrht 
of property under tlie I<'iftli Amendment, 
416,417; Lincoln's dcTiial of tlie Suprcnio 
Court's correct coustiuction of, in Dred 
Scott case, 417 ; text of the Fifth Amend- 
ment, 417 ; the supreme law of the laud, 
417, 431, 445, 473, 474, 553, II, 389; prac- 
tice of early government under, to ex- 
cltide slavery from free Territories, I, 
421; how negro is excluded from bene- 
fits of art. 4, sec. 2, 426; art. 6, sec. 2, 
discussed, 445-447; goveras alike in free 
and slave States, 451 ; slavery in Dis- 
trict of Columbia and the, 463; rights of 
States tinder, in regard to slavery, 472; 
rights of States and Territories under, in 
regard to slavery, 477, 478 ; Dred Scott de- 
cision opposed to art. 4, sec. 2, 4S0 ; rights 
of Kansas under, 489, 490 ; Senate and E xec- 
utive independent of each other under, 
492 ; basis of representation under, 504 ; 
provision for reclamation of fugitive 
slaves, 504, 512, 513, 593, 658-660, II, 2 ; Lin- 
coln denies authority to hold slaves in 
Territories under the, I, 512 ; disregard of, 
by Ohio Republican Convention, 537; 
change in government from the Con- 
federation to the, 550 ; how affected by the 
Dred Scott decision, 552 ; no power under, 
to interfere with slavery, 559 ; African 
slave-trade and, 565 ; contains nothing in 
regard to slavery in Territories, 565 ; Re- 
publican Party's attitude toward slavery 
under, 569, 636, 675; forbids interference 
with slavery in States where it exists, 
574, 593; the patent claitse in, 577; the 
frame of our government. "I'.io; qitPStTonoT 
its restraint on Federal go\erument as to 
slavery in Territories, rM> ct ncq.; passage 
of the early amenilnients to, 603; pro- 
visions for amending, 603; no violationof, 
proposed by liepulilican Party, 609; no 
right guaranteed liy, to carr^ slaves into 
Territories, 609-612; "does not (tistinctly and 
expressly affirm the right of property in a 
slave, 610; framed to exclude the idea of 
property in man, 610, 615 ; slave-trade ex- 
isted at formation of. 623; slavery existed at 
formation of, 623, 624 ; intent of, not to show 
any trace of slavery in the country, 624; 



INDEX 



763 



indorsed by the Reinibliean Party, 035; 
ploflije to support tlio, 6315 ; orrtinutiou of 
Filtii Aiui'iidiiifUt, o:!!'.; iiiuiiitaiiii'il !>>• Re- 
pul)lic:iii Xatioiial Convt'iitioii of iNi.o, (')36; 
autliorizt'H CoiiKi'i'ss to make appropria- 
tious for river and hurhor iiiiprox emoiit, 
637 ; authorizes Coustckk to abolisli wlavcry 
iu District of Colinnl)ia, 64-'; liiiiitatiou 
upon power of CoiiiiTcss to iiitcrftre witli, 
642; power of Icvyiun' war nudcr, 643; 
support of tile people for tlie, 677, 680-6*<3, 
Cis'.i; power of the Executive uuder, 679; 
Presidential oath prescribed by, II, 1; 
fealty of members of Cougress to, 2 ; en- 
forcement of art. 4, sec. 2, 2; the Union 
older than, 3 ; contains foundation of per- 
petuity of Federal Union, 3 ; have con- 
stitutional rights been denied? 4; does 
not expressly provide regarding slavery 
In the Territories, .5; riglit of amendment 
of, 6 ; proposed amendment as to l<\Mleral 
interference with domestic institutions of 
States, 6; provision for uniformity of 
duties throughout the country, 35; pro- 
visions regarding habeas corpus, 60, 347, 
348, 361, 406; defines and limits the rights 
and powers of the several States, 61, 62 ; 
does not contain the term "State sover- 
eignty," 62; the author of, 64; its guar- 
antee" to each State of republican govern- 
ment, 65, 333, 408, 454, 455 ; power under, 
to acquire territory, 102 ; powers conferred 
on the President by the, in case of insur- 
rection, 164 ; provision as to attainder, 211 ; 
proposed amendments to, 270, 271. 276; 
.^preservation of. 3()J, :!70, 508; definition 
of treason. 346; restrictions of, counted on 
by the plotters of the secession, 347 ; makes 
no distinction of lines within which mili- 
tary arrests may be made, 348 ; sanctions 
punishment of "desertion by death, 349; 
distinnuishes between times of peace and 
times of rebellion, 350, 300, 361 ; strictures 
of Ohio State Democratic Convention 
on the President's position regarding 
difference of, in peace and in insurrection, 
360 ; provisions in, for preserving the pub- 
lic safety, 361; express power to draft 
in, 388, 389; invests commander-in-chief 
with law of war in time of war, 397 ; the 
bond of service lietween the President 
and the people, 397 ; power of President 
under, to grant reprieves and pardons, 
442 ; authorizes the Executive to use the 
pardoning power, 454; the I'residential 
oath regarding, 508 ; its oneness with the 
nation, 508 ; proposed amendment to, pro- 
hibiting slavery, 529. 530; paramount 
authority of, recognized l)y the Union 
National Convention, 529,530; authoriza- 
tion of the President to demand opinions, 
536; the President has no power under, 
to Interfere with conduct of Presidential 
elections, 588; proposed amendment to, 
abolishing slavery. 6i2. 613; passage of 
amendment to, abolishinj,'' slavery, 633; 
ratitication of Amendment by the States, 
633, 634; ratiflcatiouof Thirteenth Amend- 
ment, 674. 

United States consuls, increased labors and 
responsibilities growing out of the war, 
II, 447. 

United States courts, treason in the, II, 
124. 

United States forts. Confederate seizures of, 
II, 346. 

United States government, foundation of. 
1, 178, 599 ; not necessarily made for white 
men, 257; made for white men, 284, 343, 
405, 434, 495; no right in Federal power to 
influence State matters, 491 ; use of Fed- 



eral power to control elections, 491, 492 ; 
principle of, 541 ; functions of, 593 ; the 
slavery question as treated by the fathers 
of, 599 et seq. ; question of its control over 
slavery iu the Territories. r>w rl srrj. ; flow- 
ers as to restriction of sla\ery, 6(ts, 609; 
should aid in construction of a Paeiflc 
railroad, 637 ; must not run the churches, 
II, 291, 464, 465, 491, 498, 521, 543 ; financial 
embarrassment of, 301; must be perjietu- 
ated, 342; has no motives of revenge in 
ptuiishmeut, 499; the President's strug- 
gles to maintain, 586; advantage of citi- 
zens being creditors of, 608 ; should control 
bank-note circulation, 609; strength of, 
640. 
United States House of Representatives, 
Lincoln elected to, I, 89, 597, 642; nomina- 
tion of Winthrop for Speaker, McCorniick 
for postmaster, Sargent for seigeant-at- 
arnis, and Homer for doorkeeper, 96 ; re- 
marks in Jan. 5, 1848, on carriaiie of mails, 
98, 99 ; speech in, Jan. 12, 1848, on Mexican 
question, 100-107 ; report from Committee 
on Post-Oftice and Post-Roads, Jan. 19, 
1848, 108, 109 ; reports, March 9, 1848, from 
Committee on Post- Office and Post-Koads, 
113-115; remarks on report from Com- 
mittee on Public Lands, March 29, 1848, 
111), 117 ; remarks on report from military 
Committee, March 29, 1848, 116, 117; re- 
marks on report from Committee on Judi- 
ciary, March 29, 1848, 116, 117; remarks. May 
11, 1848. tm admission of Wisconsin, 118-120; 
Committee on Puldic Lands, bill before, 
for grant to Illinois for Internal im- 
provements, 120; Committee of the Whole 
on the State of the Union, speech, June 
20. 1848, on Civil and Diplomatic Appro- 
priation bill, 122-131; Whig caucus, 131; 
remarks, June 28,1848, on salary of judgeof 
Western Virginia, 133, 134 ; speech in, July 
27, 1848, on sundry topics, 135-147; Com- 
mittee on District of Columbia, instruc- 
tions to, for bill to abolish slavery in the 
District, 148, 149 ; speech, Feb. 13, 1849, on 
railroad and canal grants of public lands, 
149-151; election of Henry Clay to, 169; 
Clay elected Speaker, 169, 170; votes for 
prohibition of slavery in Missoiu'i, 182 ; 
defeats Senate bill for extension of Mis- 
souri line, 184, 188; Democratic need of 
electing Speaker, 211 ; action on acquisi- 
tion of territory from Mexico, 449; messa- 
ges to, II, 66, 69-71, 107, 110, 128, 141, 142, 144, 
146, 157, 175, 178-180, 183, 205, 292, 299, 300, 309, 
310, 483, 490, 516-518, 624, 626, 640-649 ; treason 
in, 124; censures Secretary Cameron, 165; 
memorial to, regardinir Erie and ( )swego 
canals, 180; leKislatiou rei;ardingcirculat- 
iug medium in District of ('oluml)ia, 186; 
requested to postpone adjournment, 208; 
asks for correspondence relating to for- 
eisrn affairs, 261; election of Speaker in, 
March 18, 1863, 316; iirineiple of its con- 
struction, 391; act relal inn- to election of 
mendwrs of, 395, 396: act providing for 
formalities of organization of, 432, 433; 
oriranization of . 4.')7 ; committee of , to in- 
vestigate New York custom-house, 481 ; 
communication to, regarding resigna- 
tions of Gens. Blair and Schenck, 516, 
517; transmission of papers to, relating 
to resignation and reinstatement of Gen. 
Blair. 51s; fails to yiass Amendment to 
the C(mstitulion ab(dishini,^ slavery, 612; 
return of joint resolution respectiui:' in- 
ternal revenue act to, w ithout ai)proval, 
624 ; transmission to, of papers respecting 
inter\iew between Col. Key and Gen. 
Cobb, 626 ; resolutions : 



764 



INDEX 



1847, Dec. 22, Mexican affairs, I, 97, 98. 

1861, July 9, San Uoiningo, II, 66. 

July 13, blockatliuic, privateering, and 
recognition, II, 107. 

July 13, Asiatic coolie-trade, II, 110. 

July 22, requesting copy of correspon- 
dence with foreign powers relating 
to insurrection in the South, II, 69. 

July 24, imprisonment of police com- 
missioners of Baltimore, II, 70. 

July 25, requesting copy of coiTespon- 
dence with foreign powers respecting 
maritime rights. II, 69. 

July 31, foreign commerce, II, 107. 

Aug. 1, imprisonment of loyal citizens 
by Southern force, II, 71. 

Dec. 4, European intervention in Mexi- 
co, II, 107. 

1862, Jan. 22, II, 128. 

Feb. 24, insurgent privateers in foreign 
ports, II, 146. 

Mar. 3, condition of Mexico, II, 144. 

Apr. 4, financial measures in foreign 
countries, II, 141. 

May 20, Egyptian indemnity, II, 157. 

May 22, Mexican affairs, II, 157. 

June 2, Gov. Stanley, of North Carolina, 
II, 175. 

June 9, U. 8. circuit court for Califor- 
nia, II, 178, 179. 

June 9, reorganization of medical de- 
partment of the army, II, 183. 

July 9, foreign relations, II, 205. 

Dec. 5, affairs in Mexico, II, 309. 

Dec. 22, affairs in Mexico, II, 292. 

1863, Jan. 5, affairs of New Granada, II, 
299, 300. 

1864, Feb. 8, touching arrest of U. 8. Con- 
sul-General to British North Ameri- 
can Provinces, II, 483. 

Feb. 26, reenllstment of veteran volun- 
teers, II, 490. 
See alse U. 8. C<.)NGREss. 

United States lands, remarks on purchase 
of, by Illinois, Jan, 17, 1839, I, 19, 20. 

United States laws, obstruction of, in South- 
ern states, II, 34. 

United States mails, remarks on carriage 
of, in U. S. House of Representatives, 
Jan. 5, 1848, I, 98, 99; to be maintained, 
II, 4; possibility of withdrawal of, from 
the seceded States, 33 ; continuance of, 
promised in inaugural address, 56 ; stop- 
page of, 164; suspension of, in insurrec- 
tionary States, 266. 

United States Military Academy, recom- 
mendations for, II, 97. 

United States moneys, Confederate seizures 
of, II, 11. 

United States Naval Academy, services of, 
II, 451. 

United States Navjj, general benefits of, I, 
125; its raison d'etre, 125; scattered dis- 
position of, II, 16; inquiry as to using ships 
of, to reinforce the revenue service, 24, 25; 
Seward advises recall of, from foreign 
stations, 29; defection of officers of, 55; 
scattered at foreign stations, 55 ; calls for 
additions to, 59; resignations in, confined 
to its officers, 64; proposed reorganiza- 
tion of, 97 ; creation of a new, 97 ; opera- 
tions of, 97, 449; detailing officers from 
the retired list for activr sfr\ice, 122, 125; 
act to promote the etticiency of, Dec. 
21, 1861, 125; Sabbath observance in, 254 ; 
regulations for iiromotion in, 278; pro- 
vision for payment of, 3(X), 301; prompt 
payment of, 448; strength of, 450; river 
force of, 450; suggestions in regard to 
the training of seamen, 451 ; effect of the 
draft on, 451; tributes to, 456, 587; ques- 



tion of its operations against Charles- 
ton, 463; gain by emancipation, 509; 
thanked by the Union National Conven- 
tion, 530, 538 ; prohibition against trading 
with the enemy, 581 ; proposed extension 
upon the Great Lakes, 607 ; strength of, 
609 ; captures by, 009 ; proceeds from sale 
of condemned prizes, 009; refusal of priv- 
ileges and immunities to ships of, in for- 
eign ports, 671, 672. 

United States Navy Department, Captain 
Porter ordered to report to, II, 46 ; Cab- 
inet meeting at, April 21, 1861, 164; Sec- 
retary of, emiiowers citizens of New 
York to act for his department in the 
public defense, 164; disbursements for, 
fiscal year 1861-62, 265 ; report of the Sec- 
retary, 609, 610; expenditure of. 609, 610; 
question of creating rauk of vice-adiniral 
in, 610 ; question as to duties of the Sec- 
retary, 623; question as to proceeding of 
naval courts martial, 623. 

United States notes, issue of, II, 186, 264; 
directions to the Secretary of the Treasury 
to issue one hundred millions of dollars, 
300, 301. 

United States of Colombia, formation of, 
II, 300 ; diplomatic intercourse with, 446 ; 
claims convention with, 604. 

United States officers, arrested in South- 
ern States, II, 39. 

United States Post-Office, statistics of, II, 
99, 100. 

United States property, seizure Of, in South- 
ern States, II, 39, .55. 

United States Senate, investigation of Post- 
Offlce Department, 1834, 1, 34 ; bill appro- 
priating public lands for internal improve- 
ments in Illinois, 119, 120; elections of 
Henry CUay to, 169, 170 ; votes against pro- 
hibition of slavery in Missouri, 182; de- 
feats Wilmot Proviso, 184 ; obstructs Cali- 
fornia's admission, 185 ; its position on the 
slavery question, 201; Lincoln's aspira- 
tions to a seat in, 209, 211, 520; Lincoln's 
candidacy for, 209, 240, 485 ; duty of a mem- 
ber, 212; competition of candidates for 
senatorship in Illinois, 274, 275 ; arrange- 
ments for tilling Shields's place, 279, 282, 
286, 287 ; action on legislation by Territo- 
ries in regard to slavery, 476 ; question in, 
of admission of States in regard to popu- 
lation, 491; veto power of, 492; Ex- 
ecutive no right to control. 492; Pettit's 
statement about the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, 499, 500; Lincolu'w preference 
for a term in, rather than the Presidency, 
594 ; Senator Mason weai'S homesinin in, 
626 ; messages to, II, 23, 25, 70, 72, 109, 122, 
137, 146, 147, 161, 186, 197, 278, 279, 283, 303, 
306, 309, 310, 312, 457, 459, 466, 467, 469, 473, 
476, 478, 493, 495, 515, 649-651 ; treason in, 124 ; 
legislation regarding circulating medium 
in District of Columbia, isd : liofitied of 
the President's disai>iir(>\'al of act to pro- 
vide for additional medical oHicers of the 
volunteer service, 197 ; requested to post- 
lione adjournment, 208 ; proclamation con- 
vening, Feb. 28, 1863, 312,313; requests the 
President to appoint national fast-day, 
319; question of Senator Sebastian's re- 
sumption of his seat, 379; convention sub- 
mitted to, 445 ; transmission of papers to, 
457 ; resolution of, March 11, 1863, relating 
to persons in government employ, 459; 
transmission of documents to, relating to 
pursuit of Sioux Indians into Hudson Bay 
Territory, 476 ; passes Amendment to the 
Constitution abolishing slavery, 612 ; nom- 
ination of Chase, as chief justice, sent to, 
616 ; paper relating to Louisiana submitted 



INDEX 



765 



to, by Gen. Banks, 625, fi2G ; question of 
adiuissiou ot Senators from Louisiana, 
626; proclamation coiivciiiiig in extra ses- 
sion, Feb. 17, l«<ir), c>'>2. (i');); resolutions: 
1839, Jan. 4, liamlliuf; of public moneys in 
foreign eountries, I, 23. 

1861, July 19, quasi-armistine, II, 70. 
July 23, imprisonment of John L. Wor- 

den, II, 70. 
July 25, instructions to U. 8. Ministers 

abroad, II, 70. 
July 31, appointment of Gen. Lane, II, 

71, 72. 
(Dec. 14), regarding Dixon 8. Miles, II, 

109. 

1862, Feb. 5, presentation of American 
citizens at the French court, II, 122. 

Mar. 11, railway systems in Europe, II, 

137. 
Mar. 13, attempted seizure of Mr. Fau- 

chet, II, 278. 
Apr. 17, Lieut. Charles E. Fleming, II, 

146. 
Apr. 22, Brig.-Gen. Stone, II, 147. 
May 22, Mexican affairs, II, 161. 
Dec. 5, Indian barbarities in Minnesota, 

II, 279. 
Dec. 15, requesting report of Reverdy 

Johnson, II, 283. 

1863, Jan. 13, capture of British vessels 
with contraband of war for use of in- 
surgents, II, 306, 

(Jan. 20), exportation of contraband of 

Wiir for French army in Mexico, II, 303. 
Jan. 30, II, 309. 
Feb. 5, death of Gen. Ward in China, II, 

309. 
Feb. 9, visit of M. Mercier to Richmond, 

II, 309. 
Feb. 10, mediation and arbitration, II, 

310. 
Feb. 12, II, 310. 
Feb. 26, correspondence with worMng- 

men of England, II, 312. 
Mar. 11, persons in government employ, 

II, 459. 
Dec. 16, treatment of Kansas troops 

captured by Confederates, II, 469. 

1864, Jan. 20, fire at Santiago. Chili, II, 473. 
Jan. 26, exchange of prisoners, II, 478. 
Jan. 28, colonization of uegroes, II, 495. 
Feb. 4, reciprocity with the Sandwich 

Islands, II, 478. 
Mar. 1, Union Pacific railroad, II, 493. 
Apr. 30, rights of colored troops, II, 519. 
See also U. S. Cdnguess. 

United States Statutes, revision of, II, 98. 

United States Supreme Court, decisions of, 
on constitutionality of a national banlv, I, 
30, 229, 255, 270 ; sanctioned national )ianks, 
74; arbiter of the Constitution, 220; Doug- 
las on resistance to decision in Dred Scott 
case, 228, 229; the Dred Scott case in, 241- 
244, 263,603,610; former decisions contrary 
to that in the Dred Seott case, 255 ; .lack- 
sou's position on right to govern coordi- 
nate branch of government, 256; Jefferson 
on, 269, 270; Lincoln's opposition to Dred 
Scott decision, 283, 284 ; mandatory aspect 
of a decision of, 298 ; Lincoln's charge of 
conspiracy against, 303, 313, 328, 396, 397, 
466, 467, 485 ; decision as to rights of Terri- 
tories to exclude slavery, 311, 360; Doug- 
las's adherence to its decisions, 317, 447, 
473,518; Douglas's criticism on Lincoln's 
strictui-es on Dred Scott decision, 343; de- 
cision astoCongression.il prohibition of 
slavery in Territories. 357 ; status of negro 
under decision in Dred Scott case, 405-407 ; 
decides against power of Territory to ex- 
clude slavery, 415, 416 ; Lincoln's denial of 



its correct construction of the Constitu- 
tion in Dred Scott case, 417 ; power to 
enforce slavery in free States, 420, 421 ; 
decision that Congress has power to char- 
ter a national bank, 421; Jeflerson's and 
Jackson's position on Ijinding political 
authority of decisions of, 421, 440, 447, 455; 
interrogatory i)ropounded to Douglas by 
Lincoln as to his acquiescing in a pos- 
sible decision of, 445-448, 459, 460 ; Douglas 
charges Lincoln with attempting to bring 
the Court into disrepute, 454, 455; the 
court of last resort, 455, 472; constituted 
■ to expound the Constitution, 473; efleet 
of Territorial " unfriendly legislation " 
on decisions of, 566, 567 ; decision of con- 
stitutional questions by, 11, 5 ; vacancies * 
on the bench, 97 ; case of the " New Alma- 
den" mine, 393; S. P. Chase nominated 
for chief justice of, 616. See also Deed 
Scott Decision. 

United States Treasury, embarrassments of, 
consequent on Mexican war, 1, 124 ; Jef- 
ferson's jiroposed application of surplus, 
127 ; Gen. Cass's drafts on, 144, 145 ; provi- 
sion for purchase of slaves by, 148 ; plunder 
of, by Democratic partizans, 636; diffi- 
culty over filling the second and fifth audi- 
torships, II, 68 ; business of the, 96; report 
of the Third Auditor of, 147 ; receipts and 
disbursements of, for fiscal year 1861-62, 
265 ; balance in, July 1, 1862, 265; attempted 
resignation of Secretary Chase, 282 ; to 
issue $100,000,000, 300, 301 ; vacancy in the 
second comptrollership, 340 ; depositof pri- 
vate funds in, 382 ; successful operations 
of, 448 ; fiscal statement, 448, 449 ; reports 
of Secretary of, 449, 607-609; question of 
Secretary Chase's resignation, 490; fljian- 
cial schemes of, 523; resignation of Secre- 
tary Chase, 540; David Tod nominated as 
Secretary, 540; trade regulations of, 553, 
554, 580, 581; W. P. Fesseuden Secretary 
of, 569; regulations of, concerning pur- 
chase of products of insurrectionary 
States, 579-581 ; appointment of agents for 
purchase of products of insurrectionary 
States, 580 ; satisfactory condition of, 609 ; 
trade permits, 659. 

United States Treasury agents, bonds and 
compensation of, II, 470. 

United States troops, resistance to their 
passage thi-ough Maryland, II, 164. 

United States volunteers, appointment of 
Gen. Lane, II, 72. 

United States War Department, message 
from, 11,8; to issue orders for moljiliza- 
tiou of militia, 34 ; General Orders of, 43 ; 
resignation of Secretary Cameron from, 
114, 115 ; consideration of cases of military 
prisoners, 127; question ))et\veen Gov. 
Gamble and, as to status of Missouri • 
troops, 260; disbursements of, fiscal vear 
1861-62, 265 ; appropriates the Dutt' (;"reen 
building, 289 ; reports of Secretary of, 449, 
609 ; order from, regarding Methodist 
churches, 481. 

Upshur County, Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proclamation, II, 195. 

Urbana, Va., Gen. McClellan's plans for 
movement of troops to, II, 120. 

Usher, John P., indorses J. A. Wright for 
Terre Haute district, II, 218 ; letter to, re- 
garding Illinois claims on public lands, 
395. 

Usury, opinion on, I, 3. 

Utah, acquisition of, 1, 184; demand for Ter- 
ritorial government, 185 ; slavery ques- 
tion in, 185, 189, 206-208; reply to Douglas 
on, 226, 227 ; polygamy question in, 227 ; the 
Compromise of I8o0 and the organization 



7G6 



INDEX 



of the Territory of, 440, 441 ; Douglas re- 
ports bin tor Territorial goverumeut, 476. 

Utica, N. Y., address at, Feb. 18, 18G1, I, 
682, 683. 

Utley, Col., slaves in liis camp, II, 259. 

Vache, Island of. See Island of Vache. 

Vallandigham, C. L., arrested aud sent be- 
yond military liues, II, 338. 349-351, 361- 
363 ; necessity of Ms arrest qiiestioued, 
342; the President's private position on 
arrest of, 351 ; appeal to the writ of habeas 
corpus, 361 ; candidate for Democratic 
nomination for governor of Ohio, 862; 
nominated for governor of Ohio, 362, 363; 
claims for his release, 362 ; his arrest no 
insult to Ohio, 362 ; the President's belief 
in his responsibility for hindrance to the 
military, 3S2, 363 ; proposal to grant revo- 
cation of the order concerning, 363 ; to be 
watched in Ohio, 535. 

Vance, W. L., di'aft of letter to, Nov. 22, 1862, 
II, 257. 

Vancouver's Island, the boundary question 
of, II, 23. 

Vanderbilt, Cornelius, presents the Vander- 
bilt to the government, II, 209. 

Vandever, , indorsement for, regarding 

allotment commissioners In Iowa, IT, 112. 

Van Dyke, John, letter to, I, 219. 

Venezuela, commercial aud political impor- 
tance, 11,574; reception of Minister from, 
574 ; reply to Senor Bias Bruzual, Minister 
from, 574; relations with, 604. 

Vermont, resoUitions relative to slavery 
question, passed by Democratic conven- 
tion in, 1,355; Douglas's birthplace, 366; 
governor of, requests the President to 
call for volunteers, II, 194 ; signature of pa- 
pers for, 220 ; Presidential election in, 613 ; 
complaint by, concerning the draft, 638, 
639. 

Veto power, the, I, 134-136, 492, 679. 

Vicksburg, Miss., gamblers lynched at, I, 
10 ; purposed junction of Banks and Grant 
at, II, 304; inquiry from Gen. Hurlbut for 
news from, 318; Grant at, 343; invest- 
ment of, 385 ; fall of, 366, 376, 385 ; Missouri 
troops at, 422; port of, declared closed, 
670. 

Victoria, Queen, esteem for, II, 302. 

Vienna, Va., memorandum about defeat at, 
II, C6 ; mo vemeut of Federal troops by, 67. 

Villard, , call from, in relation to the 

Pomeroy circular, II, 491. 

Virginia, the Lincoln family in, 1, 116, 117, 
177, 596, 638, 650; interested in Mississippi 
River improvements, 125; discussion in 
U. 8. House of Representatives as to sal- 
ary of judge of western, 133, 134 ; owner- 
ship, and cession to Federal government, 

; of Northwest Territory, 181, 182, 571 ; slav- 
ery in, 192 ; mulattos in, 234 ; Supreme 
Court of, on the status of negroes, 268; 
JeflFerson on the gradual extinction of 
slavery in, 608, 609 ; the Hanlis family in, 
639 : Seward looks to, for revival of Union 
sentiment, 1 1, 13; h ostile action by , to be re- 
pelled, 38 ; no purpose of invasion of, 38 ; 
acts of rebellion in, 39 ; blockade of ports 
of, proclaimed, 39, 412, 670; Major Anderson 
ordered to raise troops from western, 43 ; 
repression of Union sentiment in, 58; 
State convention on the question of dis- 
rupting the Union, 58 ; movements toward 
secession, 58; seizure of arsenal at Har- 
per's Ferry by, 57 ; loyal citizens of, con- 
stitute the State, 59; gives a home to in- 
surrection, 59 ; probably a ma,iority in favor 
of Union, 64 ; movement of troops into, 67 ; 
forces in western, to act under McClellan, 



69 ; declared in state of insurrection, 75, 
195, 285, 288, 321, 322 ; contemplated move- 
ment to seize railroad between Tennessee 
and, 83; Ohio ti-oops lor western, 84; 
question of recovering territory from, 
lor the District of Columbia, 100; condi- 
tion of loyal citizens in western, 104 ; 
renewal of allegiance in the Peninsula, 
104; the President seeks conference with 
representatives from, 13?; Gen. Anderson 
supposed to have entered the valley of, 
173; defense of western, 178, 179, 183; 
troops in, 185 ; Gen. Scott's views on res- 
toration of, to the Union, 187 ; duty of the 
Army of Virginia to protect, 188 ; gover- 
nor of, requests the President to caU tor 
volunteers, 194 ; order for seizure of prop- 
erty, aud militarj^ employment of " con- 
trabands " in, 212 ; inquiry as to Bragg's 
presence in, 230 ; troops from western, tor 
Tennessee, 253 ; development of, 269; ne- 
cessity of consent of the legisljiture of, to 
separation of West Virginia, 285, 286 ; 
loyal i-efugees from, 291; question of ex- 
emjition of Eastern Shore of, in Emanci- 
pation Proclamation, 327 ; the enemy's 
movements in, " on the skewhorn princi- 
ple," 329; matter of ccuiipulsory oath to 
be taken on EaKtcrii Shore of, 402 ; appli- 
cation of Emaucipatidu I'roclamation in, 
402, 403; recruiting colored troops in, 
484; success of the relicllion in, 542 ; pol- 
icy on the Eastern shore of, of holding 
smoky localities responsible for conflag- 
rations, 591 ; proposed election on the 
Eastern Shore, 620; despatch to Gen. 
Butler respecting election on the Eastern 
Shore, 623; probable cessation of resis- 
tance, 669 ; limitation of powers of the so- 
called rebel legislature, 676; despatches 
to Gen. Weitzel respecting the rebel leg- 
islature of, 675, 676 ; Army of, see Army 
OF Virginia. 

Virginia and Tennessee railroad, question 
of operations on, II, 153. 

Virginia Central railroad, capture by Gen. 
Stoneman, II, 167, 168. 

Virginia Convention, resolutions of, II, 32, 
33 ; reply to a committee from the, April 
13, 1861, 32, 33 ; action of, 58. 

Volunteers, call for 42,034, May 3, 1861, II, 
41, 42 ; gratifying result of the call for, 
58; calls for thi'ee-years men, 59; to be 
brought forward as rapidly as possible, 
69 ; Buokner commissioned as brigadier- 
general of, 76; disaffection among, conse- 
quent on Fremont's liberation of slaves, 
81 ; caU for 300,000, July 1, 1862, 194 ; dif- 
ference between drafted men and, 218; 
penalty of discouraging enlistment of, 
239 ; raising regiments of, in New Jersey, 
371 ; to be credited on draft, 399, 425 ; ex- 
piration of term of, 425 ; call for 300,000, 
Oct. 17, 1803, 425, 426 ; meeting at Cooper 
Institute, to promote raising of, 441 ; pay- 
ment of bounties to veteran, 466, 467 ; re- 
enlistment of veteran, 490; expiration of 
commissions in, 524; proclamation call- 
ing for 500,000, July 18, 1864, 550, 551 ; call 
for 300,000, Dec. 19, 1864, 617, 618. See also 
Soldiers ; Troops. 

Voss, Arno, I, 354. 

"W^achusett," the, captures the Florida, 
II, 594. 

Wade, B. P., I, 538. 

Wadsworth, Brig. -Gen. James S., ap- 
pointed military governor of District of 
Columbia, II, 131; assigned to defend 
Washington. 131 ; sent to 'Alexandria, 166. 

Wainwright, Lieut. Comdg. Jonathan M., 



INDEX 



767 



recommended for thanks of Congress, II, 

152. 

Wainwright, Comdr. Richard, recom- 
nieurted for tliauks of CougresH, II, 152. 

Wakeman, Abram, lettei' to, concerning 
Confederate ((luiinisf^ioners, 11,553; des- 
patch to, concerniiii; \V. O. Bartlett, 631. 

Walborn, C. A., (•(iiiiniuuicatiou to, regard- 
ing Fair in Pliiladelpliia, II, 526. 

Walker, Fort, capture of, II, 122. 

Wallace, Edward, letters to. I, 584, 634. 

Wallace, Gen. Lew, telegram to, II, 521; 
at Baltimore, 521, 617 ; reliance on his 
discretion, 521; commanding Middle De- 
partment, 546; ordered to d(»fense of Bal- 
timore, 546; defeated at ISIonocacy, 547; 
instructions to, regarding Waters, 617-619. 

Wallace, W^illiam, letter to, I, 667. 

Wallace, Dr. Wiiliam S., I, 584, 634; recom- 
mendation of, tor pension agent, 155. 

Walter, , appeal for mercy denied, II, 

401. 

Walthall, Brig. E. C, reported killed at 
Cliiekamanga, II, 412. 

Ward, Gen. F. T., deatli of, in China, II, 309. 

Ward, Capt. James H., opinion on provision- 
ing Fort Sumter, II, 16. 

Ward, Mrs., desires to take the oath and 
return to St. Louis, II, 514. 

Waring, , question of his reoccupation 

of his property, II, 601. 

War-making power, I, 111, 112. 

War of i8i2, cost of, I, 32 ; bounty lands for 
volunteei's of, 116; Clay's position on, 171, 
172 ; ratification of the treaty of peace, II, 
351: the draft in, 391. 

War of Independence, the, II, 51. 

Warren, W^. B., letter to, I, 153, 154. 

Warren, Maj.-Gen. Gouverneur K., engage- 
ment at Bristow Station, II, 428. 

Warrenton, Va., Bnruside draws up plan of 
movement at, II, 294 ; interview between 
Halleck and Burnaide at, 295; Meade at, 
401. 

Warwick River, proposc/d operations on, II, 

142. 

Washburn, Gen. C. C, leave of absence for, 
II, 430 ; at Memphis, 589 ; advised of prob- 
able Confederate raid into Kentucky, 589. 

Washburn, Israel, Jr., fears regarding his 
election as governor of Maine, I, 649, 650 ; 
governor of Maiue, telegram to, II, 78; 
reqtiests the President to call for volun- 
teers, 194; letter to, 198; tendered the col- 
lectorship at Portland, Me., 430; to con- 
sider the matter of organization of House 
of Representatives, 433. 

Washburne, E. B., letters to, I, 118, 210-215, 
235-^238, 637, 650, 658, 660, II, 430, 401 ; signs 
call for Whig Convention at Springfield, 
1851, 1, 167 ; resolutions of nominating con- 
vention at Rockford, 320, 321 ; opposed to 
admission of slave States, 366; candidate 
for Congress in Galena district, 404, 405; 
pledged against admission of more slave 
States, 453; interview with, II, 90; letter 
to, referring to second Presidential term, 
430; commnnicatnm to, regarding resolu- 

. tiou of thanks and medal for Gen. Grant, 
461. 

Washington, George, I, 283, 286, 569, 612, 629, 
672, 675, 677, 693 ; reverence for, 15 ; on con- 
stitutionality of a national bank, 30, 74, 
136 ; cost of his administration, 32 ; the 
glory of, 63, 64; position on slavery, 291, 
292. 615; signs the bill to enforce the Ordi- 
nance of 1787, 600, 627 ; warning against 
sectionalism, 606, 627 ; Farewell Address 
of, 606, 627, 11, 126 ; hope for a confederacy 
of free States, I, 624 ; expresses views on 
slavery to Lafayette, 627 ; the first lieuten- 



ant-general of the U. 8. army, II, 37 ; one 
of the framers of the Constitution, 64; 
celebration of his birthday, 1862, 126; 
hardships sutlered by, 224; words quoted 
from, regarding vice and immorality, 254. 
Washington, D. C, local benefit from public 
ofltices in, I, 126; provision for aliolition 
of slavery in, 148. 149; sla\ (-tiud<' in, 185; 
Douglas's organ in, 624; frauds and cor- 
ruption at, 636 ; reply to mayor of, Feb. 27, 
1861, 694; reply to serenade at, Feb. 28, 
1861, 694, 695; naval preparations at, II, 
25; the bringing of troops to, lic. ; defense 

of, 38, 119, 130. 131, 141, 142. 154, 164, 187, 188, 
190, 193, 197, 229, 244, 283, 2!!5, 303, 365, 409, 
546, 547, 575 ; military line between Phila- 
delphia and, 39; military line between 
Kew York and, 54; line to be established 
between Manassas and, 09; the enemy 
within sound of, 83 ; headquaiters of the 
army at, 88; ignorance at, of ditticulties 
in Missouri, 113; besieged, 124 ; danger of 
its sack, 142; question of calling IMcClel- 
lan to defense of, 101 ; put in a state of 
siege, 164 ; establishuieut of communica- 
tion betweeu New York and, 165 ; trans- 
portation on the Rapi)ahannoek from, 176; 
Gen. Pope in charge at, 188; Halleck's 
troops ordered to Richmond by way of, 
189 ; peril of, 190 ; Gen. Keycs's anticipa- 
tions of attack on, 202 ; address at a Union 
meeting in, Aug. 6, 1862, 219, 220; con- 
struction of railroads concentrating 
upon, 303 ; possibility of raids toward, 322 ; 
A. H. Stephens not to be allowed to visit, 
364; invitation to J. H. Hackett to visit, 
393 ; returned colonists from Island of 
Vache to be brought to, 47v ; Halleck gen- 
eral-in-chief at, 430 ; cam^ -i for negroes 
around, 477 ; the President's sojourn at 
the Soldiers' Home at, 480; Massachusetts 
desires to bring negroes through, 484; 
question of Gen. Davidson's going to, 489; 
remarks on closing a Sanitary Fair in, 500, 
501 ; McClcllan at, 510 ; city government 
of, appeals to the President in behalf of 
Henderson, 537 ; New York militia called 
to, 541; the enemy moving on, 546; rumors 
of Longstreet's moving tm, 547: interrup- 
tion of communication between Gen. 
Grant and, 555 ; John \V. Forney invited 
to, 556 ; attempted mission of A. H. Steph- 
ens to, 560; Gen. Schnrz ordei-ed to report 
at, 561 ; salute to be tired at arsenal and 
navy-yard, 572, 573 ; services of the Ohio 
national guard in defense of, 575; sere- 
nade by loyal Marylanders in, 586 ; invita- 
tion to Gen. Logan to visit, 596, 597; the 
capitol, 612; Gen. Butler siunmoned to, 
628; attempted escape of ex-Senator 
Foote from Richmond to, 628. 

■Washington, N. C, port of, declared closed, 
II, 670. 

Washington County, Ky., the Lincoln fam- 
ily in, I, 117. 

Washingtonian Temperance Society, ad- 
dress l)efore, I, 57-64. 

Washington Territory, question of slavery 
in Territorial Act, I, 207, 208 ; provisions 
of act of admission, 208 ; convention for 
adjustment of Territorial claimssubmitted 
to the U. S. Senate, II, 445. 

Watauga, residence of Isaac Lincoln, I, 
117, 639 ; Thomas Lincoln's early life at, 
639. 

Waterbury, Judge-Adv.-Gen., report of, re- 
garding draft m New York, II, 386. 

Waterloo, 111., meeting of the Free Democ- 
racy at, I, 338, 404. 

Waters, Levin A., case of, II. 617-619. 

Watson, B. A., letter to, II, 341. 



768 



INDEX 



Watson, P. H., Assistant Secretary of War, 
k'ttor to, II, 328. 

Watterman, Henry, sifius call for Whig 
C'ouveutiou at Spriugfielil, 1851, I, 167. 

■Wayne County, Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proclamation, II, 195. 

Webb, David, applicant for appraisership 
at New York, II, 46. 

Webb, E. B., signer of Whig circular, I, 47. 

■Webb, Gen. J. W., offered Ministry at Con- 
stantinople, II, 43. 

■Weber, George, supports Lincoln for Sen- 
ate, I, 521. 

■Weber, George R., letter to, 11, 341. 

■Weber, John, sui)ports Lincoln for Senate, 

I, .521. 

Webster, Daniel, I, 272, 278, 322, 335, 398, 400, 
686; family loss in Mexican war, 146; hero 
of the Whig Party, 336 ; defended Uonipro- 
inise measures of 1850, 322, 398, 399, 475, 477. 

■Webster, Col. J. D., report of, concerning 
waterwa.YS in Illinois, II, 267. 

Webster, Thomas, answer to, regarding sit- 
uation at Philadelphia, II, 230, 231. 

■Webster County, Ky., matter of refunding 
money collected in, II, 308. 

Webster County, Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proclamation, II, 195. 

Weed, Thurlow, letters to, I, 648, 659, 669, 

II, 308, 424, 425, 504, 661 : connection with 
dispensation of patronage iu New York, 
I, 669 ; recommends Christopher Adams 
for position in Bureau of Construction, II, 
44 ; valedictory to the patrons of the Al- 
bany " Evening Journal," 308 ; irritated 
■because his suggestions not followed, 504 ; 
compliments the President on his inaugu- 
ral address, 661. 

" ■Weehawken," the, U. S. ironclad, engage- 
ment with the Aflanta, II, 456, 457. 

■Weimer, John M., II, 514. 

Weitzel, Maj.-Gen., at Richmond, II, 669, 
675, 676 ; instructions to, regarding rebel 
legislature of Virginia, 669, 675, 676. 

Welles, Gideon, suggested for Cabinet po- 
sition, I, 661 ; Secretary of the Navy, opin- 
ion on Fort Sumter, If, 17, 18, 26, 27 ; let- 
ters to, 24, 25, 291, 326, 327, 462. 463; order 
to, May 11, 1861, 46; consulted as to Gen. 
Gillmore's proposition of independent 
service, 462, 463; matter of dismissal of 
Henderson, 537. 

Welling, J. C, letter to, regarding resigna- 
tion of Gibson, II, 554. 

Wentworth, John, I, 323, 341, 365, 403 ; on Gen. 
Cas.s's cauiidacy, 138; supposed aspira- 
tions for governorship, 239; supports 
Trumbull, 338. 

Westcott, Edward J., difficulties at New- 
bern, N. C, II, 318. 

West Point Military Academy, jealousy of 
officers from, II, 359, 360. 

West Virginia, movements to protect, II, 
181; act for admission of, 283; constitu- 
tionality of its admission, 283; expediency 
of its admission, 283, 286, 287; the Presi- 
dent's opinion on the admission of, 285- 
287 ; excepted fi-om declaration of States 
In rebellion, 285, 288, 322 ; proclamation ad- 
mitting into the Union, April 20, 1863,326; 
admission of, 326, 620; threatened inroads 
of the enemy into, 353; call tor troops 
from, 353; request to governor of, to send 
returns of Presidential election, 602; 
Presidential election in, 613. 

■Wetmore, Prosper M., on committee of 
meeting at Cooper Institute, to promote 
raising of volunteers, II, 441; letter to, 
Dec. 2, 1863, 4tl, 442. 

Wetzel County, ■Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proclamation, II, 195, 



■Wheeler, B. G., signs call for Whig Conven- 
tion at Springfield, 1851, I, 167. 

■Whig Party, position on Snbtreasury 
scheme, I, 21, 22; difference between Van 
Buren party and, 35 ; prospects in Illi- 
nois, 1840, 40 ; advice to, regarding conven- 
tions, 72; meeting at Springtield, 111., 
March 1, 1843, 72 ; recommended to con- 
test elections regardless of chances of 
success, 72, 76 ; address to people of Illi- 
nois, March 4, 1843,72-79 ; demand a nation- 
al bank, 74 ; Democratic attacks on. 76 ; 
recommends convention system of nomi- 
nating candidates, 76, 77; factions in, 77, 
147 ; effect of Gen. Harrison's death on, 78 ; 
its position in 1843, 78, 79 ; victory of 1840, 
78 ; a majority of the nation, 79 ; honesty 
iu, 81 ; Congressional caucus, Dec. 4, 1847, 
96 ; majority in U. 8. House of Represen- 
tatives, 96 ; favor Gen. Taylor for Presi- 
dency, 118; position on Texas boundary, 
133; believes iu self-government, 139 ; po- 
sition on Mexican war, 110, 132, 145, 146, 
643 ; losses in Mexican war, 146 ; call for 
convention at Springfield, 111., 167; in- 
dorses Comprouiise of 1850, 185, 322, 398, 
399; national policy of, 202; Lincoln's con- 
nection with, 252, 500, 597 ; position jirior 
to 1854, 278; dissolution of, 279; alleged 
plan of Lincoln to Abolitionize, 279, 287, 
461 ; alleged deal of Lincoln to sell out, 
287; on common platform with Demo- 
cratic Party on slavery, 322 ; Douglas's re- 
view of its course and principles in Jones- 
boro joint debate, 335, 336 ; rule of action 
adopted at Convention of 1858, 336 ; mem- 
bers become Abolitionists, 400; Douglas 
charges Lincoln with attempt to deceive 
the, 408; alliances with Democrats, 493; 
Douglas on the, 514, 515 ; supports Jackson 
in Nullitication times, 515; convention 
at Philadelphia in 1847, 515; members 
against Lincoln's party, 521 ; defeated on 
tariff' question, 584. 

■Whig State Convention of Illinois, 1840, cir- 
cular of, I, 38, 39. 

Whig State Convention, 1841, representation 
at I 53 54. 

White, c! A.', letter to, II, 360-363. 

■White, Hugh L., support of, I, 7. 

White, J. ■W., letters to, II, 208, 360-363. 

■White House, Va., Stoneman driven back 
on, II, 191 ; communication with McClel- 
lan by, cut off", 191 ; limit to enemy's ad- 
vance, 192 ; removal of sick and wounded 
from, 192; condition of affairs at, 193; 
question of communication with, 193. 

White men, slave labor an injury to, I, 613, 
619; Lincoln's position as between ne- 
groes and, 614; no struggle between ne- 
groes and, 614, 621, 622 ; Douglas's views 
as regards negroes and, 620-022 ; effect of 
slavery on, II, 223. 

White Plains, Gen. Geary at, II, 161 ; firing 
near, 356. 

■Whiteside, Brig. -Gen. S., I, 4, 5. 

Whitesides, Gen., connection with Shields- 
Lincoln duel, I, 69-71 ; Shields's second in 
Butler affair, 71 ; challenges Merryman, 71. 

Whitney, , letter to, I, 219. 

Wickliffe, C. A., governor of Kentuclcy, II, 
135; intcrrog;ites the President as to con- 
stitutionalitv of scheme of emancipation 
by puichase, 135 ; defeated for governor- 
ship, 382. 

Wiegand, Charles, matter of appointment 
to command of a brigade, II, 317. 

Wilcox, Gen., at Cumberland Gap, II, 441; 
reports tlghtimr at Knoxville, 441. 

Wilcox, Maj.-Gen., C. M., correspondence, 
etc., relating to the meeting of the Presi- 



INDEX 



769 



dent with Confeclorate commissioners at 
Hampton Roarts, II, 642. 

Wilder, A. C, demiuuls removal of Gen. 
8chotleld, II, 401 ; telegram to, 401. 

Wildman, Frederick S., II, 226. 

Wilkes, Capt. Charles, tentative disavowal 
of bis action, II, 108; action in nuaid to 
the Trrnt, 110, 113, 117, 120, 127, 12«. See 
also "Trent" affair. 

Williams, , sends Mackinaw trout to 

the President, II, 035. 

Williams, Archibald, I, 282, 341, 403; letters 
to, 118. 122 ; presents resolutions on death 
of Judfre Pope, 161 ; indorses Lincoln's 
fee-bill against Illinois Central E. R. Co., 
219. 

W^illiams, E. B., I, 354. 

Williams, Lt.-Col. J. M., colonel of colored 
troops in Kansas, request by the gover- 
nor tor his removal, II, 328. 

Williams, John, correspondence with, II, 
341, 426, 588, 580; telcfiram to, regardin,^' 
withdrawal of trooi)8 from East Tennes- 
see, 426. 

Williams, Overton, estate of, I, 110. 

Williamsburg, question of communication 
between White House aud, II, 193. 

Williamson, Elizabeth, I, 64. 

Williamson, Hugh, votes for prohibition of 
slavery in Northwest Territory, I, 600. 

Williamsport, Banks's retreat to, II, 166, 
Maj.-Geu. Banks at, 170, 171, 174; Jackson 
crosses the Potomac at, 233; the enemy 
crossing the Potomac at, 3.53, 367; Lee's 
position near, 367 ; possibilities of Meade's 
action with Lee at, 377. 

■Willich, Gen., news brought in by, II, 334. 

Wilmington, N. C, expedition to, II, 623, 
627 ; port of, declared closed, 670. 

■Wilmot, David, author of the Wilmot Pro- 
viso, I, 184. 

Wilmot Proviso, Gen. Taylor's position on, 
I, 136, 138 ; origin of, 184 ; Lincoln's votes 
for, 218, 515; Lovejoy's resolutions in re- 
gard to, 325 ; application claimed by the 
Republican Party, 337 ; indorsed by con- 
vention at Ka.pervilJe, 354. 

Wilson, Charles L., I, 236-238. 

Wilson, Gen. Edwin C, letter to, I, 666. 

■Wilson, Henry, I, 317, II, 234. 

Wilson, James, ease against Campbell, 1, 96. 

Wilson, J. L., sijiiis cull for Whig Conven- 
tion at Springtield. 1851, I, 167. 

Wilson, Maj., murder of, II, 600. 

Wilton, Henry, complaint of partizanship 
against, I, 51, 52. 

Winchester, 111., Douglas's early life in, I. 
281. 

■Winchester, 'Va., reinforcements for Man- 
assas from, II, IIG; Biinks's position near, 
142; inquiry regarding Confeilcnite move- 
ments near, 158 ; tigliting between Banks 
and Ewell near, ir.O; Banks at, 160, 177; 
danger of sudden at tack at, 161 ; danger to 
Banks's stores and trains at, 161 ; Banks's 
retreat to, 102; Banks's race witli tlie Con- 
federates for, 163; Banks defeated at. 163; 
Ewell and Jackson near, 168; Confc^derate 
operations near, 169 ; Jackson between 
Charlestown and, 169; danger to Fremont 
fi'om enemy at, 171 ; estimate of Confed- 
erate force ;it, 171 ; .Tackson's force at, 171 ; 
Confederate jtosition near, 173; Sliields's 
engagement ne;ir, 174 ; orders to Fremont 
regarding movement toward, 179; Sigel 
at, 179, 183; task of keeping .lackson from 
returningto, 180; >1(( 'Icllan recommended 
to tiiclit at, 24('>; condition of railroad from 
Harper's Ferry to, 246; McClellan's diffi- 
culties in subsisting his army at, 246 ; Gen. 
Schenck ordered to Milroy's relief at, 352 ; 



inquiry addressed to Hooker concerning 
Ewell's position at, 352; Milroy sur- 
rouncled at, 352; conunnnication with 
Martinsburg and Ilarjier's Ferry cut oflf, 
352; in possession of tlu; cneni.N, 353; be- 
sieged, 353; Gen. Milroy's defeat at, 359; 
Gen. Milroy ordered to retreat to Harjier's 
Ferry froni, 359 ; ilalleck's feais for safety 
of Milroy'sdivision at, 431); loss of Milroy's 
division" near, 430, 431 ; Sheridan's victory 
at, 578; Maj. -Gen. Hancock at, 664. 

■Winslow, Capt. John A., recommended for 
thanks of Congress, II, 603. 

Winston, F. S., letter to, July 14, 1862,11, 
208. 

Winston, Dr., desires to go to General 
Grant, II, 523. 

■Winthrop, R. C, nominated for Speaker of 
House of Representati\'es, I, ;)6. 

Wirt County, ^Va., exceided from insurrec- 
tion proclaniation, II, 195. 

Wisconsin, i)roiiosc(l cession of Illinois ter- 
ritory to, I, 39; opposed to Clay, 118; re- 
marks in U. S. House of Keprcsentatives, 
May 11, 1848, on admission to I'niou, 118- 
120; interested in MissLt^sipiii liiver im- 
provements, 125 ; formed from Xorf liwest- 
ern Territory, 181, 549; admission of, 182, 
549 ; influence of Ordinance of 1787 on, 565 ; 
early ownership of, 571 ; lack of U. S. cir- 
cuit court in, II, 98; governor of, requests 
the Presideut to call for volunteers, 194 ; 
a " slate " (or, 211 ; development of, 269 ; 
offer of troops from, 514, 515; national 
thanks to hundred-day troops of, 583 ; re- 
quest to governor of, to send returns of 
Presidential election, 602; Presidential 
election in, 613. 

Wisconsin State Agricultural Society, ad- 
dress before, at Milwaukee, I, 576-584. 

Wisconsin troops under Fremont, II, 84. 

Wofford, Brig., killed at Cblckamauga, II, 
412. 

Wolf, Maj., sentenced to death in retali- 
ation, II, 600. 

Wolford, Col. Frank, despatch to, concern- 
ing order of judge-advocate-general, II, 
558. 

Woman suffrage, opinion on, I, 7. 

■Woman's work, on, I, 525. 

Women, Lincoln's feelings toward, I, 16; 
ministrations to wounded soldiers, II, 
440; question of their passing the lines, 

.500. 

■Women of America, II, .500, 501. 

Wood, Fernando, letter from, regarding 
overtures from the South, II, 280, 281 ; let- 
ter to, 280, 281. 

Wood, Lieut. -Col., objections to his being 
made brigadier-general, II, 83. 

■Wood, John T., letter to, I, 667. 

■Woodbury, Levi, Secretary of Treasury, 1, 23. 

■Woodbury's Brigade, under McClellan's or- 
ders, II, 142. 

Wood County, 'Va., excepted from insur- 
rection proclamation, II, 195. 

Woodruff, T., indorsement of letter of, II, 
325. 

Wool, Gen. John E., letters to, on preserva- 
tion of the Union, I, 666 ; acting with Mc- 
Clellan, II, 142, 143; telegram fr(un Secre- 
tarv Stanton, 148; at Fortress Monroe, 
148; the I'residetlt with, 149 ; the road to 
Riclimond open to, 152 ; in coinniunication 
with r.urnside, 152 : sent to Fort ."Me Henry, 
174; his deiiartnient niirired into McClel- 
lan's, 174; (luestion of putting him under 
McClellan's control, 180, 181 ; troops from, 
forMcClellau, isi ; troops of. I'.i7 ; at Balti- 
more, 230; inquiry of, concerning Har- 
per's Ferry and Bragg, 230. 



770 



INDEX 



"Woolworth, Act. Lt.-Comdg. Selim E., rec- 
(iiiimeudc'd for tliauks of Cougress, II, 152. 

Worden, Lieut. John L., iuiprisomuent of, 
II, 70; i;;ill;Mitry in action between the 
Monitor ;\]id Mi-rrimac, 218; recommended 
for thanks of U. S. Conia-ess, 278. 

Working-men, basis of all governments, I, 
076. 

■Working-men of England, Senate resolution 
rcKardin^-, II, 312. 

Working-men of London, Eng., address 
from, II. 3(H ; letter to, Feb. 2, 1863, 308, 309. 

Working-men of Manchester, Eng., send ad- 
dress and resolutions to the President, II, 
301 ; letter to, 301, 302. 

Working-men's Association of New York, 
the President's lionorary membership in, 
11,501; replytoaenmiiiittee from, 501-503. 

Worthington, Col.T., desires to visit Grant, 
II, 569. 

Wright, A. R., claim for cotton destroyed 
by Federal army, II, COO; telenram to, 600. 

Wright, Craft J., "scheme for f,'-ettinK cotton 
from within the rebel lines, II, 168 ; letter 
to, 468. 

Wright, Dr. David M., sentenced to deatli 
for murder, II, 401 ; inquiry into his san- 
ity, 101, 105. 

■Wright, Gen. H. G., telegrams to, II, 230, 
232, 236; infiuiry of, concerning vrhere- 
abouts of Bragg, 230; at Clincinnati, 230, 
232, 236 ; withdrawal of troops from Louis- 
ville by, 232 ; Halleck telegraphs to, 233 ; 
responsible for Louisville, 233 ; despatch 
from, 236 ; movements for defense of 
Washington, .547; relations with Gen. 
Hunter, 549, 550 ; breaks the enemy's lines, 
667. 

■Wright, Joseph A., letter to, II, 218; asked 
to stand for the Terre Haute district, 218 ; 
reports on Hamburg agi-icultural exhibi- 
tion, 473. 

"Wright, Silas, 1,130; drafts first Subtrea- 
surv bill, 22. 

■Writing, on the art of, I, 525-527. 

■Wyoming County, excepted from Insurrec- 
tion proclamation, II, 195. 



■Yates, Richard, governor of Illinois, II, 515 ; 
votes for Washington Territorial law, 207 ; 
candidate lor Congress in 1854, 301, 644; 
Lincoln's la))ors iu his campaign, 644; tel- 
egram to, 144 ; requests the President 
to call for volunteers, 194 ; letter from, in 
behalf of Gen. McClernand, 387; reports 
insurrection in Edgar County, 111., 491 ; 
telegram to, respecting hundred-day 
troops, 524. 

Yates, William, letter to, II, 341. 

Yazoo Pass expedition, success of the, II, 
368. 

Yeatman, James, Gen. Grant's opinion of, 
II. 665. 

Yeddo, Japan, destruction of the U. S. Le- 
gation residence at, II, 447. 

Yocum, , case of, II, ,500; referred to 

Secretary Stanton, 600, 601. 

York County, Va., excepted from declara- 
tion of Virginia's state of rebellion, Jan. 
1, 1863, II, 288. 

York River, proposed movements on the, II, 
120, 154, 187, 188. 

Yorktown, 'Va., pi-oposed operations at, II, 
142; question of garrisoning, with colored 
troops, 298; port of, declared closed, 670. 

Young, Judge , U. S. senator from Illi- 
nois, I, 76 ; opposition to Whig measures, 
76. 

Young, Capt. Francis G., letter to Gen. Mc- 
Clellan regarding, II, 107. 

Young, John S., sentenced to death, II, 621. 

Young men, their importance in politics, I, 
131, 134, 135. 

Young Men's Lyceum, Springfield, HI., ad- 
dress before, Jan. 27, 1837, 1, 9-15. 

Zagonyi, Col. Chas., bearer of despatches 

from Fremont, II, 181. 
Zollicoffer, Gen. F. K.. operations around 

Cumberland, Gap, II, 83; Thomas and 

Sherman to watch, 84. 
Zwizler, Lewis, I, 131. 

, letters to, I, 160, 631, 633, II, 10, 625. 



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